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The Semi-Weekly Journal. Eetsred at the attests Poatofflce aa Mall Mat ter ot the S»<o«d Cis**- JAMES R- GRAY. Editor and General Manager. SUBSCRIPTION PRICE- Twelve month* | Six smolUs £ ; "~TLe Serai Weekly Journal is published o» | TaeeCay and Friday, and to mailed by ttee short eat roetea tor early dellverr. tl contains news from all over the world. arvMbt by special leased wires into onrotncr. ft has a staff of distinguished contributor*, with strvcg deuartmeuts of special value to tbo home and tbe farm. Agents wanted at every postoffice. Liberal eoouttUsloa allowed. Outfit free. The only traveling repreeen tat ires we bare ate J. A. Bryan. B. F. Bolton. C. Coy **: W IL GBreath and J. H Barnhart. We wi'l be responsible only far money paid to the above named traveling representatives _____ TUESDAY. FEBRUARY 2. I*B ■■ "i A .. '1 ■ ■ - - • -- ♦O-OWWWW ♦ NOTICE TO SUBSCRIBERS* ♦ The label used for addressing ♦ ♦ your paper shows tbs time your ♦ ♦ subscription expires. By renewing ♦ ♦ at least two weeks before the date ♦ w on this label, you insure regular ♦ ♦ service. ♦ ♦ In ordering paper changed, be ♦ ♦ sure to mention you old. as well ss ♦ ♦ your new. address. If on a rural ♦ ♦ route, please give the route num- ♦ ♦ ber ♦ ♦ We cannot enter subscriptions to ♦ ♦ begin with back numbers. Remit- ♦ ♦ tance should be sent by postal ♦ ♦ order, or registered mail. ♦ ♦ Address al’ orders ar.d notices ♦ ♦ for this department to THE SEMI- ♦ ♦ WEEKLY JOURNAL. Atlanta. Ga. ♦ THE REPUBLIC’S HEROIC CAPTAIN. All the heroism of the sea has not perished before the on-coming of *the age of steam and commercialism and wireless. The dosing scenes of the wreck of the White Star liner Republic were as thrilling as anything in the novels of Marryat. The fidelity with which the wire less operator, “Jade” Binns, stuck to bls post has already been discussed at length, and now Captain Sealby and his first mate are the toast of the world. When all the passengers and the crew of the Republic had been safely transferred to the the captain refused to leave the ship, and the mate refused to leave hfs captain. The Republic was In a serious con dition. but the captain thought she ' ould be able to limp into port and resolutely stood by her. She had not proceeded far when she began to show signs of going down. Higher and higher rose the water, until the captain was forced to climb the mast to its very pin nacle. A few moments before the waves dosed over the big liner the mate leaped into the sea and suc ceeded in reaching a floating hatch/ The captain clung to the top of the mast until he was literally swept into the waves. For some reason the suction was not great as the ship went down.gsr both captain and mat 4 would have been swept into the fatal whirlpool. In the last moments the captain fired signals of distress from his revolver, the towing hawser was cut, and the life boats launched to resctie them. Both men had literally glyen death the dare, in order to save their vessel If possible. The pirates and the galleons of Spain are gone; the solitude of the sea Is a thing of the past, in these days when the wide waters are alive with vessels. But the old heroism has not entirely passed away and the bravery of such men as Inman Sealby and Mate Williams is a source of Inspiration THE KAISER’S VENGEANCE. The emperor of Germany has taken a fearful vengeance upon his people for the freedom with which they re cently criticised him on account of that interview he gave out to the London Telegraph. It will be recalled that press and people alike Indulged in remarks which would have brought down upon them a life term of imprison ment during the good old days when leee majeate was in full force. It was enough to make old Metternich turn over tn his grave that the press of Europe should have spoken so freely of the Lord's anointed. Ths kaiser went into his shell. He e any more dramas or any more poems or give out any new cooking recipes. He didn't make any "blue water'* speeches about the future of Germany lying on the sea. He stood apart, wrapped in the soli tude of his own originality. He was meditating what form his resentment would take. He has finally reached a decision, and it is that the court circular is to be abolished! Was ever such refinement of cru elty visited upon a great and loyal people? Henceforth it will be im possible to know what his imperial majesty had for breakfast until it leaks out through the cook. If a sneeze is heard from the windows of Pottsdam a whole nation may be thrown into indefinite suspense as to whether the kaiser has caught cold or is merely driving out the cat. if by any chance Maximilian Harden should be invited to tea to discuss the propriety of keeping a still tongue in a wise head, the veriest feint of the affair would not be allowed to penetrate to the out side world. The strenuous ruler might ride ninety-eight miles and leap « nine-barred gate, make a new draft of the “Earl King" and dash off an opera or so. and yet there would be no court circular to inform an expectant world of all these in teresting facts. It is dangerous to try to repress a kaiser. Starving for the court circular, his impulsive subjects now realise that fact. INFLUENCE OF THE TAFT SMILE. Now that Mr. Taft has left us and the round of speeches and banquets is over, we may take a more deliberate survey of the effects of his visit and of the attitude he will probably assume towards the south when he becomes president of tne united States. Political observers are wondering if the “Taft smile is to melt the last barrier of whatever kind which have existed between the south and the rest of the country. That smile is no mere figure of speech. It 18 the outward expression of a genial and kindly temperament and ft hM already done much towards winning for the distinguished Ohioan the highest office in tne gitt ot tne people. He brought it with him to Georgia and his every utterance in regard to the south was in accordance with that kindly and conciliator disposition. in his Atlanta speech he took the ground that a militant was necessary to keep the Republican party free from stagnation or cor ruption. He would not desire, if he could, to destroy the Democratic party. He also announced his intention of doing everything in his power to dissipate any sense ot alienism which the south might still feel and pledged himself to give the south a full share of participation in the affairs of the government. This attitude has made a good impiession on our people. It has aroused considerable discussion as to how far Mr. Taft will succeed in breaking up the solid south. The facts seem to be that the south is fully appreciative, but has not been stampeded by Mr. Tatt’s friendly overtures. It is conceivable that the last vestige ot sectionalism may pass away under the adminis tration of Air. Taft, but there is not the slightest danger that the traditional convictions on fundamental issues will be abandoned. It is not in obstinacy or resentment that the south has adhered to her inter pretations of the constitution and of the theory of government laid down by the fathers of the republic. We believe that a strong centralised government was one ot the evils against which the framers of the constitution most resolutely set their face, and that those evils are as present today as they have ever been. We believe that there should be a complete separation of the'powers ot the three departments of govern ment; that the rights of the states, so far as they have not been expressly delegated to the central government, should be jealously maintained. We believe that the political equality of the negro, for which he is intrinsically Incapable, leads to social equality, and that the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments ot the constitution will constitute a menace to our peace, prosperity and our highest development so long as they are unrepeaied. We believe that the growth of the protective tariff, under which such monster combinations as the steel trust have grown up, make the theory of protection to infant industries equally grotesque and disastrous. These are convictions deliberately formed and firmly maintained, not in any spirit of sectionalism, but. because the true conception of the government here in the south has been subject less to alien influences and the perverting effect of commercial self-interest. We are not prepared to deny that as the complexities of industry and commerce develop in the south and we become more and more a manufacturing people, special interests will look with growing favor on a protective tariff. "When self the wavering balance snakes, ’tie rarely right adjusted.” This feeling may grow to very considerable proportions. At the same time there is no more danger that the people of the south will alter their opinion on the other questions than that the order of the seasons will be changed. But by admitting the south into full participation in the affairs of the government; by surrounding himself with a due proportion of men from the south, without regard to anything except their fitness for the duties they are to discharge, Mr. Taft will bring a new era to our people for which they have waited long. The section of the country whose cotton enabled the government to resume specie payment after years of disaster and which every year draws from Europe through this crop alone half a billion dollars of foreign gold; the section which has stood shoulder to shoulder with the rest of the country in peace and war for more than forty years, strong in its loyalty, without recognition or reward, is entitled to participate in just measure in the affairs of the country, not merelj’ in the matter of patronage, but in shaping the policies to be pursued and in the enjoyment of the dignities of such participation. \ it is a splendid field which opens before the man who so recently came among us and apparently formed an affectionate attachment to our people. It is a sentiment which is heartily reciprocated. Within the limitations we have described, it will do much towards shaping the future position of the south and it will be better not merely for our own people but for our common country. ECONOMY OF GOOD ROADS. The Journal cheerfully co-operates in the movement which has been more or less spasmodical/ for a long time, and fortunately here In Georgia there has been an awakening on this subject which promises great reforms for the future. But it would surprise those who have not given careful study to the subject to know how heavy a tax bad roads are upon the general public and primarily upon the farmer. Austin P. Byrnes has written "A Treatise on Highways" which furnishes food for thought. He shows that there are about two million one hundred and fifty-five thousand miles of country highways in the United States over which the average cost ot hauling is twenty-five cents per ton mile. Compared with the roads of France. Germany and England, this Is out of all reasonable proportion. The cost of hauling a ton mile in those countries ranges trom seven cents over the excellent national highways ot France to thirteen cents over the worst roads of England. A fair average, therefore, would be twelve cents, or less than halt what it costs to haul a ton mite in this country. What does this mean to the farmers of the United States? The corn crop of this country for 1905-6 weighed more than nineteen million tons, and the haul was nine and four-tenths miles. At the average rate ot twenty-five cents over our bad roads this would amount to forty-four million eight hundred and forty-five thousand dollars. At the European rate of twelve cents per ton mile, it would have been but sjightly more than twenty-one millions and a half. In other words, there was a dead loss to our corn growers of more than twenty three million three hundred and nineteen thousand dollars. Farm products during the same fruitful year amounted to nearly eighty-five and a half billions of pounds. This aoes not include the products hauled to mills and back, truck products and fruits, nor the products of forests and mines. The saving on the other tonnage, however, would amount to fifty-two and a quarter million dollars. we are further told by Mr. Byrne that engineers have figured out that if a horse can barely draw a load on a level on steel rails, it would require one and a half horses to draw the same load on asphalt, three and a half over the best Belgian block, seven over good cobblestones, thirteen over bad cobblestones, twenty over an ordinary dirt road and forty over p sandy road. There are twenty-three million four hundred thousand horses and mules in this country, valuta at more than four billion, four hundred million dollars, it can readily be seen, therefore, that if under an improved system of public roads the crops could be hauled to market with one-fourth less the number of horses and mules, the farmers of the country could at once credit themselves with a cool billion of dollars. Ail this is without taking account of the saving through the reduction in repairs of wagons and harness, tor it is estimated that bad roads are responsible for the purchase of six hundred thousand farm wagons every year. Perhaps the most important consideration ot all is yet to come. And that is the Increase in the value of rural lands In the vicinity of good roads. It has been estimated that this increase would range from two to nine dollars per acre. There are eight hundred and forty million acres of farm lands in this country. Let us say that only one-half of them would be benefited by improved roads and that these would receive the benefit of the minimum amount, or two dollars an acre. That would mean a gain pf eight hundred and forty millions of dollars. Plain facts and figures like these, astounding in their totals, come nome to the understanding ot the people and make them realize how much it is costing them in money, aside trom the vexation and annoyance, to keep up a system of roads over which it costs twenty-live cents a ton mile to carry products to market. , There are still pther co nsiderations, aa the development of social life and culture by means of easier communication in the neighborhood ana tne greater ease with which the children can get to schools. But the material side alone should be sufficient to arouse us to the necessity of saving our part of that wanton waste in the cost of transportation The people of Georgia should take the lesson to heart. which is going on every year. THE ATLANTA SEMI-WEEKLY JOURNAL, ATLANTA, GEORGIA, TUESDAY. FEBRUARY 2, 1909. ROOSEVELTS LATEST SfUTOCRACY. The American people would find it difficult to restrain their impatience if the president of the united States had a longer tenure in which to exhibit the insolent and nigh-handed methods which he has adopted of late, as if in a very spirit of bravado. His petty despotism and autocracy reached a climax in his seizure of certain data In possession of the bureau of corporations which, it is supposed, would throw light on the deal by which the United States Steel corporation acquired the Tennessee Coal and Iron company with the approval of the president himself, although the merger was apparently In direct violation ot the anti-trust act. Herbert Knox smith, the commissioner of corporations In the department of commerce and labor, testified in unequivocal terms that the data he gathered for the president did not come under the head of ’‘confidential," which, according to law, the president could give out or not as he saw tit. it was simply general information to which congress is entitled on demand. Getting wind of the fact that the judiciary committee of the senate, in its investigation of the merger authorized by the president, would demand this data, Mr. Roosevelt, with his usual contempt for the legis lative branch ot the government and defiance of all conventions, boldly demanded that the commissioner of corporations should bundle up all this data and send it to him. This was done, and safely enclosed In well-sealed sacks, it now lies at the white house, while the president, In substance, cynically asks of congress, "What are you going to do about It?” He frankly confesses that he promised immunity to the steel trust if It wanted to go ahead and consummate the merger of the 'Tennessee Coal and Iron company, and in order to carry out his promise ot protection he openly defies the senate judiciary committee and the senate itself. The foundations of this republic are so firmly laid that assaults upon them in the past have only served to awaken an Indulgent smile. The long-haired anarchist and the political quacks of various kinds have stirred only a sort ot amused pity. The pillars of the state were so broad that no man gave himself any concern about the impotent ravings of this fanatic or that. But there is no governmental structure on earth which could sustain the persistent assaults which have been made upon our own by a man in the exalted station of President Roosevelt without feeling the effects of his revolutionary conduct. Like a blind Cyclops he has been striking to right and to left of him, as if he wished to round out a dramatic administration by something supremely spectacular and audacious. He has apparently delighted in giving a shock to precedents aud traditions. He began to using the influence of his position as a campaign asset, and In the methods he adopted he was no whit superior to the ward politicians and the party bosses. He indulged in bitter personali ties toward Mr. Bryan and other leading Democrats and dragged the chief magistracy into the political gutter. He sent to congress a message containing the most amazing charges ever preferred, in modern times, by one branch of government against another, in which he accused the members of congress with being at least the beneficiaries ot crime. Called upon to explain, he was more insolent and more insulting than before. He has instituted proceedings against a newspaper for criminal libel against himself and the government, without warrant ot any known law and in violation ot many that are well known. The defendant and witnesses were summoned without being informed as to who lodged the complaint against them and what law they were alleged to have violated. After perverting the secret service trom the only function recognized by law, he attempted to justify his use of this branch by revealing the fruits of its investigation, and in doing so make a wanton attack upon the personal integrity ot a member ot the United States senate. With an assumption of authority dangerous in the extreme, he promised immunity to one ot the great trusts of the world if It saw fit to aoquire property in apparent violation of the laws made to restrain that very thing. And now that there is reason to believe that the steel trust merger was a stock-jobbing affair; now that the senate insists upon having the facts, in order that this cloud of suspicion may be cleared away, he lays violent (lands upon the government archives, carries them to the white house, where be keeps them under lock and key, and to all inquiries, simply says, "How are you going to help yourself.” Such a rain of blows upon the structure of the republic; such arbitrary and repeated assumptions of authority on the part of the executive branch of the government, cannot fail to have its effect. It is not sublime as a coup d’etat. There is nothing heroic in its magnitude. It is more like the petty meddling, the stupid obstinacy of Napoleon the Little. But the very vermin can pierce, a Dutch dyke and flood a province. The recklessness of Roosevelt paves the way for someone else with greater ability and equal daring. The most ardent of his friends, the most loyal of his partisans, are beginning to breathe a prayer of thanks that his autocratic rule is almost over? THE NEW CUBAN REPUBLIC. There was a quiet dignity about the inaugural ceremonies in Havana which augurs well for the stability and permanency of the republic. * • On Wednesday night the city was en fete and there was an abundance of illumination, daaclng and merry-making. There seemed to be general rejoicing that the Cuban people were coming into their own, after the two years of discipline under the American occupation. But the inaugural ceremonies themselves were extremely simple. Governor Magoon called for President Gomez, escorted him to the old governor general’s palace, where the oath of office was administered to the new president by the chief justice of the supreme court, and in a tew moments the details were over. Jose Miguel Gomez is a soldier and not a speaker, so he made only a few brief remarks. Within an hour after theAe ceremonies the former governor, who has done so much to bring order out of chaos during the past few years, accompanied by all the American officers, was on board an American warship, steaming for the United States. The American soldiers have been evacuating the island for some time, and the two battalions ot the Seventeenth regiment, stationed in Atlanta, have been in their quarters here tor several weeks. The organization of the Cuban congress took place two weeks ago and is now ready for business. it has been remarked that in this process ot organization there were signs ot friction. The two tactions of the Liberal party cannot entirely forget their differences, sank them in face of the common enemy, the Conservatives, and won a victory, but now that they are in the saddle, discord may break out at any time. it was remarked as a significant fact that when it became necessary to elect substitutes lor two representatives who had resigned, the Mlguelistas, or partisans of the president, united with the Conservatives, instead of with the Zayista faction ot the Liberal party, and from this it is inferred that before long there will be a strong coalition between the Miguellstas and the Conservatives, while the other faction of the Liberal party, the Zayistas, will become the opposition. it is also pointed out that of the presiding officers of the two houses of the general assembly, one is a negro and the other Is an Italian, which sounds a little out of place in a country where the cry lu more stirring days was, "Cuba tor Cubans. ” There is no need to anticipate trouble until it comes, however. The Cubans may disappoint the pessimistic predictions made of them and settle down to an orderly administration of their affairs. The departure of this government from Cuba calls renewed attention to the fact that we should likewise evacuate the Philippines as soon as possible. The ten years of occupation of those islands have made no change in the opinion ot the great body of the people that so soon as we have succeeded in establishing a stable government there we should retire from that side of tne world, retaining perhaps only a coaling station. At a time when there are mutterings of war with Japan, we would do well to remember the corollary of the Monroe Doctrine. If we are to resist foreign expansion in the western hemisphere, we must desist from it in the eastern hemisphere. It is the only sound and logical position on which we can plant ourselves. The Philippine parliament has been giving r good account of itself and it is the unprejudiced opinion of those who are best qualified to know that the Filipinos will soon be, if they are not already, qualified for self-government. Tfiere should be no unnecessary delay in treating the Filipinos as we have the Cubans SOME LESSONS OF THE ■ EARTHQUAKE AT MESSINA BY BISHOP WARREN A. CANDLER. Many devout minds are perplexed by the moral questions suggested by the dis astrous earthquake at Messina. The; problem of pain by the hand of Provi dence is beyond their solution. They wonder if a good God can be the master and preserver of a world in which such disasters occur. This problem of suffering is as old as Job. It has arrested the attention and confused the reasonings of men in all ages. In undertaking to solve the prob lem all sorts of theories have been pro-1 posed. Some minds have reached an atheistic conclusion, affirming that there Is no God and that such calamities could not happen if there were a good and pow erful God the Creator and Preserver of all things. Some have adopted the doc trine of dualism, declaring that there are both a "good and evil Power forever In conflict with each other, and that In the unfolding of events the Evil One is oftimes victorious. Polytheistic concep tions have also been accepted as the ex planation of j the mixed conditions of pleasure and pain in the universe. Minds which have refused all atheistic, dualistic, and polytheistic notions con cerning such things, have seen in these visitations of Providence the punishment of the wicked for their sins; This was the theory of Job’s friends about his sore and multiplied sorrows. Unable to deny the goodness or the power of God. they found in the griefs of the man of Uz proofs positive of his secret sins, al though God had said of him that there was “none like In him in all the earth, a perfect and upright man who Oared God and eschewed evil." This ancient heresy, which the book of Job so thoroughly dis proves. wil be applied by some to the case of the men of Calabria and Messina; they will see in the earthquake a judg ment from heaven against Calabrian crimes and Sicilian sins. Such was the view of some who came to the Saviour telling Mm of the Gali laeans whose blood Pilate had mingled with their saer!flees and of the eighteen upon whom the tower tn Siloam fell. The Master did not deny that there was a moral purpose in those grievous events, but he showed its purpose was not neces sarily a punishment of those who had perished, but rather a call to repentance to living sinners. * Ts we start with the assumption that God’s chief concern should be for human comfort, and that man’s highest good i* found In exemption from pain, we will be forced to adopt some one of the erro neous views which have been mentioned. If suffering is the worst evil and comfort the highest good, the world has certainly been made by a bad God or a weak God. or else there is no God at ail. It is quite certain that there is and always has been and always will be much suffering among the children of men. By earthquakes alone multiplied millions have been destroyed. No less than 60,000 people perished In the great Lisbon earth quake In 1756. In 1692 the entire Island of Sicily was shaken by one of the most dreadful earthquakes known to history, and flfty-four cities and towns were ut terly destroyed. In the same year Jamai ca was visited on June 7th with a similar catastrophe of scarcely less proportions. In the latter part of the 18th century Calabria suffered the loss of 40,000 of its people by a great earthquake. It is said that as many as twelve or thirteen earth quakes. more or less destructive of hu man life and property, occur every year, and it is well known that the surface of the globe is never entirely free from earthquake forces qf greater or smaller power. In some quarter or another of-the globe tremors are going on all the time. No part of the world is exempt from them. They have been less known in Egypt than anywhere else, but even there was felt one of considerable power in 1740. Holland, with its loose, alluvial de posits, has been shaken by them. It is estimated that above 14.000,000 peo ple have been killed by earthquakes since men began to make historic records ot events. In 7160 John Wesley published a striking discourse on the "Cause and Cure of Earthquakes." which may be found in his works today. It is little that the sai entists can tell us about these awful phenomena, and ft Is certain the great Wesley threw no light on the physical causes wWoh« produce them. Reference is made of the earthquakes of thf past to remind us th«<t the recent calamity in Stelly and sodthern Italy pre sents no new problem to reason ter faith, but raises, only the same old question of suffering which has engaged the of the wisest and best men of all former ages. No advance of thought or progress of science carries us beyond the reach of the fundamental facts and problems of life by which men have always been confronted. Faith in other days has re mained unshaken in the presence of these perplexing questions and appalling facts, and we in our time are called upon to solve no new problem. But perhaps the question of pain in the world comes home to the heart of our self-indulgent age more keenly than it did to any former generation. Oursis a time of great material prosperity ' and comfort, when pain is regarded as the greatest possible and softness, ease and enjoyment are esteemed as the great est possible blessings. This spirit in fects our religion, and we have been for years indulging a sentimental sort of the ology which would not endure the thought that the God of love could be se vere about anything. The God of this pulpy theology has been a kind of mag nified Eli who allowed his wicked sons, Hophni and Phlnehas. to desecrate the most sacred things and debauch a nation without a punishment more sharp than a mild expostulation. Os course to such an age and such a theology a visitation like the recent earthquake comes as a most perplexing problem. It confounds and sets at nousdit all sentimental the ories of an God. It will be a blessed thing if these earthquakes of recent years in California, Martinique and Italy can shock us into common-?en«e again, and teach us that God can be severe as well as gentle. Foolish and shallow men have refused to believe in the eternal punishment which is clearly revealed in the Scriptures because they could not. as they have said, "see how a loving Father would al low such pain.” Can they see any more clearly how a loving Father can allow the horrible pains and deaths which have fallen upon the people of Messina? In all our theories of nature and religion wfe may as well make room for the thought that a loving God can be severe. God does not esteem pain the worst evil nor painlessness the supreme good. We can not understand any of the ills by which mankind is afflicted till we rise to the height of the moral purpose of the divine government to which all else is subordinate. In famine and pestilence, sickness and sorrow, storms and earth quakes, God is working out a sublime pur pose as far above mere ease and painless ness as righteousness and character are above animal comfort and brutish satis faction. Horace Bushnell says most forcibly, "Pain is a matter of great consequence in the fact that it gives a moral look and capacity for moral Impression to the world, of which it would otherwise be totally vacant—a similar impression also of the benignity of God. If we had the world only for a garden or a landscape, if it meant nothing but what it is In pro duction, or the delectation of the senses— a place of good feeding and health and jocund life—it would be God’s pasture, not His kingdom. Moral ideas would not even be suggested by it. But the simply finding pain in it puts us on a wholly different construction, both of it and of life. Now there appears to be something serious on hand? The severity bears a look of principle and law, and the un sparing rigors, hedging us about, tell of a divine purpose and authority that re spect high reasons and are able to be im movably faithful in their vindication. In this manner pain changes the wnole im port and expression of our moral spnere. Every pain strikes in, touching the quick of our remorse, and giving it practical sanction. We cannot look about upon such a spectacle of groaning, writhing members of the world exhibit# and think of it as being any way reconcilable with God’s perfect fatherhood, without preced ing that there is a moral frame about the picture, that it means eternal govern ment and responsibility to God.” The suffering Saviour is the solution of all suffering among men. The writer of 4 the Epistle to the Hebrews touches the " very heart of the subject when lie says, “It became Him, for whom are all things, and by whom are all things, in bringing many sons unto glory to make the Captain of their salvation perfect through sufferings.” If to bring sons unto glory Christ did not disdain to endure the ago nies of Gethsemane and Calvary, such sonship we may be sure is more precious than painlessness, and cannot be secured without heartbreaking distress. We can trust Him .to lay no needless agonies on the race of man, or upon in- * dividuals of the race, when we know He has endured far more for us men in His own body on the tree. Without that di- * vine Sufferer hanging in excruciating pain and unterrifled love in the midst of his tory 1 know not how we could faoe the appalling facts of human history; but when we know that all the processes of nature and the ongoings of Providence pro ceed from the CrueiSed One, that at the heart of the universe is a Sufferer touched with inflnite compassion for us, we may rest confident of His love even when we can not foresee the culmination of His plans nor discern clearly the way He takes. The shaking, trembling earth is rocked by his hands which were pierced for us, and hence we refuse to f ave mis givings about His tenderness though the most untoward events come to pass. "Therefore will not we fear, though the earth be removed, and though the moun tains be carried into the midst of the sea; though the waters thereof roar and be troubled, though the mountain shake with the swelling thereof." (Psalms Ixvi: 2,2). Love which defled all that pain Hnd death could do to it can never henceforth be dis trusted. "He that spared not His own Son. but delivered Him up for us all, how shall He not with Him also freely give us all things’*. (Romans vfl: SY I . If we stood at the end of earth’s hls tory and saw now the culmination of the divine purpose, we should doub.leas dis cern how even these terrible earthquakes have been essential parts of a great move ment of.mercy. We know that all the forces of nature are servants of a spirit ual kingdom and that al! of them throb in response to the spiritual purpose which they serve. When Jesus died on Calvary the record is, “the earth did quake and the rocks rent.” As the end draws near He forewarns His servants that "there ■hall be famines and pestilences and earthquakes in divers plaoes”. (Matthew xxiv; 7). We may not from these words speculate about “the times and the Rea sons which the Father hath put •In His own power” beyond all our scrutiny; but# we may assuredly gather from them that all the forces of nature, even its convul- < slve forces, keep step with tfie movement of God’s kingdom of grace and tfre sub servient to it. Ab an earthquake marked the crucifixion of the Son Os God earth quakes in divers places will precede His coronation. £ Standing in human WcaWncss MMti these mighty, terrible forces in motion ail around us, we are not affrighted; for our Lord is Master of them all.’ If they should hit us they could not really harm us our hearts being true to Him Nobody but obstinate and incurable sinners have f suffered really in the earthquake at Mes sina ; for the children of God Who have < died there have on the upheaval been lift ed into their eternal home. None but sin ners ever can meet real harm in the uni verse, and they hurt themselves. For the rest of men who love and serve God, all things are theirs. '"The world, life, death, things present, and things to come —ail are theirs; for they are Christ’s and Christ is God‘s”. DEMOCRACY AND ITS STANDARD BEARER FOR 1912 Editor of I9»e Journal: Well, the battle is over and the etnoke cleared away, and Dem ocracy has again gone down in defeat. Let us look calujly over the battle field and see if we can see the cause of defeat and see how we are to eliminate, if possible, these ra iru ’he first place, their defat teas been due. in a large measure, to a large evruption fund, exacted from the trust* and private par ties and used illegally against th* Democrat io party. In the last campaign, which cast the Re publican party one million dollars, one hun dred and sixty thousand ot which wm gm>- tributed by Charles Taft, a of W.l --ll«m H. Taft, the presidentW noriiitee of the RepnbUcen party, this fosd was ■»■<*• hirg« than was actually necessary for campaign pur poses and it wa* used fraudulently, malicious ly end with evil intent te bribe voteri and thus deprive the American people of their just and true choice. Publicity was not glv-n to this fund until after the battle was over. William H. Taft. Hitchcock and Theodore Roosevelt. I believe, were fully *ware that dishonesty was tn election. Tne president as tnln United State*, enppeard to be the president by toe people, of the people and for the people, was a rank Mrtlean. and his movements plainly show that he is willing to nse either fair or foul means to perpetuate this dishonest party in power. k Again. Democracy does not. and tan sot la the past, since IMO. with few exception*, got her presidential timber from soil that pro (juce* pure and untarnished Jeffersonian Democracy. Horace Greely, William J. Bryan and Parker for Horace Greely had been through every phase of parti e*. Bryan had been a Populist, and only esjiouaed the cause of Democracy to further his ends and plaee hiar in the white bouse. Parker bad been an obscure judge and a one-sided man on all questions and little known. The north and west has no pure Democracy, they are Democratic from policy, not. principle, and are intent on greed and graft, and are looking out for the spoil* and not tor the good of the grand old Democratic party. Again the pure*t type oC the Anglo-Saxon F race are found in the south and its patriotism for country, state and God far surpasses that of any other section of this Union. Again, we must. In IM2. nominate a true and tried Jeffersonian Democrat upon a plat form for principle, not policy, a Democrat who has followed the teachings of Jefferson and who still in al) sincerity believes in these principle* as good and sound doctrine. Again, to eliminate the errors of this old party Mi.ce U«0 i wouH. point you to ■ man who has always been a Democrat and a Jeffer- J sonian one at that, one who has filled a high ■ place in the councils <>f this party st tne | national capital, and whose decision upon the question of pensions has saved the government millions and is still saving them enormous . sums. If there is not some halt called upon this subject of pension* this country will have -to go Into bankruptcy or its people be taxed to death to pay these pensions. Again. I would point you to, for the Demo cratlc standard bearer--Cor 1»12. one who has filled a high place in the Empire State of the south and cue aho teas always been ready and willing to raise his votoo and use his money lu the aid of the grand old Democratic J*_ I would point you to one whose voice ttpoX the hustings in the last campaign had more reason anti good. hard, common horse sense than the flowing rhetoric of a Hryan. and who could, in your humb.-e servant’s opinion, have polled more vote* than the boy orator of the Platt. Again. I would point you to one. an honest son of old Georgia, now governor of the Em p»re state of the outh. wbo has been tried in many high place* and weighed in each and ever'- on- of them and not found wanting. I would poiut you to the Honorable Hoke Smith as our standard bearer for 1911 upon a Jeffer sonian platform. H. B. BAYLOR. A Sivil Eng.'n-:-r from the Old Dominion and s Jefferso’ijsr. Democrat. They can say what they want to against Roosevelt, but nobody has been able to prove that he smokes cigarettes.