RON AND STEEL INDUSTRY
Demoralizing Effects of Democratic Policies
Beneficial Effect of Republican Policies.
vs.
KING TO PAUPER AND PAUPER TO KING
phenomenal Rise of the Industry Since 1894 —
Accurate Barometer of General Trade
Conditions—Wages Increased.
Tht Iron and atcel industry ia often
referred to aa tue "harometer of gen
M ,l business.'' It reflects conditions of
depression or prosperity throughout the
country in a remarkably sensitive way
—for there is no business nor industry
In the country which does not share
closely in the various conditions which
sinke steel either "king" or "pauper,"
iD il. ss Andrew Carnegie once said,
"steel is always either king or pauper."
When times wer« hard, as during the
period of the last Democratic adminis
tration, 181*3-1896, there was indeed an
open door into the palace of King Steel
for the wolf of poverty to enter and
make Steel a Pauper.
It was shown then that when panic
end depression visit the country, steel
feel* the effects the most sharply and
the most quickly of almost any com
modity.
TUE RESULT OiF democratic
ro Id CI ES WAS NOT ONLY TO
HEAVILY CURTAIL THE AMERI
CAN CONSUMPTION OF IRON AND
STEEL, BUT TO G-IVE AN OPEN
POOH TO THE FOREIGNER TO
SUPPLY WHAT DEMAND THERE
WAS LEFT. In two yeara, from 1S91
to 1X94, represented by tha change from
Republican to Democratic rule, the pro
duction of pig iron in the United States
dropped from 9,157,000 tons to '7.388
tons.
The financial depression that existed
through the Cleveland administration
made It difficult for railroads to float
the issues of bonds that were needed to
tin-« money for new rails, bridges, cars
»nil other equipment involving large
consumption of iron and steel. The same
was true of the building trades, and
other industries which can use iron and
•tee! only as their business can expand,
and. whose business instead of expanding
during the last Democratic administra
tion. was forced to contract.
Remarkable Chang* Oecers.
After tlie election of President Mc
Kinley tlie enormous gains both in our
consumption and oitr production of Iron
and steel, attracted the attention of bnsi
ne.s interests throughout the world.
Steel, which was Pauper tinder the
Democratic administration, once again
»ns King, and like King Cotton and
King Corn, the growth of his worldwide
- Date of Census
Ter cent
Increase.
1890 to
Nr
imber
of (
'stoblishments ................
.... 710
«00
+7.0
fa
I'ltnl
____ •$414,041.814
$300,
,r.3o
4M
42.0
Hu
In lied
oflii
•lals. clerks, etc., number.....
____ 4.325
217
113.1
Ka
la ries
$6,402,236
$n.
741,
,78«
81.7
earner
s. average number ............
____ 171.1S1
30.0
T<
•fill \V}
Men.
Iges
$89,273.9.76
$120.
K.3U.
33ft
37.4
n;
years and over ..............
____ ms. 043
"10
03.7
30.0
Wag.
1*8 .
____ $88.340.04 2
$120,
i:*7.
IN »7
35.3
1**1).
10 years and over ...........
1
.<»71
1.740.0
Whit
es .
____ $17.106
5
:20fi
,KKS
1,400.2
I "hil<
Iren
. under 16 years .............
2.1RO
1
,OOl
+ 12.ft
M
Wag
CM .
$416,20.8
>
112
443
+0.9
iscellai
11*011
s expenses ...................
____ SlR.214.n4R
$32.
274
.1**0
77.2
< 1
■ - <*f i
mat «
priais used ....... . .............
.... $327.272.813
S.V22.
431
,7ol
.70.6
»lue of
1"«'
*« s r_\224 pounds each)......
.... $478.687.319
$8(14.
034
,01ft
08 0
T<
•1 v of
|.HM
1 (2.224 pounds each).......
____ 16,204,478
20.
"*o7
SOU
81.4
report,
epurately. theer.
report,
epurately. theer.
power and prestige under tlie sponsor
•■hip of tlie Republican party was noth
ing short of marvelous.
The great victory for the gold stand
• rd cured the uneasy, panicky conditions
that tiad prevailed in the money market.
It was possible in 1897 for great im
provements to be financed by railroads
■ad other corporations. The investor
mine out of the woods where he had
been during Democratic times ami
bought bonds that represented cash to
be expended in more rails, more bridges,
inure ears, more machinery, more sky
scrapers and more other things that re
quired enormous consumption of iron and
•b'el. But the increasing ability of the
country to buy more iron and steel was
met by increasing necessity for larger
consumption. The railroads suffered
fr ;:, car shortages because they could
not buy new cars fast enough to keep
pace with the increasing business that
came to them. In almost every line
of industry the calls in the iron and steel
Industry for material increased so rap
*■' v that it was a difficult matter for
tin iron and steel manufacturers to hire
ee v men fast enough for the additional
wurk to be done, and to otherwise keep
up with enormously increasing consump
tion. R u t the Republican policy of pro
to, bon not only operated by its general
business effects, to stimulate the increas
ing consumption, but also to force tlie
increasing consumption to b* met, not
larger foreign imports of iron and
s •*». giving more work for the foreign
•s- to do, but by increasing domestic
production, giving mors work for Amer
ica laboringmen to do at continuously
Increasing wages.
tanaumptios and Production.
Here are the figures as to how both
consumption and production of pig iron
•lnioBt trebled between the Democratic
year
1894, through tbs
McKinley and
■- nevelt administrations.
, up to the year
1904.
Production,
Consumption,
1894
Tons.
Tons.
«,857,388
6,694,478
1898
11,773,934
12,005,074
1899
13,620,703
18,779,442
1900
18,789,242
13,179,409
1001
15,878,354
16,232,446
1002
17,821,307
18,442,899
1903
18,009,252
18,039.907
Conquest of Foreign Markets.
With the vast Incress* in the domes
41° production of Iron and steel under
Bepublican rule It became possible to
conduct the industry at s relstivsly far
greater perfection and lesser cost than
w hen the work was done on only one
sided the scale. THIS CAUSED THE
united states, by its supe
filOR METHODS, ABILITY TO
TURN OUT THE BEST TYFES ON
THE SHORTEST NOTICE, AND AT
THE LEAST COST, TO PEACE
ABLY INVADE WITH IRON AND
STEEL THE MARKETS OF THE
WORLD. DURING THE TWELVE
MONTHS ENDING WITH JUNE,
1904, THE TOTAL EXPORTS OF
IRON AND STEEL AND THE MAN
UF ACTURES THEREFROM
AMOUNTED TO *111,948,586,
AGAINST *29,220,264 DURING THE
DEMOCRATIC YEAR 1894.
During the last eight years tha Brit
ish newspapers have bee#forced to dole
fully notice a continued succession of
American industrial triumphs over Great
Britain. Now it is an American firm
that gets tlie contract to build the great
Atbara bridge across the Nile in upper
Egypt. Now it is au American loco
motive that supersedes the British loco
motive on a leading English railroad.
Now it is an American electrical com
pany that gets all the orders for the elec
trical equipment for the great new Lon
don underground railroad system. And
thu« episodes of American commercial
conquest during the last eight years
could be repeated until they would grow
wearisome to read. The continued tri
umphs of the United States in the steel
and iron trade, at the same time that
this industry in Great Britain has been
in process of decline, led to the creation
recently of a British Commission of busi
ness experts to investigate the sit
uation. This commission in its first re
port on the iron and steel trade presents
information of the highest value from
firms employing over 87 per cent of the
lalior in this combined trade—231,000
out of an aggregate of 265,000 workers;
and it has ascertained that while this in
dustry has been advancing rapidly in
other countries it has remained almost
stationary in Great Britain. The im
ports have increased 200 per cent and
the exports have declined 7 Vj per cent,
and foreign competitors, protected in
their own home markets, have made it
the basis for the conquest of the British
market. Tlie masters of the trade have
been consulted, and only 5 per cent of
them are content with free trade and
a policy of inaction. Tlie employers of
87 per cent of the labor are convinced
that neither masters nor men can expect
equality of conditions unless the home
industries are protected. Tlie commis
siou itself reports unanimously that the
relative decline of tlie iron and steel
dustry cannot be attributed to natural
disadvantages or want of skill and en
terprise on the part of either of British
manufacturers or workmen, hut is due
to the fact that their competitor* in the
United States and Germany, having se
cured control of their home markets by
means of tariffs and the regulation of
their export trade, arc in a position to
export their surplus products.
Increase in W ige*.
The value to labor and to tlie indus
trial and commercial interests of the
United States of tlie development of the
iron and steel industry under Republican
rule will lie apparent when it is real
ised that tlie wages and salaries paid
ill iron and steel manufacture in the
United States have increased from $89,
273,956 in 1890 to *132,000.000 ill 11*00,
The growth and importance to labor
the iron and steel industry is illustrated
by the following table, tlie figures being
a part of tlie official report of the United
States Census of 1900:
Iroe Ore Kegine» Get Benefits,
The extraordinarily good times xvhieh
came to the iron and steel industry of
the United States brought exceptional
prosperity to our iron ore regions, the
United States soon assuming a greatly
increasing lead over its closest compel!
tors. Great Britain and Germany
From tlie Democratic years. 1895 to
1901, the latest date where official data
is available, tlie production of the three
countries was
Great Britain, Germany.
Gross tons. Metric tons
12.349.600
14,162.337
15.40.7.979
1A, 901.2«'»3
17.989,030
IS,904.294
16,570,258
In 1901 the 28,887,479 tons of ore pro
duced by the United States exceeded by
42,023 tons the combined output of Great
Britain and Germany, ' ' ' '" J
only to 28,845,456 tons
The high record of production in this
country was reached in 1902, when the
total was 35,554,135. in a combined
world output of about 87.000.000 tons.
Germany reached its highest record in
1900 with 18,904,294 tons, and Great
Britain its maximum in 1889, when its
total was 14,546,105 tons.
In 1901. the year when this country
for the first time produced more ore
than Great Britain and Germany com
bined, the total world output of ore was
79,981,935 tons, leaving only 51,094.450
for th* entire world outside the United
States, whose production was 28,8Si,479
For that year th* official figures, with
isnr,____i2,oi.-'.4ii
IK! 10____13.700.704
ISP 7____13.7K7.K7H
18PS____14.17O.03H
1SUP. .. .14.401.330
1000. ...14.02H.20S
lPOl____12,273.10H
U. 8
Gross tons
117.9.07,014
16,01X0.449
17,518,046
19.433.718
24,683.173
27,563,161
28,887,479
tlie exception of
tion by countries
Russia, show produc
as follows:
Bulled States ...
Germany ........
Tons.
...............2R.RftT.47D
Spain ............
I ranee..........
Austria-Hungary .
Sweden..........
lii'lxlmn .........
All otbera .......
............... 8,000,000
Total........
THE PHILIPPINES.
Republican Policy le la Line with
Territorial Procédant#.
Four years ago the Democratic par
ty denounced the acquisition of the Phil
ippine Islands by the United States as
a dangerous form of national expansion
end their retention as an application of
militarism. The only logical conclusion
of this position was our immediate re
tirement from the Islands, leaving them
to shift for themselves. In his letter ac
cepting the nomination for Vice Presi
dent in 1900 Mr. Roosevelt commented
on this position as follows;
"The simple truth is that there is noth
ing even remotely resembling 'imperial
ism' or militarism involved in the present
development of that policy of expansion,
which has been part of the history of
America from the day when she became
a nation. The words mean absolutely
nothing as applied to our present policy
iu the Philippines, for this policy is only
imperialistic in the sense that Jefferson's
policy in Louisiana was imperialistic;
only military in the sense that Jackson's
policy towards tlie Seminoles or Custer's
towards the Sioux emtiodied militarism;
ami there is no more danger of its pro
ducing evil results at home now than
there was of its interfering with free
dom under Jefferson or Jackson, or in
the days of the Indian wars on the
plains. * • •
"The only certain way of rendering
it necessary for our Republic to enter
career of 'militarism' would be to
abandon the Philippines to their own
tribes, and at the same time either to
guarantee a stable government among
these tribes or to guarantee them against
outside interference. A far larger army
would be required to carry out any such
policy than will be required to secure
order under the American flag; while
the presence of this flag on the Islands
is really the only possib'e security against
outside aggression. * * * Properly
speaking, the question is now not wheth
er we shall expand—for we have already
expanded—but whether we shall con
tract."
That was the issue four years ago.
Now the Democratic platform says:
"We believe with Jefferson and John
Adams, that no government has a right
to make one set of laws for those at
home and another and a different set of
laws, absolute in their character, for
those in the colonies. * * * We insist
that we ought to do for the Filipinos
what we have already done for the
Cuban*."
There has never been a time since
the formation of the government that
Congress has not made one set of laws
for the States and another set for the
territories. The laws enacted by Con
gress for tlie government of the Philip
gress for tlie government of the Philip
pines are no more absolute than those
which have been enacted during the last
hundred years for our various territories.
Tlie demand that the United States
shall do for the Filipinos what it has
rie for the Cubans is unreasonable. We
never claimed to own Cuba, but we pos
sess tlie Philippines by an undisputed
til le. A Republican administration did
entire justice to Cuba as demanded by
the circumstances of the case, and the
Republican party can be depended upon
to do entire justice to the Philippines.
J
AS TO IMMIGRATION.
▲ Campaign Issue that Is Worthy of
the Voter's Attention.
They are coming, the less fortunate,
coming to this American continent to
secure a better life for themselves than
they have in their own land. They are
coining from the less prosperous parts of
Italy, and from Bohemia and from Hun
gary and from Poland, and throughout
all that wide northern Slavic region
wherein is oppression of the Jews. In
other words, they are coming from every
where! From Europe the most oppressed
aud, iu some cases, most unintelligent
classes arc coining here to find better
conditions for themselves, and meanwhile
to necessarily infuse a new element of
blood here as well as a new element of
thought and religion and general drift
of being. We accept them and their
blood and the infusion of their genera
tions for the future. We accept them, in
the broadest sense, with the idea that,
by aud by, mere will become a homo
geneity of the races which «'ill take care
of itself. The Norse in all his varieties
is, of course, a part of us, but the assimi
lation of tlie Latin in all his varieties is
another thing. We are trying to he big
broad Christians and make no distinc
tions.
Certain laws have been enacted under
the regime of the Republican party, and
the manner in which they are being en
forced illustrates, as xvell as could be,
the earnestness of the present adminis
tration. in allowing the filtering into thj
country, in all generosity, of those xvho
seek a better harbor fur what there is in
life. It is but fair to the Republican
party in this campaign that every voter
should think of all that the party has
done in tlie enactment of laws and the
enforcement of them, in all liberality, ns
to perfecting the immediate business wel
fare of the country and as to controlling
the amalgamation of its future blood.
This is one of the side issues of the
campaign to which the attention of every
voter may well be directed.
"We want no law* inspired by pee*
• ion, nor do we went them admii
fared by eelfiskneee or incapacity,
beet laws, wisely administered, are
what we demand, and they can be
enred If we but do our duty, e duty
commended by the sacrifice ef those
who sleep on this field, and by oar ewn
Interests and tbe Interet« of those
who shall follow ns."—Senator Fairbanks
at Freehold, N. J.. June 27, 1903.
Th* country is indebted to the Repub
lican party for the national bank sys
tem, the resumption of specie payments
and the establishment of the gold stand
ard. It can well afford to point with
pride to these and other achievement«
opposed and denounced by the Democ
racy. _
The average weekly rate of wages In
the United States is 179 per cent and in
Great Britain 100 per cent It marks
the difference between protection and
free trade.
ROOSEVELT'S WORDS
PRESIDENT'S UTTERANCES MA.
UCIOUS-LY MISCONSTRUED.
to
to
at
of
_
,
Ludicrous Attempt b, . 8elf-Kn- [
throned Democratic Leader to Make |
a Man Appear a« Dangeroai to
the Country—Pulitzer'. Latter.
(Chicago Tribune.)
The New York World is probably the
most enthusiastic Parker paper in the
country. To an extent it is striking the
keyuote o< the Parker chorus in the
east. Two of its editorials are to be
reprinted and circulated by the Demo
cratic committee as campaign docu
ments. These two editorials are in the
form of open letters addressed by Joseph
Pulitzer, editor of the World, to Theo
dore Roosevelt. The first one occupied
a page—the second nearly two pages.
The third may take up three pages.
In the words of Mr. Pulitzer, "The
paramount issue of this campaign is not,
as you would have it. free trade or free
silver, but YOU YOURSELF—Theo
dore Roosevelt. This issue is forced
upon the country by your unusual tem
pera ment and talent—your own strong,
able, ambitious, resourceful, militant,
passionate personality, your versatile and
surprising genius."
This issue was framed by the World
in its first letter. July 30, 1904. But as
that document did not seem to frighten
anybody to Parker, the hot blood of
strong desire denied mounted to the
brain of Mr. Pulitzer, and his emotions
ravished his judgment. His second let
ter—the one two pages long, printed on
August 23—is addressed to "Theodore
Roosevelt, Candidate for President of the
United States and the Western Hem
isphere." Tlie headlines ask if tlie Pres
ident is a "military megalomaniac." He
is accused of a "monomania" to be the
"grand lord protector" of the two Amer
icas.
A Gibbet of Folly.
This letter is interesting—first, be
cause the World is generally recognized
as the chief Parker spokesman; second,
as an exhibition of that gibbet of folly
to which partisan zeal, uutempered by
common sense, ean on occasions, elevate
a man ordinarily so level headed as Jo
seph Pulitzer.
Roosevelt's record, contends the World,
clearly indicates that his return to pow
would lie vested with the ruin of
our free institutions. It proceeds to
examine all his despotic procedures and
unconstitutional usurpations, seriatim.
But it unquestionably omits much that
would make its case stronger. For in
stance, it does not show how the Presi
dent has increased the standing army
so that it has become a menace to the
liberties of the citizens. (For, in fact,
during President Roosevelt's administra
tion the army has been diminished, not
increased.)
It does not prove how tlie ambitious,
costly, and bloody wars conducted during
the present administration were begun,
not as the constitution provides, by an
act of Congress, but at the imperial dic
tation of the ruler. (For. in fact ? .there
lias been no war of any sort during
President IUxisevclt's administration.)
Always for Peace.
It does not even show how the Presi
dent has brought tlie country to the
of a desperate war, which was
)
I
I
!
1
.
!
j
-
dent has brought tlie country to
verge of a desperate war, which was
prevented only by the retreat of the
country which he threatened, as it might
have proved against its favored Presi
dent Cleveland. (For, in fact, the Pres
ident has at no time brought the country
near a war. His efforts and those of his
Secretary of State have been consist
ently directed toward the peaee of the
world, and the circumscribing of the area
of hostilities once wars have began.)
It does not slion- liow President Roose
velt had used either corruption or force
to influence elections in any State
abasing the principle of local self-gov
ernment, nor how lie has deposed a re
calcitrant governor, or dissolved a hos
tile State assembly— after the fashion
of certain reconstruction Presidents.
(For he has done none of these tliings.l
It does not show ho«- he influenced
judicial decisions, reversed a decree of
court, or suspended a judge xvho had
triven to limit the presidential usurpa
tion. This is always tlie first symptom
of the dissolution of constitutional gov
ernment. (But President Roosevelt has
not been guilty of it. I
It does not show lioxv. when the leg
islature, -maintaining its independence,
refused to divest itself of its authority
and humbly accept the "advice" of the
man on horseback, he filled tlie halls of
tlie lawmakers with bayonets, overawed
tlie tribunes of the people. (Unsolved the
sitting, imprisoned the ringleaders. As
is well known, the terrorizing of tlie
legislature is -the twin forerunner with
tlie control of the judiciary iu the down
fall of free institutions.
lias Done None of This.
It does not show hoxv the President
annulled the right of free speech and im
posed a vexatious censorship upon tlie
press. The World's own articles are liv
ing proof that he lias done non" of this.
It does not show how, like the great
est of our i residents, he lias, under tlie
plea of national duress, suspended tlie
writ of habeas corpus—the very spirit
of civil liberty. (For President Roose
velt has not suspended the xvrit of habeas
corpus.)
Thus the record shows President
Roosevelt has. iu no single way, even
emhryonicall.v exceeded his constitutional
functions, lie has not turned his face
in the direction of a single one of that
set of actions whereby the usurpers of
history have established themselves in
power Oil the ruins of freedom. Nev
ertheless, the World reiterates that, by
his record, it can prove Theodore Roose
velt to be a man dangerous to the lib
erties of his country. How can this
proof be wrought?
In a simple way. By passing over
in silent contempt his record as a thor
oughly constitutional and patriotic Pres
ident; by picking out of their contexts
some of the things he has said—taking
one paragraph from one speech, another
paragraph from a different speech; by
taking one sentence from a paragraph
here another sentence from a paragraph
there; even by taking a phrase from a
sentence here, another phrase from a
sentence there; by then weaving these
different contextless paragraphs, sen
tences. and phrases into a sing!« fabric
_which fabric, charges the World, is
truly indicative of the whole character
of the man Roosevelt!
Ju pursuance of this plan the Mond
sot
ha« carefully picked out of their
tings the twenty-six most bellicose, ab
solutist, imperialistic sayings of which
President Roosevelt has ever delivered
■himself. These are the quintessence of
bis bbsxlthiist.v expressions. Nothing
that he has said has ever gone farther
on tlie road to military despotism than
these twenty-six things.
Kx P.rte Argument,
Of course, as every reasonable be
in« knows, such ex parte argument is
not fair. It were easy by choosing out
of Jefferson's sayings on one side to
prove him an ardent expansionist, or by
picking out of ail his writings on the
other side to prove him a bigoted con
tractionist. He could he shown up a«
a protectionist, if all that lie said in
favor of that principle were collected to
gether, while all that he sai l against it
were omitted. Ur by reversing the pro
cess it could readily be demonstrated
that he was an absolute and perpetual
free trader. It could he shown that
he was a practical anarchist, advocating
a revolution every twenty years, that
the tree of liberty might lie kept well
watered with blood. Or by omitting this
class of his writings and combining the
opposite class he could be represented
as constantly enjoining implieif obedi
ence to the law.
It is useless to multiply examples. By
such a narrow scheme of special plead
ing the wise man could he shown a fool,
because wise men sometimes are fool
ish. The most foolish man could be
down a sage, because foolish men some
limes arc sensible. The gutter drunk
ard could he proved a teetotaler, for he
has occasional periods of complete so
briety. Such a method is wholly false.
The World knows it and resorted to it
only because its case was weak.
It you would judge what kind of a
President Roosevelt would make the
fairest method is to consider what kind
of a President lie has made. But if you.
for some reason which it is not easy
to conceive, refuse this test, and pre
fer to judge him on xvliat he has said,
do not read merely stray words and
sentenoes gathered and arranged by hi
enemies. In all fairness read these
words in their proper contexts. Read as
much of Roosevelt's writings as you have
time for. You «ill find them tlie expres
sions not of a bloody and despotic intel
lect but of a clean, strong, honest mind,
instinct with patriotism
MONEY IN CIRCULATION.
Daily Increase of 9352,304 for
Eight Years,
During the last eight years of Republi
can administration the increase in the
volume of our currency has amounted
*352,304 per day, or more than $10,
000.000 per month—the total increase
being $1,014,710,561. This increase has
been chiefly and directly due to the poli
cies of sound money and protection.
By the act passed Dec. 18, 1899, by a
Republican Congress (142 Democrats vot
ing against it and only 11 voting for it
of
in
by
by
a
a
is
ing against it and only 11 voting for it
in the House of Representatives and 23
voting for it and 2 against it in the Sen
ate), and signed by President McKinley,
the gold standard was sanctioned by law,
and according to Alton It. Parker xvas
then "firmly and irrevocably establish
ed." Just as free silver would have
driven gold from tlie country according
to the famous Gresham laxv that "had
money drives out good money," so this
positive committal of the country to the
gold standard resulted in a large gain
of gold to onr currency. The increas
ingly large output of gold from Alaska.
California, Colorado and other Western
States remained in tlie United States
instead of being driven out. as would
have been tlie case had free silver tri
umphed in 1896 or 19IHI. Not only this,
but the United States gold standard drew
to this country much of the gold produc
ed in South Africa and other parts of
the world.
The policy of protection also contribut
ed to our ability to keep qur own gold
and get more gold from otlmr nations, for j
it made the halanc
since it tended to
over our imports,
gold out of the c
rratie times, to pay
icon lalior at boni
f trade favorabh
increase our exports
Instead of sending
uiiilry ns in Demo
for goods that Amer
• might just as well
have produced, tlie Republican policy has
been to cause gold to be distributed at
home for work done just as well at home.
Of the present amount of money in
circulation about 4S per cent is gold—
which mostly represents money saved to
the people of the United States by the
Republican policies of sound money and
protection.
SUGAR TRUST POLITICS.
Cloee Relations of Wnll Street and the
Democratic Party,
(New York Leiter in Los Angeles Times.*
When New York State was being got
into line for Judge Parker. Havemeyer
put on guard for Parker one of his own
men. Cord Meyer by name. Cord Meyer
is the sugar trust's representative in
Démocratie councils. Tlie Republican
party is able to get along without having
a sugar trust representative in its coun
cils. but if Democrats come into power,
it will lie Cord Meyer's happy duty to
make sugar stock go up and down on the
Ne« York Stock Exchange and to let
it be known to anxious statesmen when
it is going up and when it is going down.
Do the people out West know that in
New York, « lien the Democrats desire to
carry an election, they go out aud tell
tlie district leaders that a certain stock
on the New York Stock Exchange, say
Manhattan Elevated, will go up $15 per
share in ease of Democratic success?
That is xvliat they do. and it does go up,
too, and that shows how dose tlie Démo
cratie party is to Wall street in Nexv
York, where Parker and his cohorts come
from. They buy elections with stock
tips, and Cord Meyer, Billy Sheehan and
Belmont are extraordinarily good tip
sters.
Lotest Republican Outrage.
On A»c. 29 a fall of snow, tlie first
of the season, occurred in Minnesota,
and it cannot he denied that it occurred
under the Roosevelt administration.
Crops, flowers and garden produce were
damaged, and there was the dickens to
pay generally.
The Republican party cannot deny
that this thing has happened tinder a
Republican administration, but it can do
this: It can promise another snow-fall
on Nov. 8, so vast that the memory of
all preceding snowstorms will be lost.
It is sometimes well to consider what
might have been. Where would our gov
ernment finances, our revenues, our do
mestic industries and our foreign trade
lie now if the Democracy had succeeded
in 189ti or 19007
of
be
is
WAITER ONIAN WAIL
to
by
the
a«
in
to
it
well
this
the
By
fool,
fool
be
he
so
it
a
the
kind
you.
easy
pre
said,
and
hi
these
as
have
intel
THI3TIME IT'S R OSEVELTTHAT
HE'S AFRAID OF.
The Cassandra of American Politic*
Utters Dismal Hosli and Direfel
Pro fictions About Koo.evolt end
Kepnbticane.
for
the
On the evening of Sept. 7. 1904. the
land was at peace, and no auguries of
dread possessed it. Vermont had said
its say, in no unmeaning manner, and
all «-as calm iu city and country, while
iu New York was gathering a band, just
a few faithful editors of Demoeratio
antecedents, to talk over tlie political sit
uation, ami incidentally devour that
square meal which, when eaten in publie
and accompanied by speeches, is .-alle,) •
banquet.
Among the chivalry which gathered
there xvas Henry Watterso i of Ken
tucky. The moment he was «een at th*
festive hoard those editors and specta
tors who are accustomed to observe the
usual progress of events knew that some
thing was going to happen. They di
vined that Henry had lieen "seeing
things." It is a way he has. And then
he says things.
Time rolled on. The rich New York
viands, prepared for tlie unaccustomed
palates of the visiting editors, the fiery
cocktails, the generous wines, the nipe of
strong waters, all these had met the
fate prepared for them. And then cam*
Wattersou, as chief speaker of the even
ing.
Watterson is at times an excitable
man. This was one of the times. He
was not only excited, lie xv.ir painfully,
morbidly, scared. And of all things in
the world, this brave, loyal, ehivalrons
American gentleman was afraid of an
other brave, loyal, chivalrous Asierican
gentleman—the President of the United
States, Theodore Roosevelt.
There was rant about "raising th#
black flag." "scuttling tlie ship of civil
service." "and "cutting the throat of re
ciprocity" which made Watterson'« hear
ers turn pale, though they knew no mors
than did the speaker to xvliat these trucu
lent words referred.
The trembling editors listened, appall
ed. Watterson lowered his voice and
muttered forth charges of ruth and ruin
against Roosevelt past, Roosevelt pres
ent. Roosevelt future. Again he pawed
the earth, shook his lists aloft and bel
lowed his
j perhai
lowed his predictions of an everlasting
< audidate for the presidency, anil an ev
erlasting President in the person of The
odore Roosevelt, if tlie Republicans con
tinue in |Hi«er. Watterson's auditor»
thought of Carter II. Harrison Land Car
ter II. Harrison II.. perennial and ever
blooming Mayors of Chicago, but, as
these examples of political longevity be
long to tlie Democratic party, it calmed
tlie nerves of tlie wrought-up banquet
ers, and they were able to brace up apd
listen to tlie impassioned gentleman from
Kentucky.
Tlie flood of oratory went on and on,
and when it was over the editors felt re
lieved, because no seizure of a fatal
character had made fitting climax to th#
utterances of tlie choleric speaker, who#*
eloquence lias been whetted for years,
upon the obtrusive angles of his own
party.
And then the telegraphic wires bore,
ns upon the wings of the wind, the
words of Watterson, to be printed in tlie
morning papers that there could be read,
by the toiling millions, the fatal words
of objurgation, adjuration end divina
tion.
The public read the burning words
of Watterson with that fatal apathy
which greets tlie efforts of those who, in
the first place, talk too much, and in th«
second place, habitually overshoot the
mark. There was a good-natured laugh,
as some stalwart American
glanced over'the "scare heads" of the
morning papers, and one or another of
the great army of freemen said to his
neighbors, ns he looked up from the
warnings, denunciations and prediction»
of tlie hysterical orator of Louisville,
"Watterson's broke loose again!"
And that was all.
THE PRODIGAL PARTY.
a
Biblical Story that Fit« tha Democracy
af Today.
(Portland Oregonian.)
The Democratic party is like a certain
son which wandered off into a far coun
try and filled his belly with the husks
which the swine «lid cat. But when be
came to himself he *.üd. I will arise and
go back to tlie home of sense and honesty
which 1 left and will ask to he taken
back as a hired servant on probation. I
will admit that 1 was wrong and have
now seen the light and I hope to be re
stored through good behavior to my for
mer place in the confidence of the folks
at home and decent people generally.
That is to say, the Democratic party
could be conscientiously likened to tbe
prodigal son if it had acted on the lii.es
just laid down. But the attitude *t ac
tually assumes i< Something entirely dif
ferent. Without explaining or reprobat
ing his actions .» f 1MM» and V.KJO when
he voted f«»r Bryan, Judge Parker asks
the support and confidence of all gold
standard men heran*«* he somewhat pat
ronizingly recognize* the gold standard
as "irrevocably established" lie dote
not animadvert upon his own conduct id
leaving home or even upon the quality
of tile nutriment which the far country
of populism afforded the Democratic
paunch.
As near ns we can make it out. tbe
Democratic idea is that the Elder Broth
er should be thrown out ou the world
and the Prodigal Son installed as man
ager of the estate.
Price Placed on Repentance.
Gold Democrats who bolted the Bryan
party will be permitted to join the IliJb
Belinont-Parker organisation, provided
they pay a big entrance fee. The Demo
cratic State Committee of Indiana it
preparing to levy a heavy assesmnent on
gold Democrats who wish to vote for
Parker. In other word**, the m%n who
have been reviled so bitterly by Mr.
Bryan for supporting Palmer or McKjd
ley at the last two elections must open
their pocketU»oks if they wish to alt
humbly in the Parker bandwagon.
President Roosevelt said in bis speech
of acceptance: "A party is of worth
only in so far as it promotes the national
interest." Measured by this standard,
what is the l>emocrati< party worth/