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lnRl Or-'ri. SurMiy Ptx rr.ts; !th nr rr.tr c er r-1rs tlfn. 15 rnfs vklr or f7 pr ynr In a !nn-, dIlvr1 rler; f ty null In f.rt a1 ö-on1 tn; J r.y-r..1 -a-t j'Ii.n Hun in r.rvi.i;. ji!trr. Roosevelf Makes Mincemeat of Hi Johnson and Co-conspirators for Using His "Name in Vain' to Inveigle His Admirers to Hun Side of Americo-Hindenburg Line in Fight for Ratification of Paris Treaty and World League only srrv vvvMMn:!! in n inTiirit.v Indiana. M.iid In S.i;t Tr. 1 t1.! na mttrr. 7 n. SI'M M V. K .-. rr-.-t J. M STfri'IIIINSON. puMUW. Theodorf: roosevelt wants- a little heart to heart talk with you today; you pro gressives who were more th'm bull mocscrs, hark in 1912, and you who were naught but bull inoosfis, then and since then his followers. He objects to being played as a "John the Baptist' to Hi. Johnson, in that memorable cam I aign his running mate, now presuming to have assumed the role of Him who came after the Bap tist even mightier, fulfilling a prophecy. Accordingly he challenges the Californian challenges him as if from the grave, and invites you, progressives and otherwise, to sit down in council with them, because it is you whom Sen. Hi., and his co-censpirators, are seeking to hold in line; inveigle in the Oyster Bay man's name into an opposition to the greatest thing that he had stood for throughout his whole life and with al most his dying breath. II OF course, it is the Paris treaty and the League of Nations that is the issue involved; the issue of the hour and if the spirits of the dead have any conception of the doings of the living, no one knows better than Theodore Roosevelt what is going on; that was always his way, and he was honest about it, even though he may have been mistaken. Not hoe to defend himself in person, that his words while living should arise in his defense is a natural sequence. It is the cowardliness of "tak ing his name in vain," and misusing his absence, to which Roosevelt would most surely object; the cowardliness of it, as well as ignominy with which it would enshroud him, and now taking counsel, the Oyster Bay man on the right hand, and Johnson on the left as the man in the par able located the sheep and separated them from the goats, let us be sensible. The most of us, the average among us, and better than the average, back home here, not run ning for office and not expecting to, care very little about the campaign material that is being ground out of the United States senate; are more interested in getting the world war over with and keeping it over with and over with right. than we are in manufacturing political berths or death beds for particular parties or politicians. The armistice is nearly a year old, and the Paris treaty three months old, with practically the entire American expeditionary force back home, and still the senate is wrangling and holding the world in check, filled with suspicion and unrest, when it ought to bo full of confidence and forward-looking activity. It would be so but for a minority of the United States senate standing in the way of which Sen. Johnson is one, justifying himself as the champion of R ooseveitism, w'hen there is no evidence any where that Roosevelt would be with him if he were alive, aside from his enormous dislike of the president. On the contrary there is evidence that Roosevelt would be against him. Roosevelt with all his prejudice against his euccessor's successor wasn't so prejudiced but that The Ushers Will T MHR 'V :!"! ::-h i; will pass out tlüouu'n tho auIio:u-v with the hat to gather in the shekels for the W:t'(r- fum!; that is, puss th h t or sit scrip?!. ;i ! !r,K. Th" purpose is to L'f t thr n"rfs..iry coin aül ilisoh.tr-e thi- hase of our civic obligations. It m:irht not h rrv try to rxptiin what it is f.r. It Iris b on to, time ami acain !t:nn the past vt'. in th nrw.s ".hatr.r.s, ami in advertisinc Th-" (-. we can r!o H to c;vo it oar in-lors-ement. It i? no! oar purpose to sooM ar,oee for not reading. ?r.'l inforrv.tr. ? thr.-!.-l -s. oa whit they are too V'. p .1 t o ",. T."T 1? I'O hope 'I that n-w h are too prni:rivi ftiifcy. ar.il voi I of pul.'ie j i ? i r . t lo th ir part, will ever 'icrumb to a position where they will r.re.l be bnr . c'.arie.s v s':eh a ui piin. It would lr too much Il':e ras? in c orv s pir!s before swine to ha to cr f o i'-h p ple. Tb.es who ilo cn trlb'Jte w:l! rvi' h j ref. r tit if the unfortunates rvhoTi they srrve. h'.vr. or wit! become so from .nrin ?v.!5f ort'ir., r t'!!'" as a !i in- punishment for thir raiser'v eis- - Th.t is aV-oi't j ';- h -,,. 1 1 'i n s u r er to None of This For T T!n?T! " 1. ;i r- -;r ivc' !y s! reraious titv.e; t': -.: t ! r w ojv! ,-ri' s.t;' as wdl as th r .' i ' f v. 1 : ' ' iv.i-rc r. . l . Th t'-T'lh et'' rvmeM propos tb." standard lt Tt'" -f w 'fury's rrvr.ts I T" c r a s : v ' " b.ich P -;.'-. f.r ...'V.r .: ( ' h f r.' '.nine variety b.s civ- r" !o ' s':, - th ,! . lf million of these 1 .t fro.'ks b- rianu- f-. t :r-'! f .r:-j w r T:: an' Knlish w omen w r .. w ir tb.s st le of t'.rss. but they ci '. 1 "iir-.fr" " f. It that thy wre dojn? th .r ! :t 1 . w . , r. r c it. T:i v.,-.'.-.. v f. :. -.(!.; w ay about his uniform. b-: tb. w ;th w ba-h : .h Mr-l-vi it the jno- rra th. . ;.. ! s V. r :u'd C'.VC rise to w .' !" ! sor.-.ewh it tb.ft )- o,.r ; ,;; , i ;;,iv!.s th v are j:i'" w i W j: A r- 'i w . w t-h :th interest this latent r :.. ' : f but m o-r b.-.trts w . .... . Th- or.l; :: .:.-..r.Mi lir.-lse.tp. th.. days A :r. r : . i r :ri tor t , f r- a ri' ty of Hü..:-: :t :.. avay f r tb.. . r.ot .-n'y it- gr- tt-vt attra ti u. but you ato'.i!. r. :'. popa'..ir tbo i.'. of -r.ver- he supported and worked for the ends sought in prosecution of the war. In concluding a peace, which has been done, so nearly In keeping with his recommendations; doubtful indeed, if he would go back on those recommendations rven to please Boise Penrose, Phil. Knox, Bill Borah, Harrv Stewart New, "Boss" Lodge, or even Sen. Hi. Ill IT was an ugly bomb that Pres't Wilson dropped on Sen. Johnson's stronghold California, when at San Diego he challenged the senator's right to pretend Rooseveltian leadership. Assuming himself an infallible interpreter of what "Roosevelt would do," Johnson had ex claimed in Chicago, Indianapolis and St. Louis, "Oh, if Roosevelt were only here," to which the president replied, "Yes, oh, if he only were," pointing to the Rooseveltian plea for: "An afrrccmcnt anions the frrcat powers. In which each should pledge itfelf not only to abide by the decision of a common tribunal, but to bar k with force the decision of that common tribunal" which are Roosevelt's words, not Wilson's. They were addressed to ex-Pres't Taft by the Oyster Bay man shortly before his death, in indorsement of Mr. Taft's work for a league of nations the League of Nations for which Taft and all, save the pro-German world, are now contending. The two ex-presidents were discussing the pres ident's 14th point, insisting upon: "An association of nations formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political Independence, vonomlc justice, and the territorial integrity of ;rrvnt und small states alike," upon which Roosevelt commented: "Let us support any reasonable plan, whether in the form of a Icacaic of Nations or in any other shaie, which bids fair to lessen the probable num 1kt of future wars, and to limit their scope." "I shaM be delighted to support tho movement for a League to enforce peace, or for a League of Nations, if it Is developed as a supplement to, and not a sufeVJtute for, tho prviarution of our own strength." Which mrans that Johnson is opposing Roose velt in every feature of the league on which he could have be-Vi at all likely to take issue. John son supports disarmament, and objects to every thing that looks like a guarantee of world peace through the instrumentality of cooperative force. If "Roosevelt were here" he would be oppos ing the league covenants if at all, not because they are too strenuous in their demands, but be cause they are not strenuous enough. IV NO one save Hi. Johnson has ever accused Theodore Roosevelt of being a "mollycod dle," which is exactly what he does by claim ing him as authority for his opposition to the much discussed Art. X. Roosevelt objects this way, quoting him from "Utopia or Hell," 1915 a suggestion upon which the article is based. He said: ".My proposal is tliat the efficient civilized Now Pass the Hat indulge. It our answer to all the niggardly criti cism we have heard of the way the Welfare asso ciation is organized, how the campaign is to be con Uictf (1. where the money is goinp: to go. or as to who is isoing to administer it. Such criticism has sounded to us largely as a, search for an excuse for not contributing, born of an innate penuriousness, rather than from any sincere fear of abuse- And likewise with th criticisms of the institu tions that are to be beneficiaries. It is largely gos sip; talk about something of which the critic knows nothinpr and in many instances wanuld refuse to be informed should the information promise to be fav orable to its worthiness. Such as these we have ever with us. We had them to deal with in the Liberty loan and KM Cross drives during the war; wise as srrp-nts. The slackers didn't all die when the arm istico was signed. And bo h?re is pood luck to the ushers; to thosr earnest workers who will try Petting" around to see that th1 money is raised, subscribed or otherwise forthcoming. Thank heaven for their humanitarian ism and courage. Women of America tb deadly afternoon, caller cr a trip horn on th street car. What, we wonder, would women talk about if they all wore the same dress. What would become of the editors of the fashion magazines, what would the department store advertisers write about, who would dare ct up a dance or a dinner party, what would be the us of havirp a good-looking- wife, who would dare to devise a standard carment and tell the American woman she had to wear it? A lot of heroes have come home from the fields of 1'rarce, but it would tak more than the offer of a t"roi de Guerre or even a French Legicn of Honor to induce an American soldier to sugcest any sab scheme as theKngIish government has put forth in that country- The American woman is a law unto herself and her dress knows neither the limitation or law nor economy. Sr..- we.-.rs what she wants to wear, whether she can afford . or not, ani standardized garments have 'v. r been so unpopular here that if the pros perous Mrs Jone discovers that the less prosperous Mrs Smith has a garment of exactly the same cut as her new gown she lays it away sorrowfully or passes It alor.tr to the lady who does hr weekly wash, with remarks concerning the lack of In genuity of dressmakers who must use one pattern for two dresses. nation those that are efficient In war as well as In r"iu"f' sluill Join in a world Ixagne for the peace of rlghteousne.is. This means that they shall by solemn covenant agree tu, to their respec Uto rights, which shall not be questioned; that they shall agree tliat all other questions arinsr between them shall bo snbmitted to a court of arbitration; that they shall also axree and here comes the vital and essential point of the whole system to act with the combined strength of all of them against any recalcitrant nation, against any nation which trnnssrrcs at the expense of any other nation the rights which It Is ajrrcod slmll not be questioned, or which on arbitrable matters refuses to submit to the decree of the arbitral court,' Can you beat it? Now read Art. X in con junction with it: "Members of the League undertake to respect and preserve as against external appression the territorial integrity and existing political Indcpend enee of all members, of the Lea-gaie. In caj of any auch agression tho council shall advise upon the means by which this obligation shall be fulfilled." And now read it again, and not only in con junction with the above quotation from Col. Roosevelt in this division, but with those back in Division III, and with the president's Mth point, upon which he was commenting. Rooseveltian comment might be said tq have furnished the very groundwork upon which Art. X is based; proposing united action against any mischief-making nation after efforts at concilia tion have failed the "vital and essential point of the whole system" which Sen. Johnson would emasculate; this too in the name of Roosevelt! v JOHNSON and his co-conspirators in behalf of Germany, strike another bad snag in seek ing to sway the American people into opposition to the Paris treaty, and the league by pleading anti-Britishism as Roosevelt's mouthpiece. This comes to the surface in the insistence that Britain has six votes to our one, and demanding that it must be equalized. It may be that Roose velt would prefer that America have as many votes as Britain, but upon having it explained to him that it has, he would probably not be so bone-headed but that he could see it. When apprised of the fact that Canada, Aus tralia and South Africa, all self-governing coun tries, entered the war voluntarily and without British compulsion, he would doubtless say just as Pres't Wilson and ex-Pres't Taft insist, that they have as much right in the league as the United States, Cuba, Panama and Nicaragua. When apprised further, which is the case, that while Britain, including her colonies, have six votes in the assembly, the executive body is the council, not the assembly, and that there the en tire British empire has only one vote, same as the United States; then one can quite imagine hearing the colonel say, were he alive to say it, -"Oh, shucks I" Add to this the information, which is correct, that in both the assembly and the council, except on the subject of the admission of members, the appointment of committees, and the publication of majority findings, a decision to be binding must be by unanimous vote making one vote as good as fifty, and you can pretty near hear the colonel saying, "oh piffle" to the claim of "foreign control" or "British dominance." It is almost certain that when explained to him that if the assembly of the League which is the only place Britain and her colonies have more votes than America, were based upon popula tion as the League opponents loudly demand "in behalf of our 100,000,000 people," then not only the British empire but China would have at least five votes to our one; well, you can hear the colonel shout quite emphatically, "oh hell!" to the idiots with no more sense than to suggest such an equalization. One thing to Roosevelt's credit, can never be denied. He was all American; never pro-German not even during the campaign of 1916, and he wouldn't tor the purpose of helping Germany out of her plight, pretend to be fighting Britain when there was nothing to fight her for, in Germany's behalf. VI INDEED, yes, when Sen. Johnson and his co conspirators seek to make you believe Col. Roosevelt would use any of the above arguments against the Paris treaty and the League covenant; well they either haven't kept up on Roosevelt to know what they are talking about, or else they are playing you for an ignoramus, and the pur pose of this heart to heart talk is to show them that you are not. Hear the Californian: "Mr. Roosevelt, like the rest of ti. would have pone far to hate precnted war. Hut when any man sajs that he would for a sinsle Intant hae accepted the pro-Hritish document which would put the country' he so dearly loved w ithin the power or direction, command or recommendation of foreign nations, that man affronts the revered memory of Itoosevelt," Is that so? Well, then, Roosevelt aftronts his own memory. The senator offers two objections in Roosevelt's name; one that the League is pro British, and the other that it puts us under for eign control. Roosevelt has previously been quoted on how far he was willing to go on the subject of foreign control far as you like, "if it is developed as a supplement to, and not a substitute for. the preparation of our own strength." Let us now hear from Mr. Roosevelt, date Dec. I Oth last: "I an now- prepared to say what Ave years acr I would not have said. I think the time lia.s come when tho Vnltrtl Stat- and the British empire can airree to a universal arbitration treaty. "In other wonts, I lKllce that the time Iiaa come when should sajr that under no circum stances shall there ever be a resort to war between the Uniti States and the IJritlsh empire; that no question can ever arise between them that can not bo settled in judicial fashion, in some such manner as questions between states of our own union an nettled." Nothing very anti-British, or fearful of Britain about that! Indeed, it seems quite pro-British, and we anticipate that had the colonel been alive recently when Sen. Johnson joined forces with the German-serving anti-League forces in that campaign being waged here on American soil by the Friends of Irish Freedom; when within ear shot of Boston's large Irish-American population Johnson declared that "the Englishmen who wrote" Art. X designedly committed the United States "to suppress rebellion in any part of the British empire," well, we anticipate that Mr. Johnson might have heard from Mr. Roosevelt, and that in keeping with his style the Oyster Bay sage might have called his former running-mate a "malicious and unmitigated liar," same as he once christened Sen. Henry Cabot Lodge. Johnson, too, was just what Roosevelt might have called him. Article X was written by an American Woodrow Wilson. and was more nearly dictated by Theodore Roosevelt and Wil liam Howard Taft than by any other living souls. VII SURELY Roosevelt's faith in British democ racy; the faith which caused him to say shortly before his death, when it was proposed that the United States should build a navy equal to Britain's, that: "The British navy is probably the most potent Instrumentality for peace in the world, and we should seek to supplement it rather tlutn rival it, and Britain and America should work toprether;" well, if he felt that way toward Britain, he would hardly countenance the anti-British slurs that are going the rounds in his name now. Which is suggestive of quite another crow which the Oyster Bay man might have to pick with his "late interpreter," if he were here to pick it. It involves the Californian's attitude toward the Paris treaty proper; weeping first for Shan tung for the first time, by the way, since Ger many grabbed it, with William McKinley's acquiescence. Fact of the matter is that had Roosevelt writ ten the Paris treaty it could scarcely have more nearly resembled what he advocated for it and no longer ago than last Lafayette day in New York. Of course, had he written it, it would be perfect, but nevertheless all that he proposed is in it, Shantung included. He was criticising Pres't Wilson's "fourteen points" as "glittering generalities," and de manded more definiteness which he undertook to furnish and furnished with such prophetic neatness, in the light of subsequent develop ments, that it would seem to indicate that he understood the president far better than he pre tended to. VIII FOLLOW the Rooseveltian "points" and you have the Paris treaty quite in toto partic ularly in so far as concerns League of Nations" administration of it. They are: 1. "Serbia and Rumania must hae restored to them what Bulparia has taken from them," and the treaty provides for it. 2. The Austrian and Turkish empires must both be broken up, nil the subject peoples liber ated, and the Turk driven from l.urope. YVe do not intend that Cierman or Mapyar shall be op pressed by others, nor that they shall oppress or domineer oer others," another treaty incorporation. o. "l'ranee must receive back Alsaee and Lorraine, Belpium be restored and Indemnified, and Italian Austria be i-estored to Italy and IIn manian Hunpary to Rumania.,' every feature of which the treaty has carried out. 4. "The heroic Czecho-siovakn must be made into an indejendent commonwealth and likewise the southern Slavs must be united in a preat Jupo-Slav commonwealth, with an outlet to the tea," both of which were worked out in the Paris treaty, the Fiume affair being the result of con ference determination that Jugo-Slavia should have that seaport yet opponents to the treaty and League seem to take sides with Italy, and against Roosevelt. ."v. "Poland as a pnuinrT- indepondrnt rrrn monvcealth must receive back Anstrlan an1 Prus sian Poland a wrll as Russian Poland, and hare her coAst-line on the Baltic," a serious undertaking on the part of the peace conference, but worked out, Danzig being made a "free city" under the League of Nations which is to enforce freedom of transportation, while Silesia must undergo a plebiscite or referendum election, to ascertain whether Germany or Poland shall hold the connecting territory under the rule of self-determination. fi. Lithuania, the Baltic province of RnsLv. fkrainia and Finland must bo truaranteod their independence, and no part of the ancient Ru.wLan empire now under the German yoke shall !e Wt in any way subject to German Influence. Northern Schleswig should co back to the Banes," all of which is subscribed to in the Pariä treaty, except as provided in the last sentence, a matter to be settled by the League of Nations, should Denmark invite it; otherwise to be neutralized. 7. "Armenia must he frf-d, Palrrtlnr br mafle a Jewish stnte the Greeks be xruaranteed their richls. und the Syrians liberated all of them, Mohammedans. Jrrrs, Irunrs and Christians, f Inz fniarajueed eial liberty of relLriou. belief and reqnired to work out their independence on a baIs of equal political and civil limits for all creeds;" covered by the treaty with Germany, and those with Austria ar.d Hungary and Turkey, in much rlcLaiL as is alsa the Rooseveltian "point No. 2" above but we would like to a$k Sen. Johr.or. and his ilk. how all this is to be "giMrantcci"' and "required" without a League of Nation) Finally this: S. "GRKAT BRITAIN" AND .T MiOVM ki:i:p thi: coi.onils tiiky iiavi; aw. QUKRLD," indeed, rather amusing, when you hear Jr-h-.con opposing the Shantung proviso, and nilir..; Britain, particularly in Rocsrvelt s name. Japan conquered Shantung, a Gcrmm prov ince ceded to Germany by Chini following th Boxer uprising. Japan took it from Germany a prize of war. Roosevelt sny? ?he Srt:!d kfp it. Right or wrong, any pleading for th trar.sfrr ntnnr from ,in,m tr irr in t K n ' Th eodore Roosevelt, hasn't a leg to stand anywhere. IX on NOTHING there about a "hard r.nd treaty for Germany, or fearing one, there any suggestion that the United nor is Statt s should turn "slacker," seek a "separate pece," or shirk responsibilities through fear of a.i "entangling alliance." In fact, two months later, Roosevelt repeated the substance of his Lafayette day program i:i the foreword to his book, "The Great Advance." finished shortly before his death, and concluded: "Our present business is to flht. and to eon tlnue fishtins: until Germany is brought to iir knees. "Our next business will be to help irinrantee the peace of juMic' fr tin world at I.ire, in.l t set in order the affairs of our own lmusj-hd." No flinching here; no shedding of belated teats over Shantung; no atavistic invocation again: "entangling alliances;" no squealing about American troops abroad to preserve peace; n fear lest Germany be embarrassed or punished for h er barbarism. Japan was to keep what she had taken from Germany; Germany was to be "brought to her knees;" it was then to become our duty to "help guarantee the peace of justice for the world at large." X YES. truly! "Oh if Roosevelt were only here!" He would be making mince meat out of Hi. Johnson, Miles Poindexter, other cx-progrcsjvr and "stand-patters" opponents of the Parin treaty and the worid League; using his name in vain. Indeed, though dead, he lives on in word and spirit, and makes mince meat out of them any how. About the last th ing he did, when alive, wj tto indorse Taft's fight for a League of Nations. and his only two reservations was the saf guarding of our internal rights and our proper preparedness. As to the contention dissented from by both Pres't Wilson and ex-Pres't Tafe, that Ameri can control of domestic affairs, and American sovereignty need greater safeguards thrown about them; well let us call in some real lawyers, exactly as Roosevelt would no doubt do, instead of de pending upon the legal acumen of politico senatorial pettifoggers. The American Bar association contains just as good international lawyers as Hi. Johnson, or anyone else in the United States senate, and . committee of that association recommends a simpler method than killing both the treaty and the League or throwing them again into con ference. That committee says: "Tin eoenaiit should le clarified ' ;im nl- ment, but Instead of attempting to amend it at the present conference. It should ain i)l l .ifter ratification in the manner proideil ,v .rtiele A'XVI. of the covenant. Such procedure would not delay the ratification of the jeacc treat) and could more readily be accomplished, imt-nux-h as it rtfjuircs only the coneurrence of the nn members composing the couneil and a majontv of the nicniN'rs constituting the ass-mM, wh re.is amendment at the -ace conference require unanimous action." Pretty good sense, in't it? Doubt that th United States, upon which the world nov de pends for so much, would be able to get hrr wanted amendments through the council, is the doubt of a fool. and if perchance the amend ments should fail, how about the only two years that we would be obliged to remain as mem bers? Statesmen who have so many qualms about the League of Nations would hardly play pker as they play for peace or aren't th-y playing for peace? Let Roosevelt answer, his voice roniing down from his Battle Creel:, Mich., pech during the campaign of 1916: "To maintain an honorable jrence we i.iu-t find out what Germany want., and what ili.i' c i i.i.i n Americans want who are mor- firmans th.in Americans, and then not :rie it to tli-t:i. for 1 1 are sure riot to want anjtliinz th.it wotdd be hon orable to America to sie. if." fierman concep tion of neutrality is ti pro-tiennan for America to be swajed bj. To maintain a riet neutrality and an honorable p c- we mu-t n abe thr pame of party i,iJtic ami I nil in the ducc." That was before we got into the war, Lut it is a good hint to the hopelessly partisan. pro-German, anti-treaty and anti-League prcmenaders in the name of Roosevelt; plainly enough under false colors. Germany and every German-American who is more German than American wants the Paris treaty and League of Nations killed, and Hi. Johnson and his co-conspirators, instead of i ing them the opposite, are playing directly into their hands; playing the lowest peci- of party politics for the sake of votes and playing :L with the deuces loose. "Oh, if Rocsevelt were only here!"