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or as is In Gwin Falle Ulmes Published every Thursday in the Gaut Holohan Building, Main Street WILBUR S. HILL Editor and Publisher INDEPENDENT REPUBLICAN Entered as second class matter May 6, 1905, at the postoffice at Twin Falls, Idaho, under the act of Congress of March 3, 1879. Subscription Rates. One year, in advance. Blx months. $ 2.00 1.00 TEL. $8 The subscription books of the TIMES are open to the inspection of adver tisers. IABÈI> k union' DEMAND THIS LABEL On AH of Your Printed Matter. It rep resents Good Workmanship, Good Wages, and Good Conditions. The Independent ticket started at Filer last Thursday, ought to be roped and branded before somebody steals it. As near as can be learned, the Statesman's attempt to defeat Lansdon and Hastings, is just the necessary stimulas to boost those men into office. Any ambitious candidate should try to get the opposition of the above paper. It would insure election. For several days, an advertising agent worked among the business men to secure their support for a traders' day. After canvassing the field the man left without closing the deal. If an outsider can get up a trader's day, it seems possible that the merchants here can very easily get together and plan a traders' day and raise the mon ey necessary to have some local man take charge. A great number of towns have adopted a similar scheme and in every case the merchants have been benefited by the crowds attracted to the town. 1 The campaign is to open in good shape next week and it is expected that the Republicans will have some very good orators during that time. The line up of the candidates for the most part is good, and with men like Sweeley, Guthrie, Shields, Hunt, Har lan, Hahn, Mull, Potter, Newbry asking for votes, there ought to be a pretty generous response. Taken as a whole, the ticket presented is a strong one. The fact that such men have come be fore the people for the county offices, is a good guarantee that the general conduct of county affairs could not be in safer hands. The high-handed methods adopted by the King Hill Irrigation promotors in driving advertising agents out of camp at the recent opening, might go in Cripple Creek, Colo., but the citi zens of Idaho don't, as a rule, do busi ness that way. The King Hill official certainly don't leave a good impres sion with the believers in a square deal. If King Hill land is better fruit land than Payette and the Boise val ley the promotors should not be afraid of a comparison and fair competi tion. If on the other hand it will not compare favorably, then they have certainly falsified. Through some error the name of H. E. Hunt was omitted from the county ticket as a candidate for coroner. The name will appear in a another column with the rest of the ticket. Mr. Hunt, as a candidate for coroner, should meet with the approval of the voters because of his fitness for the office. He is a man of education and his profes sion as undertaker peculiarly fits him for serving the people in the office which deals solely with his profession and business. A long acquaintance on the tract, making his character well-known, should give Mr. Hunt a large majority when the polls close November 3. There seems to be an opinion pre valent among Republicans that a man can be a Republican and vote the Democratic National ticket. If it were a case of state or local politics a man should not be condemned for picking out a better man for public office if he happened to belong to the other party, and especially is this true in county politics where the man stands out above party and rightly so. But on the other hand, with men of equal abil ity striving for the presidency, it should make the party platforms stand above all else. Not a breath of sus picion is attached to Taft's public or private record. He stands on a plat form practically the same as that which made Roosevelt the greatest president of the nation. Taft stands pledged to carry out that platform and no man can accuse Taft of breaking a promise. With this fact confronting the voter there can be little excuse of any Republican failing to vote for Taft and the Republican policies of indus trial protection. nor had six to of ored ting life ers the at THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN—THE PARAMOUNT ISSUE The Outlook bas asked Mr. Edward M. Shepard to tell Its readers why, In has his judgment, they shcnld vote for Mr. Bryan, the Democratic candidate; and it has asked Mr. Janvs G i sham Phelps Stokes to tell them why, in his opinion, they should vote for Mr. Debs, the So cialist candidate, and it hopes to print these articles in following issues I propose in four articles to tell the readers why, in my opinion, they the should vote for Mr. Taft, the Republi can candidate. In these articles I of shall consider successively: The Paramount Issue. The Foundamental Issue. The Constitutional Issue. The Personal Issue. The Moral Issue is the Paramount issue. The first question for the vot er to ask himself is What can I do to promote honesty in public and private m life? This is more important than rallway rate regulation, control of the trusts, tariff revision, currency re- n form, colonial administration, or pub llcity of campaign finances. These iu polltical questions are chiefly import anly as their solution involves the pro motion of public and private honesty, Law cannot make a people honest. But law can, as Mr. Gladstone has pointed out, make virtue easier and y vice more difficult. Because I believe the election of Mr. Taft will give an added strength to the partially awak ened American conscience, because I believe it will promote public and private honesty and make public and private dishonesty more difficult, I hope to see Mr. Taft elected. The latter half of the nineteenth century was one of appalling and ap parently increasing corruption, both at home and abroad. In Russia it was almost as pestilential as in that of the Ancient Regime in France. It was not so gross in other European countries; but in England alone was it brought under control and made a diminishing vice. Local causes, superadded to world conditions, contributed to in crease corruption in America. The era following a great war, always charac terized by a lowered public con science; the influx of a great army of immigrants, untrained either intellec- 0 tually or morally for self-government; the sudden enfranchisement of mil lions of ex-slaves, who had never learned in slavery, Thou shall not steal; the unprecedented growth in population and in wealth, inciting to gambling in all its forms; the experi ment of partnerships between the gov ernment and the railways, entered into for motives sometimes of patriotism, sometimes of pelf; the discoveries of gold, oil, and copper, and the intense struggle for possession which the dis coveries incited in unscrupulous men; and the inheritance from a motto, "To the victors belong the spoils"—all tended to intensify the forces of greed and to lower the standards of integ rity. Public corruption reached its apparent climax during the second ad ministration of President Grant, but the house-cleaning which followed was spasmodic and superficial. What President Garfield might have done but for his tragic death we can only surmise. President Cleveland raised the standard of public morals, but he was better fitted to oppose the en croachments of new dishonesties than to ferret out the old ones. President McKinley was as honest a man as ever sat in the president's chair; but Pres ident McKinley's time and energy were all absorbed, first in a vain effort to secure international bimetallism, next to keep the nation from lapsing into a disastrous and dishonest silver mono metallism, and lastly to carry to a successful issue the Spanish war. When, therefore, Mr. Roosevelt suc ceeded Mr. McKinley in the presiden tlal office, he inherited with that of flee the results of half a century of growth In commercial and political corruption, partly due to world condi tions, partly to local conditions. His experience as United States Civil Ser vice Commissioner had given him a knowledge of the nature and extent of political corruption and the methods of the corruptionists which could have been gained in no other way so thor oughly. His experience as police com missloner of the city of New York had brought him into direct conflict with probably the most skillful and the most corrupt political organization in the country. His experience as gover The Times believes that every man or woman has a right to think and act as his or her conscience dictates with regard to political views. That right is a heritage and should be guarded. But just how some of the men who participated in the lone movement at Filer last Thursday could hold that heritage, is a puzzle. True, there were In that convention men who had not participated in any convention, and who went into that convention as the proper avenue of their political ex pression and to these men ,few though they be, the Times accords a full mea sure of respect. But for the men who entered that convention after either taking part in one or the other of the old parties' convention, it has no respect whatever. They are by their own confessed act, non-respectors of political promises and by the same confession not entitled to confidence of men who keep their word. of H. He a the he out on it or that and of nor of the state of New York had con vlnced him that the corruption was commercial as well as political. He six had not been in the presidential office the six months before he saw clearly— probably he had seen this before—that to purify the public service It was nec essary to bring first to the bar of the courts of justice and next to the bar of public opinion those politically fav ored corporations which were corrup ting both the public and the private life of the nation. In his fall cam paign, following his Inauguration, he declared war against them. It is not necessary to recite here the story of that war. In It the adminis tration has regarded neither section, race, class, nor party. It has prose, cuted with equal vigor the riotous min ers in the west and the coal barons in the east; In has been equally ready to protect negroes from peonage, Indians from confidence men, and the country at large from timber thieves; It has been equally ready to prosecute or ganizations in restraint of trade whether of laborers or capitalists; it has proceeded with equal vigor against senators of the United States, against railway officials, and against great shippers; and it has never discrimin ated in favor of political adherents or against political opponents. The pres ident has given the following list of what has been achieved, and a subse quent statement from the attorney of the Inter-State Commerce commission shows it to be only a partial statement of one class of criminal prosecutions, those for violation of the anti-rebate law. It does not include the peonage cases, nor the timber-stealing cases, nor the land fraud cases, nor the In dian robbery cases: "As regards suits to suppress rail way abuses, under the last Democratic administration there were no indict m ents against shippers for securing rebates or secret rates. Under my ad ministration there have been forty n j ne indictments for secret rebates, resulting in eighteen convictions, and iu on i y f our cases have these indict ments failed. The other twenty-seven cas es are still pending. Among the railroads which have been convicted are the Chicago and Alton, the Chi cag0 , Burlington and Quincy, the New y or k Central, the Chicago, Rock Island an( j p ac ific, and the Chicago, Milwau keen and St. Paul, while scores of cases are still pending against leading I railroads. Among the shippers that have been convicted are some of the greatest corporations in the United I states, as, for instance, the American Sugar company, the aggregate fine ac tually paid being more than $150,000; swift & Co., Armour Packing com panyj the Cudahy Packing company, Nelson Morris & Co., each of whom were fined $15,000, and the cases have now been carried to the supreme court. The Standard Oil case is still pending." This has not been Mr. Roosevelt's to personal work alone. It has been the work of an administration of which he is the head, but of which Mr. Taft has been a loyal member. In these prosecutions, conducted by a variety of of district attorneys, in different parts 0 f the United States, the administra tion has had Mr. Taft's constant sup port and legal counsel. He has shown his spirit, not only by his co-opera tion in the general movement, but by in his special activity in his own special to field. He has made all the Americans w ho were exploiting the Philippines his bitter enemies by his consistent vigourous maintenance of the doctrine, The Philippines for the Filipinos. He of has done much—how much history does not yet tell—to clean out the corrupt elements that had flocked to p an ama, and to make that pestilential spot compare favorably in sanitary conditions with our northern cities, And those who know him, as I do, know that he is as "fighting honest" its as Mr. Roosevelt himself, and abhors ad- a n forms of fraud, falsehood, and cor but ruption with as eager an abhorrence, Finally Mr. Roosevelt has with charac teristic candor indicated Mr. Taft as his candidate. He has been criticised for doing so. I am glad he did so. I am glad to know whom he would he choose to to complete the work so well en- begun. If the president had removed, or threatened to remove, from office any man for not supporting Mr. Taft, or had appointed or promised to ap point any man to office as a reward for supporting Mr. Taft, I should be as to quick to criticise as any of my read ers. But there is not the slightest evi a dence that he has ever done anything of the sort. He has simply told the a country whom he would choose to fin j S h the work he has begun. For that I am obliged to him; I urged him to do so before he did. of- If Mr. Taft is elected president, I of am sure that this policy of prosecuting law-breakers, big and little, in every section of the country, will be as vig His orously maintained as it has been vig orously initiated. The government a will continue to ferret out frauds and of to punish the perpetrators already de tected. If Mr. Bryan is elected, this whole policy will be halted for a time —necessarily halted. Mr. Bryan can not help the halt. There will be a new had attorney general and a new staff of assistants in Washington. There will the be new district attorneys in every dls in trict In the United States. The pres ent district attorneys, who are familiar as are ed, to to it I I 80 al per 12.5 with the facts, will retire. The new district attorneys will require at least six months to acquire familiarity with the facts. Even if officers as able and I I of as honest as the present Incumbents are appointed, there will be an inter regnum. That in all cases officers as honest and able will be appointed is too much to hope. President Roosevelt has had time, in his seven years, to weed out the less competent and ho has done so. That Mr. Bryan, if elect ed, would appoint some who would af terward ned to be weeded out will ap pear certain to all who do not impute to him an infallible judgment of men. That he is even a good Judge of men appears to me to be at least doubtful. If I could think, as some writers for the newspapers appear to think, that all the corruption is in the Republi can party and all the honesty in the Democratic party, I should be ready to vote "for a change." But clearly that is not the case. If Philadelphia is one of the most corrupt cities in the country and is governed by a Republi can ring, New York City is at least a close second, and it is governed by a Democratic ring. Thieves have no party prejudices; there is corruption in both parties. Mr. Roosevelt and the men whom he has gathered about him are fighting corruption first of all in their own party. It is not true that all the men in his party who hate Mr. Roosevelt are corrupt, but all the men who are corrupt hate Mr. Roosevelt. If they do not hate Mr. Taft as bitterly, it is only because they do not know him as well. But all the corrupt ele ments in the Democratic party do not hate Mr. Bryan. Some of them are his ardent supporters and apparently trusted counsels. We know who Mr. Taft's asociates in his administration would be, for we know who they are now. We do not know who Mr. Bry an's associates would be, and when 1 consider some of the men whom he has apparently chosen, or at least ac cepted as his advisors in the campaign, I cannot avoid apprehension as to the probable character of his advisors in the administration, if he were elected. The paramount issue, then, appears to me to be this: Shall we continue to the end the campaign against political and commercial corruption which Mr. Roosevelt has initiated? To that ques tion I can give but one answer, Yes! I am sure that it will be carried on with as much vigor and efficiency by Mr. Taft as by Mr. Roosevelt. He is Mr. Roosevelt's choice. He is fighting honest. He is a great lawyer, pecu liarly fitted for such a campaign. He is familiar with the facts because he has been one of Mr. Roosevelt's trust ed counselors in that campaign. He has shown his ability to be a com mander-in-chief in such a campaign by the work he has done as a division commander. It is always hazardous to swap commanders on the battlefield. I have no assurance that Mr. Bryan would be able to conduct such a cam paign with success. I am sure that, however good his intentions, for the first year or two he would be at a great disadvantage. And I am more than willing to postpone all merely po litical and economic questions until this campaign against corruption is brought to a decisive issue. REV. LYMAN ABBOTT, Editor Outlook. ers. those over ber, felt banks doors. tal 000 000 could their fact on ed since up true the and erary ser of son A. been I for THE DEPOSIT GUARANTY ISSUE. The Republican writers and speak ers evidently think the bank-deposit guaranty is the weakest point in the Democratic platform, to judge by the way they are going at it. Candidate Taft, Governor Hughes, and all the other stump orators, big and little, are banging it without mercy or let-up; and when the bankers held their na tional convention in Denver last week, the very hall where Bryan was nomin ated echoed with speeches denouncing the scheme that is intended to relieve banking of its worry and let the bank ers sleep nights. The charge that the guaranty plan would encourage reck less and wildcat banking is the main one urged by the Republican editors and orators, but not by any means the only one. Mr. Taft answers one of Mr. Bryan's arguments thus: "Mr. Bryan says that as the govern ment has security, why should not the individual depositor have security? The government usually has a large fund. The law requires that it exact security for its deposits. It is so large a fund that the banks can afford to give good security to obtain it. It is to be observed, however, that the se curity given to the government is the security of the bank which gets the deposits, and not the security of every other bank in the community. If the deposit is of sufficient benefit to make it an object of the bank to give secur ity, that is one thing; but to require every other bank to give security to that depositor is an entirely different thing." Governor Hughes, in his speech in Indianapolis on September 28, told how he thought the guaranty plan would have worked in New York last winter: "Now let us see what the situation has been in banking matters in New York during the last four years or nearly four years. Since January 1, 1905, down to June 30,1907, there were four failures of banks in New York. "Two of them have since paid their depositors in full. A third has paid 80 per cent., and 10 per cent, addition al Is to be paid. "The fourth has already paid 87.5 per cent, and the claims for the other 12.5 per cent, are to be satisfied by an assessment levied upon the stockhold The entire loss occasioned by REPUBLICAN NATIONAL TICKET, ers. those failures amounts to something over $14,000. "In the panic which started in Octo ber, 1907, the weight of which was felt in the City of New York, ten State banks and trust companies closed their doors. Those institutions had a capi tal and surplus amounting to $30,000, 000 and deposits aggregating $92,000, 000 . "If we had had a guaranty fund Im mdiately available of $44,000,000 we could not have paid 50 per cent, of the deposits of the institutions that closed their doors. The knowledge of that fact would have expediated the run up on the institutions. "Of those ten institutions that clos ed their doors all except one have since reopened with provision for the payment of their depositors in full. "Is that a reason for establishing a guaranty fund of $44,000,000, locking up that amount of money, with an im mense loss, and departing from the true theory of banking, and making the prudent suffer for the imprudent and the honest for the reckless.—Lit erary Digest. For President, WM. H. TAFT. For Vice-President, JAS. R. SHERMAN. REPUBLICAN STATE TICKET. United States Senator—Weldon B. Heyburn, Shoshone. Justice Supreme Court—Judge J. F. Ailshie of Idaho. Congressman—Thomas R. Hamer of Fremont. Governor—James H. Brady of Ban nock. Lieutenant Governor—L. H. Sweet ser of Cassia. Attorney General—D. C. McDougal of Oneida. Auditor— S. D. Taylor of Bonner. Mine Inspector— F. C. Moore of Sho shone. Superintendent of Public Instruc tion—S. Belle Chamberlain of Ada. Presidential Electors—Edgar Wil son of Ada, John Lamb of Owyhee, A. A. Crane of Kootenai. COUNTY TICKET. Senator, M. J. Sweeley. Assessor, Geo. E. Harlan. Treasurer, C. J. Hahn. County Attorney, W. P. Guthrie. Probate Judge, J. W. Shields. Sheriff, John Peters. Surveyor, Chas. Mull. Superintendent of Schools, T. W. Coroner— H. E. Hunt. Potter. Commissioner, 1st District, E. T. Newbry. Commissioner, 2nd District, C. A. McMaster. Commissioner, 3rd District, E. R. Sherman. As Socialist candidate for represen tative from this county, I wish to an nounce that I am and always have been a strong advocate of temperance. I believe in local option and shall vote for it if I have an opportunity. C. E. McCLAIN. Special Announcement 1, Mr. A. Miller, Idaho Representative of Car$ten$on and Anson Co., Salt Lake City, has established his headquarters at the SPRAGUE PHARMACY And will have a display of their Pianos in the "Ladies' Music and Waiting Room," and give recitals at dates subse quently announced. Mr. Miller will make his headquarters at Calkins and Boott's Pharmacy for the sale of Everett, Fischer, Ludwig and Bradford Pianos. The Victor, Graphophone with genuine Victor Records, may also be heard in the "Ladies' Music and Waiting which is being rapidly pushed to completion. room, PUBLIC SALE Of Farm Machinery, Household Goods and Chattels At Hansen, Idaho, Oct. 28, at 10 a. m„ at which time the undersigned will sell to the highest bidder, the following described property i 8 head of horses, 28 head of cows, heifers and steers, nearly new farm machinery, household goods, 100 hens, 1 dozen Leghorn roosters and many other articles. Free Lunch will be served at Noon. A TERMS OF SALE—810.00 or under, cash; over 810.00, six months' time with secured notes without Interest If not paid at end of six months, interest at rate of ten per cent will be charged from date of sale. All property must be settled for before removal. Dean & Morrison, Owners W. H. TURNER, Clerk. H. G. MUNYON, Auctioneer. JAMES W. SHIELDS. Republican Candidate for Probate Judge. James W. Shields was born in tha Buckeye State, In 1847. When five years old his parents took him to In diana. In his sixteenth year he enlist ed in the Eleventh I. V. I., and served in that regiment and the 130th I. V. I., until the close of the war. He took part in the siege of Vicksburg, the battles of Chicamauga and Missionary Ridge, and the nine pitched battles of the Atlanta campaign. Leaving Sherman's army at Atlanta, he return ed with his regiment under General Thomas and saw the destruction of Hood's army at Franklin and Nash ville. For seventeen months of his army service the boy Shields was lieuten ant in command of his company. He received two wounds, a saber stroke and a bullet wound; was in prison at Libby and Salisbury five months. While in prison he with two of his comrades drew death warrants, which, account of the intervention of Sec retary of War Stanton, were not exe cuted. At the close of the war he made a circuit of the globe in the secret se vice of the United States. Judge Shields went to Colorado kn 1877. In 1880 he was elected judgelff the Rio Grande county court, a court having concurrent jurisdiction with the district court in common law and equity matters up to $2,000.00. He re mained on the bench for fifteen years. After retiring from the bench he con tinued the practice of his profession in Colorado until his removal £o Idaho in 1905. on * A. J. W. Shields, the Republican as pirant for Probate Judge, comes be fore the voters with an enviable rec ord for faithful service in whatever position he has been placed. As a veteran of the Civil war Judge Shields can point with pride to a record re plete with courage and efficiency. His years as circuit judge in Colorado in which re-elecion was heartily given, show that to whatever task the man has been set it has been accomplished with credit. His life since coming to the Twin Falls tract has been an open book and his record as a citizen has shown that he is a man of the people, always on the side of civic improve ment. If elected to the office of pro bate judge, Mr. Shields has determin ed that it shall be run in the interests of the people. A. Lace Curtains and Draperies, from the cheapest to the best, at Lavering's. a«******************** Cjt i L. J. miller! i m i Funeral Director * * and Furnisher * S WITH LADT ATTENDANT PRIVATE AMBULANCE ! * # it LEGGETT BUILDING ! [ Main Strut, Next Door Wist tf Piiiafflct j. Phone 103 d*y, (night. %***:•*»****•*»** *******