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The National Prohibitionist
Published leery Thurtdsy st 87 Washington Straet, Chicago The Heme Defender Publishing Co., Publishers Subscription Price One Dollar Per Year IMPORTANT NOTICE: Subscriptions should be paid for by Express or Postofflce Money Or der, draft or check. All remittances for this paper should be made payable to The National Prohibitionist. This Is for business convenience. All letters of business character, pertaining to subscriptions, advertisements or other matters, should be addressed The National Prohibition ist, 87 Washington street, Chicago. All matter Intended for publication or relating to the edi torial department should be addressed “Editor of The National Prohibitionist, 87 Washington street, Chicago.” No business communications should he mixed with matters intended for pub lication. This inevitably produces delay. When ever possible, business matters and matters in tended for the eye of the editor should he en closed In separate envelopes, and, in any event, should be written npon separate sheets. Entered ss aecend-clsM sutler, Nev. II, 1MT, st the postoCce st CUcsge, I1L, under Act ef Csmgress sf March 8, 1878. Chicago, March 12, 1908 WHAT CAN WE DO? A correspondent writes: “The National Prohibitionist is constantly ex horting Prohibitionists to do something for the cause. We need something more than the ex hortation. Many of us, like myself, lone farmers almost the sole representative of the party in the community, find ourselves unable to do anything worthy of consideration. Cannot The National Prohibitionist give us suggestions and working outlines ?” Hie request is reasonable and we attempt to comply. Let us assume a lone Prohibitionist, living in a small village or a country community, with no Prohibitionists as neighbors, with modest means and without an abundance of leisure time. What can he do ? In the first place, it seems to us a prime essential that this Prohibitionist should get and keep in touch with the Prohibi tion movement by reading the national Pro hibition paper. We need not emphasize this. The importance of it will appeal to everyone. Next, it seems to us essential that the state Prohibition paper, if there is one, should be taken and carefully read. It may not be all that could be desired as a Prohi bition organ. It is probably made by some enthusiast, at great sacrifice, and shows the marks thereof. But it is the best means available of keeping in touch with the work in the state; and if our friend is going to try to do his duty as a Prohibitionist, he must he in touch with the state work. Next, the Prohibitionist who is seeking for ;i chance to do something, ouglit to con sider the question of contributions to na tional and state work. We have assumed that he is of modest means, and large con tributions are not to be expected, but the modest contribution which he can give is essential, both for the aid that it will give the work and for the reflex influence (hat it will have upon him. Even wdien it seems “ridiculously small,” it ought to be given. If the national committee could have today all of the “ridiculously small” contributions which are withheld because they do look so small, it would settle the financial question for the committee for months to come. A contribution, then, even if ib be small and given at the cost of sacrifice, should be made to the national committee and the state committee should not be forgotten. The needs of our state committees are frequently as pressing as the needs of the national com mittee. Attention may now be turned to the local organization. We might have suggested that it begin there, but for the fact that be ginning there would sometimes mean chill and discouragement. The county chairman should be looked up and got in touch with. Here, again, there may be need for a contribution to help pay a harassing old debt or to begin needed work. The chances are too, that the county chairman is in need of a local repre sentative, a town or precinct committeeman in your locality and you ought not to shirk trom undertaking the duties of that work. This being done, you can begin to look about you for opportunities for what you may call personal service. In all probability, some of your neighbors are, at least, friendly toward the Prohibition movement. Per haps not a few of them are merely waiting the suggestion to aline themselves with the Prohibition party. If you will get the of ficial election returns you may find that some of your neighbors are voting the Prohibition ticket. Perhaps your next-door neighbor has been voting the ticket for years and you have never known it. Talk with your neigh bors, find out their standing on the subject, make thoughtful suggestions to them and get them to thinking. It will be in order, then, for you to try to get some of your neighbors to reading about the Prohibition question. In very plain, matter-of-fact way, put the question before them. Bemind them of the impor tance of the Prohibition issue; remind them that unless they read a Prohibition paper they get nothing reliable about it. Offer to act as their agent in forwarding their sub scription. This work, tactfully done, will give you a group of neighbors who are reading about the Prohibition question, within a few weeks, and, when they begin to read, you will be surprised to see how quickly they will come to you with suggestions and comments upon the question. Then you can work up some meetings. In the church or the Grange hall or the school house, or, perhaps, in somebody’s home you can have a Prohibition meeting. It may be that some of the pastors will be very glad to address such a meeting for you, if you give them the invitation. Your county chairman may be a speaker and willing to come and deliver an address. If a speaker is not obtainable a program may be made up, some songs and recitations by the young people. Some of the best and most effective meetings held are arranged in this way. All this is very commonplace, very feas ble, within the reach of anyone, but this is an outline of method by which we can have effective Prohibition work done in every country community and every hamlet of the nation. IS THERE DANGER.? “Is there,” writes a correspondent, “any danger that the present Prohibition wave may recede without the accomplishment of substantial and lasting Prohibition reform ?” We answer, without hesitation: There is, and the danger lies in a quarter largely un suspected. The Prohibition movement of today can not be beaten by the frauds and misrepre sentations of the liquor traffic, tremendous as the traffic system of fraud and misrepre sentation is. Judged from the number of periodicals open to the presentation of the argument from the two sides, judged from the means at hand to buy and bribe news papers and magazines, the liquor traffic has an almost limitless advantage, but the American people at heart are fair, at heart are honest seekers after truth and ultimately will have the truth in this, as in other mat ters. Misrepresentation and fraud will not kill the Prohibition movement. The Prohibition movement cannot be killed by violent opposition. It has as little today to fear from the campaign of “meat axes and pitchforks” as it had in the old time when Senator Foraker first enunciated that policy. The most extreme violence of * opposition is rather to be welcomed than tb be feared. In discussion and agitation, our cause is strong. The cause is in danger only along the line of concessions. Just as it was in the eigh ties, when the Prohibition movement grew strong, so we find it again today. The liquor traffic is willing to grant almost any thing. The saloon-fed politician is in haste to find what the Prohibitionist wants and give him pretty nearly what he wants. Just as in the eighties we had increase of license fees, additional stringency of regulation, wider extension of local option privileges and the submission of Prohibition amend ments in state after state, so we have it again today. If the Prohibitionist can be made to forget the main point at issue, if lie can be made to content himself, even for a season, with local option victories, with ostensible improvements of the saloon and with a chance to fight a heads-I-win-tails you-lose battle in this or that state, over the submission of Prohibition to a popular vote —if this can be brought to pass, then the Prohibition movement can be checked. Upon the other hand, if the Prohibition ist will stand fast by his contention, will perpetually insist upon, reiterate and force to the front the idea of absolute, national Prohibition, if he will resolutely turn away from every sidetrack and ignore every sub sidiary issue, there is no possibility of stop ping the Prohibition movement and no danger regarding the success of the Pro hibition reform. ''w ANARCHY AND ANARCHY History tells ns that in old Rome, when the vices of the emperors and the patricians began to attract too much attention, from the people and to create a feeling of unrest.