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WACO DAILY NEWS, FEBRUARY 27 I892.
jMmWiwiwW'www "' ! wui wiii Mil mmm THE FIRST C-I Firod by Judge Clark at Woathor ford Today. Thousands of Pooplo Listen to His Speech. An Ablo and Masterly Effort By Our Warwick. The Hogg Administration tinea Eull of Holes. gpccislto Tlio News: Weatiieiuoiid, Feb. 27. Judgo Clark spoke hero today to tho largest crowd over seen in Weatherford. The crowd was full of enthusiasm and frequently went wild with applause. Judge Clark's speech was us follows: Fellow Citizens: It is said that after the charge at Balaklava, and which resulted in the useless loss of manv brave and valuable men, the cry went up from the army as the remnant retreated back to its lines, "somebody has blundered." And so, when we look abroad at this fair land, and recall the many wonderful advan tages vouchsafed to us by a kind Providence, and which ought to make us the freest and happiest and most prosperous people upon earth, and realize the stagnation around us, the prostration of trade, the loss of confi dence, the oppression of labor, the destruction of investments, the arrest of progress and tho general devasta tion and ruin which rises up before our vision, that same cry repeated by the English soldiery, might well be repeated now with reference to Texas, for "somebody has blundered." Texas, to-day, ought to stand among tho sisterhood of states the brighest and most peerless star in the galaxy. God has done for us more than we could have asked. He has given us a land fruitful beyond computation, an atmosphere more genial than any enjoyed by the children of men and a people who will compare most favor ably with the best, the bravest and the truest of which history eives ac count. And yet, no thoughtful citi zen of the state, who respects his rep utation for veracity, can say aud say truthfully, that Texas is prosperous to-day. For some reason her devel opment has been arrested, prosperity has left her borders, stagnation and blight have come upon her people, her agriculture is depressed, her labor fails to find remunerative employment, her money is garnered in banks, her people are distressed beyond meas ure. And yet she is tho banner Democratic state of the union. It is to be supposed that her government and her laws are based upon Demo cratic principles, If these principles and their application have produced these results as legitimate consequen ces, I do not hesitate to say for my sell, that I am ready to abandon any party which advocates them. If a strict adhearance to the teachings of Thomas Jefferson have resulted in prostrating these people and bringing them to their political and commer cial ruin, causing desolation to sit upon their hearthstones and sadness to rest in their hearts, theso principles have been erroneous and ought to be abandoned by a free people. But, if, on the contrary, this result has been attained by an evasion or a pervers ion of those principles, we cannot go back too soon to their reassertion, and ought not to neglect or forego any effort until they are re-established as the land marks of our government. For one, I do not hesitate to say, and I believe it with a fervor equal to that of an enthusiast, that all the evils and all the ills under which our peo ple now suffer, come from a departure fion the true principles of democratic government as taught by the fathers of the republic, and that we can trace every well founded complaint uttered by any man or by any class in our midst, to a neglect, either from ignor ance or design, of these principles which must be the essential bases of every well organized republic. The trouble has been, fellow citi zens, that in our mad rush for wealth and for power and for office, we have not been careful to observe the tiue land marks aud the true principles of genuine liberty in our country. Too frequently we have been disposed to sacrifice principle for expendiency, to base our political action upon what we thought might win and not upon what we thought was right. And the result has been that our platforms of party principles have become pa per promises, aud their fulfillment has been usnylly postponed to some more convenient season so as to evade responsibility, or to retain place. It is time, my fellow citizens, that we should call a halt on this line of poli tical action. If we are a party of principles we must assert theso prin ciples, and not only stand by them, but be ready to fall with them and for them. If we are a party of trimmers, the sooner we acsnowledge it and disintegrate, the better for ourselves and the country. In so far as the govermental evils under which wo are laboring may come from federal sources, every Democrat can very well congratulate himself that we as a party cannot be chargeable therewith, for we have not had possession of this government for thirty years. It is true we have not done all that we should have done to abolish that sys tem of legislation which has precipi tated these evils upon the coui.try, and our sins of omission may bo many, but except in rare instances, no sin of commission can be properly laid at our door. I say except in rare instances, becauso we are not al toeether blameless even upon this basis. Somoofthe most advanced steps toward centralism in our gov-i ernment have been precipitated upon the country through Democratic in strumentality. I allude to the inter state commerce law and the oleomar gerine law but I do so not with the inspiration of carping criticism, but simply as illustrative of the tenden cies of the times and of the broad road we are traveling to destruction I have no desire or intention to enter upon the question of lederal politics, neither does it concern me in this camoaicn who shall be president. I have already spoken upon Federal questions with no uncertain sound, and, and I retire those issues here and now with tho simple remark, tlut notwithstanding any mistakes of tho Democratic party, I decline to join in any rebelion against the organization of the party, and expect to support its nominees most heartily, no matter who they may bo. lam here to-day to discuss Texas interest? solely, to join issue with those who have been in power in Texas for two years past, and to lay before you my views ol the situation and tho tendencies of legisla tion, in order that with joint counsels we may improve our condition. I am here as a candidate lor governor in opposition to the candidacy of the Hon. James S. Hogg, the present in cumbent of that office. I am not here to abuse him personally, or to say ought against him in so far as he as an individual is concerned. With his personality I have no concern. I propose to deal only with his public acts as a servant of the people. And I am candid enough to say to you, that if, as governor of Texas, he has proved faithful in all things; if he has upheld and protected your constitu tion; if he has .faithfully and unsel fishly administered your laws; if he has so acted as to manifest that he has regarded your former confidence as a sacrea trust to do administered solely for the public benefit and not as a personal chattel to be used in the interest and for the behoof of himself and his chosen friends; and if, under his administration, content ment and prosperity have come to your homes, aud happiness reigns upon your hearthstones, you would be an unwise people to demand his retirement in behalf of any other cani datj, for ho would be entitled to a re nomination and a re-election at your hands. If, however, ho has proved unfaithful; if he has disregarded your constitution, either through design or ignorance; if he has administered your public affairs as if they wero pri vate property belonging to himself and to be used only for the benefit aud advancement of himself and his friends; and if, under his rule, and as a consequence thereof, prosperity has spread her wings and sailed away to other lands, leaving behind her many hopeless hearts and ruined homes and a general prostration of material and commercial advancement, then you woald be equally unwise if you did not demand an immediate change in that office. There can be littlo of sentiment in your decision, fellow citizens. The question is purely practical. Individ uals or individual interests, so far as the iucumbency of public office is con cerned, count as an'.infinitesimal quan tity when compared with the welfare of a whole people; and tho unwritten law ol a mere custom cannot outweigh the public security and the public in terests. That under ordinary condi tions It has been a party custom with us to continue a governor in office for two terms is not pregnant even with the suggestion that this custom must be observed to our own detriment. If the present governor of Texas de serves a second term at your hands, lit will receive it; if measured by his public acts, he fails to come up to this standard, he ought not to receive it. This is tho sole question for your decision. I am not vain enough Lto assume that even the governor or myself are indispensable to Texas or to the party. Doubtless there are other citizens of the state who could serve her better than either. Indeed a wail comes from some sources that neither of us are desirable in the present emergency. But, nevertheless, the governor and myself are here, and circumstances have made us oppos ing candidates for the highest office within your gift. Speaking for niv self, and, knowing the governor as I do, I think also I could speak for him in thisjjehalf. We have entered upon this race because we are proud to represent opposing ideas in govern ment; and so far as I am concerned, I will add and the governor can speak for himself when he addresses the people that I am not a candidate for my health, nor am I a candidate m behalf of any one else, nor have I any idea of waving my claims (if claims I have) for the benefit and advantage of some fellow who is sitting in the grass waiting for nominating lightning to strike him. There is no room in this raco for a politician of the neuter gender. There is no special demand at this juncture for the appearance of some pliant fellow who happens to be made at a time when backbones had given out and the Lord used a jelly fish for the purpose of supplying that portion of his anatomy. There will be no room in this fight for a hybrid ticket composed of a Chinaman and a linger. This is a c ntest of ideas; it is a battle of principles, and it will be fought to a finish before the people of Texas between Governor Hogg and myself, regardless of dark horses or any other kind of a sable animal. The governor will want to be re-elected on the principles and policies represented by his administration, and I will seek the same high honor upon the princi ples I advocate. The advantage if advantage it be that I hold over him, is that his day for promises has passed, and he must now be judged by his proformances; his public acts are now on trial before you, fellow citizens, and his past promises are useful only for purposes of compari son. The day of undue passion and excitement, of angry prejudices aroused, or harsh words spoken be cause of intolerance of opinion, of false hopes excited by promises in capable of fulfillment, have all passed thank God, never to return I hope, and we stand to-day amid a peaceful atmosphere with the clear sunlight beaming upon us in full effulgence, enabling us to search all places and find the Hying truth. That the condition of Texas has changed within the past two yoars, and changed for the worse, no man can deny. Her people are burdened as they never were before; hei mate rial development is arrested; new en terprises are hardly discussed, much less projected and executed; her farm ers in great measure are impoverished; her laborers are without employment; her commerce and business is siag nant, and nearly two-thirds of the state still awaits development. Only two years ago your retiring executive congratulated the state in his farewell message upon the flattering measure of prosperity which then obtained with our people. To day a blight seems to have settled upon us and prosperity is a reminiscence. Our lands, the chief basis of our wealth and our credit, by name of constant attack upon the titles are unsalable and unpledgable, and our banks only are possessed of nny money. The laboring masses are crying aloud for some relief, and even the accumula tions of the rich are taking wings and flying away, we know not how, wo know not where. Money, which moves the world, comes to us n ) more, and the little we dig out of the ground leaves us as wo reach out our hands to grasp it. This condition of stagnation comes with peculiar hard ship upon the poor. Usually wealth is not affected by such depression; it is always able to take care of itself, and capital, when unprotected or an tagonized, seems to possess wings with which it can fly to other lands and here enable its possessors to revel in their accustomed luxuries, but the poor must remain and starve, for they havo no other alternative. If it be a crime on the part of govern ment to oppress capital, how much more grievous, how much more dam nable is it when by means of such op pression it lays its heavy hand upon abor, for labor cannot live without employment, and stagnation means for it starvation Now it would be unjust to charge the whole responsibility for this condition of affai s upon the present administration in Texas. It comes from several causes; from a scarcity of circulation; from the rob bery of a tariff which ruthlessly tram ples us under foot for the benefit of a favored few, and deprives us of the power of making exchanges of our products for the products of other countries who wish to trade with us and to buy of us; and it comes also from an organized system of robbery under various guises by which, under U12 forms of legislation the functions of our government have been per verted to the accomplishment of pri vate ends and for private gams. But the chief cause, so tar as Texas is concerned, is attributable to our own notion. We have passed through similar emergencies in the past, but without such conditions as confront us to-day. Tho crash ofl873 found Texas prosperous, and its effects were scarcely perceptible here, because the prostration in other lands and in other states coupied with the liberal laws and inducements then held out by Texas to the world, brought to us a tide of population and a flow of capital for investment, which enabled our people to secure prosperity with out beiig reminded of the fact that other states and other countries less fortunately situated were suffering serious evil. To-day the slates of the north and of the east and of the west and of the northwest are prosperous and their people contented; even from some states of the desolated South and Southwest conies no wail of discon tent. But Texas, which before sur passed all of her sisters in the rapidity of her development and building up, stands to day the chief sufferer; and for what? Because, in an evil hour, we listened to the demagogue and forgot our wisdom. Our peoplo were taught to believe that those who came among us to help us build up the state, were public enemies and ought to be in our penitentiaries. They were taught to believe by designing and unscrupulous partisans that the chief function of the railroads of the state was to rob the people of their substance and that they were rioting in their illgotten wealth, when a slight investigation would have convinced the most skeptical what yaur com mission already admits that three fourths of the railroad mileage of the state was bankrupt. It was charged that the stock of the railroads had been watered and that the people were being taxed in order to pay div idends on watered stock, when m truth and in fact, as is well known to day, there had never been a railroad in Texas that ever paid one dollar of dividend on its stock. They we're told that bonds to an unlimited amount had been issued upon the mileage of the railroads and that in order to pay the interest on these bonds the people were being ground to the earth by exorbitant rates levied upon tuem by tnese unscrupulous carriers. And yet there was scarce a railroad in the stato that paid its inter est on anything except the first mort gage bonds and usually upon the basis of about $ I8,ooo to the mile, cheaper than the road could be built at the present time. They were told and the apprehension filled them with alarm, that aliens were swarming upon uh, individuals and corporations were seizing upon and gradually ab sorbing the lands of the state so as to deprive our people of their homes; when as a matter of fact, if there was one thing above another which an alien did not want, it was Texas land. And the people grew desperate while reflecting upon these evils so greatly magnified and entered upon a career of legislation which scarce has a paral lel in the history of republican com monwealth. We threw behind us in our efforts to reach a remedy and a preventive, for evils many of which were imaginary, principles of govern ment sanctified by the blood and efforts of our ancestors in their strug gles for liberty, and the effort of our action has been only to vindicate in lines of sorrow the soundness of these principles. We proclaimed to -the world by our yotes that we did not want other people's money to come here and help us develop this great land, and other people have kept their money at home. We announced in a manner equally official and au thoritative that we believe railroads were a curso to the country, and we wanted no more of them built, and the world has taken us at our word and has not built any more for us. No Texan has ever been found foolish enough to put much of his money in a Texas railroad, and the yankee has been equally as smart as the Texan, lor thoro is nut little Yankee monoy in a Texas railroad They had better use for thoir nionov up in the Hast aud s.o they prevailed upon tho alien o come and put his money in railroads horo through thorn, nnd tho railroad tniloago of Texas ropresents to a great degrco the confidence of tho nlicn. Tho Eastern man had better u?o for his money; ho kept it in thb shape of money so as to doprcdato upon ua whenever our crops began to move, auu inurooy no nns snown moro sa gacity than tho alien, for Yo doubles it pretty muoh every season oithor in interost or in speculation. And in order to sec that hn is duly fostered and encouraged in his deprcdationH, wo passea an alien laud law which has resulted only in driving tho alien from us, and preventing him from dealing directly with us, and onabling tho Yankee to borrow tho alien's money at four por cent, and lend it to ub at ten. Tho logio of Governor Hogg's oloolion two years ago was tho culmi nation of a series of aggressions upon capital which had been invited hero for investment undor n guarantoo of protection. It was the closing act of a long war inaugurated for , political purposes, and its result has cost Toxas and her people many, many millions of dollars. T am not hero for tho purposo of de fending railroads, for they have abler men than myself employed for that purposo. I have no connection with them and no special interest in them, exoopt in so far as their intorest may comport with tho interest of the peoplo of Texas, llocent lessons in govern ment have taught us that theso inter ests aro reciprocal and inter-dopend-cut, and that a blow aimed at one will necessarily recoil upon tho othor. Texas oinnot destroy her railroads without bringing ruin upon hor poo pic, no moro than sho could destroy hor peoplo without injury to lir rail roads. Wo aro in tlio samo boat and must float or sink togothcr. There was no necessity, follow-oiti-zciih, for a disturbance of buBinoss or a terrorism of investments from tho p'lssago of a commission law or an alien land law. Othor Statos havo these laws upon thoir statuto books which hnvo worked no sorious detriment to their people, but not suoh laws as Gov. Hogg recommended and approved. Tho administration of railroud affairs by a commission is not necessarily hurtful to the railroads or to the State if conservatism prevails in our legislation and administration. It was promisod us two years ago by those who felt that tho problem of railway control was unBolvablo exoopt IIIIUULIII L1IU IU1II1 Ul II VIIUIUJIOOtUU, that no radicalism should obtain in our legislation and that thoso of us who wore distrustful of the plan wero unnecessarily alarmed. But the result has more than vindicated tho gravity of tho apprehension, aud we have, to day, upon tho Statuto Hook of Texas, a constitutional monstrosity in tho shapo of law as the result of our ox neinuout. I undertuko to say as a lawyer, and if tho test is ovor applied in any court, I am willing to submit my vindication to the judgment of tho Court, that this commission law, un dor whioh eight thousand live hun drod miles of railroad is being oper ated, managed and controlled to day in Toxas, will not stand ouo hour of judicial scrutiny in tho Supremo Court of Texas on aooount of its violation in many provisions of both our State and Federal constitutions. That it 1ms not been attacked ih due, porhaps, as much to my own efforts as to any othor oause, for my advico has been to theso pooplo to obey tho law and trust to tho justice of the pooplo of Texas foraromody. I havo told them that tho peoplo of Texas aro a liberal poo ple and a just people; und that thoy would not tolorato wrong on thoir own part whon discovered. And if ir could be made to appear to them that gross injuiiico was boing done uny person or any intorest thoy would bo more prompt to remedy that injuetioo at tho ballot box than would a court, and the remedy they applied would be moro cflloaoiouB. This commission law is not tho result of tho matured judguiont of your Jaw makers. It was drivon through the LogiBlaturo under whip and spur, and few of tho luoin bors undorstood its provisions or their effect. It came as tho ultimatum of tho Govornor, and waB so announced and understood upon tho flour of botu Houses of tho Legislature. It wen deolared that its ainnudment would not bo tolerated; that the Governor, being responsible for the commission, domanded this law or nothing, and tho LegiBlaturo yiold-d its judgment and passed tho law. Other measures wero propoaod far moro Htatosmaulike far moro just and moro free from oonsti-