BEND NEWS-TIMES SUNDAY EDITORIAL PAGE
lnRl Or-'ri. SurMiy Ptx rr.ts; !th nr rr.tr c er r-1rs
tlfn. 15 rnfs vklr or f7 pr ynr In a !nn-, dIlvr1
rler; f ty null In f.rt a1 ö-on1 tn; J r.y-r..1 -a-t
j'Ii.n Hun in r.rvi.i;. ji!trr.
Roosevelf Makes Mincemeat of Hi Johnson and Co-conspirators for Using His "Name in Vain' to Inveigle His
Admirers to Hun Side of Americo-Hindenburg Line in Fight for Ratification of Paris Treaty and World League
only srrv vvvMMn:!! in n inTiirit.v Indiana. M.iid
In S.i;t Tr. 1 t1.! na mttrr.
7 n. SI'M M V. K .-. rr-.-t J. M STfri'IIIINSON. puMUW.
Theodorf: roosevelt wants- a little
heart to heart talk with you today; you pro
gressives who were more th'm bull mocscrs,
hark in 1912, and you who were naught but bull
inoosfis, then and since then his followers.
He objects to being played as a "John the
Baptist' to Hi. Johnson, in that memorable cam
I aign his running mate, now presuming to have
assumed the role of Him who came after the Bap
tist even mightier, fulfilling a prophecy.
Accordingly he challenges the Californian
challenges him as if from the grave, and invites
you, progressives and otherwise, to sit down in
council with them, because it is you whom Sen.
Hi., and his co-censpirators, are seeking to hold in
line; inveigle in the Oyster Bay man's name into
an opposition to the greatest thing that he had
stood for throughout his whole life and with al
most his dying breath.
II
OF course, it is the Paris treaty and the League
of Nations that is the issue involved; the
issue of the hour and if the spirits of the dead
have any conception of the doings of the living,
no one knows better than Theodore Roosevelt
what is going on; that was always his way, and
he was honest about it, even though he may have
been mistaken.
Not hoe to defend himself in person, that his
words while living should arise in his defense is a
natural sequence. It is the cowardliness of "tak
ing his name in vain," and misusing his absence,
to which Roosevelt would most surely object;
the cowardliness of it, as well as ignominy with
which it would enshroud him, and now taking
counsel, the Oyster Bay man on the right hand,
and Johnson on the left as the man in the par
able located the sheep and separated them from
the goats, let us be sensible.
The most of us, the average among us, and
better than the average, back home here, not run
ning for office and not expecting to, care very
little about the campaign material that is being
ground out of the United States senate; are more
interested in getting the world war over with and
keeping it over with and over with right. than
we are in manufacturing political berths or death
beds for particular parties or politicians.
The armistice is nearly a year old, and the
Paris treaty three months old, with practically the
entire American expeditionary force back home,
and still the senate is wrangling and holding the
world in check, filled with suspicion and unrest,
when it ought to bo full of confidence and forward-looking
activity.
It would be so but for a minority of the United
States senate standing in the way of which Sen.
Johnson is one, justifying himself as the champion
of R ooseveitism, w'hen there is no evidence any
where that Roosevelt would be with him if he
were alive, aside from his enormous dislike of the
president. On the contrary there is evidence that
Roosevelt would be against him.
Roosevelt with all his prejudice against his
euccessor's successor wasn't so prejudiced but that
The Ushers Will
T MHR 'V :!"! ::-h i; will pass out tlüouu'n
tho auIio:u-v with the hat to gather in the
shekels for the W:t'(r- fum!; that is, puss
th h t or sit scrip?!. ;i ! !r,K. Th" purpose is to
L'f t thr n"rfs..iry coin aül ilisoh.tr-e thi- hase of
our civic obligations.
It m:irht not h rrv try to rxptiin what it is
f.r. It Iris b on to, time ami acain !t:nn the past
vt'. in th nrw.s ".hatr.r.s, ami in advertisinc Th-"
(-. we can r!o H to c;vo it oar in-lors-ement. It i?
no! oar purpose to sooM ar,oee for not reading.
?r.'l inforrv.tr. ? thr.-!.-l -s. oa whit they are too
V'. p .1 t o ",.
T."T 1? I'O hope 'I that n-w h are too prni:rivi
ftiifcy. ar.il voi I of pul.'ie j i ? i r . t lo th ir part,
will ever 'icrumb to a position where they will
r.re.l be bnr . c'.arie.s v s':eh a ui piin. It would
lr too much Il':e ras? in c orv s pir!s before swine
to ha to cr f o i'-h p ple. Tb.es who ilo cn
trlb'Jte w:l! rvi' h j ref. r tit if the unfortunates
rvhoTi they srrve. h'.vr. or wit! become so from
.nrin ?v.!5f ort'ir., r t'!!'" as a !i in- punishment for
thir raiser'v eis- -
Th.t is aV-oi't j ';- h -,,. 1 1 'i n s u r er to
None of This For
T
T!n?T! " 1. ;i r- -;r ivc' !y s! reraious titv.e;
t': -.: t ! r w ojv! ,-ri' s.t;' as wdl as th
r .' i ' f v. 1 : ' ' iv.i-rc r. . l .
Th t'-T'lh et'' rvmeM propos tb." standard
lt Tt'" -f w 'fury's rrvr.ts I T" c r a s : v ' " b.ich
P -;.'-. f.r ...'V.r .: ( ' h f r.' '.nine variety b.s civ-
r" !o ' s':, - th ,! . lf million of these
1 .t fro.'ks b- rianu-
f-. t :r-'! f .r:-j w r T:: an' Knlish w omen
w r .. w ir tb.s st le of t'.rss. but they
ci '. 1 "iir-.fr" " f. It that thy wre dojn?
th .r ! :t 1 . w . , r. r c it.
T:i v.,-.'.-.. v f. :. -.(!.; w ay about his uniform.
b-: tb. w ;th w ba-h : .h Mr-l-vi it the jno-
rra
th.
. ;.. ! s V. r :u'd C'.VC rise to
w .' !" ! sor.-.ewh it tb.ft
)- o,.r ; ,;; , i ;;,iv!.s th v are
j:i'" w i
W j: A r- 'i w . w t-h :th interest this latent
r :.. ' : f but m o-r b.-.trts
w .
.... .
Th- or.l;
:: .:.-..r.Mi lir.-lse.tp. th.. days
A :r.
r : . i r
:ri tor
t , f r-
a ri' ty of
Hü..:-: :t :..
avay f r tb.. . r.ot .-n'y it- gr- tt-vt attra ti u.
but you ato'.i!. r. :'. popa'..ir tbo i.'. of -r.ver-
he supported and worked for the ends sought in
prosecution of the war. In concluding a peace,
which has been done, so nearly In keeping with
his recommendations; doubtful indeed, if he
would go back on those recommendations rven
to please Boise Penrose, Phil. Knox, Bill Borah,
Harrv Stewart New, "Boss" Lodge, or even Sen.
Hi.
Ill
IT was an ugly bomb that Pres't Wilson dropped
on Sen. Johnson's stronghold California,
when at San Diego he challenged the senator's
right to pretend Rooseveltian leadership.
Assuming himself an infallible interpreter of
what "Roosevelt would do," Johnson had ex
claimed in Chicago, Indianapolis and St. Louis,
"Oh, if Roosevelt were only here," to which the
president replied, "Yes, oh, if he only were,"
pointing to the Rooseveltian plea for:
"An afrrccmcnt anions the frrcat powers. In
which each should pledge itfelf not only to abide
by the decision of a common tribunal, but to
bar k with force the decision of that common
tribunal"
which are Roosevelt's words, not Wilson's. They
were addressed to ex-Pres't Taft by the Oyster
Bay man shortly before his death, in indorsement
of Mr. Taft's work for a league of nations the
League of Nations for which Taft and all, save
the pro-German world, are now contending.
The two ex-presidents were discussing the pres
ident's 14th point, insisting upon:
"An association of nations formed under
specific covenants for the purpose of affording
mutual guarantees of political Independence,
vonomlc justice, and the territorial integrity of
;rrvnt und small states alike,"
upon which Roosevelt commented:
"Let us support any reasonable plan, whether in
the form of a Icacaic of Nations or in any other
shaie, which bids fair to lessen the probable num
1kt of future wars, and to limit their scope."
"I shaM be delighted to support tho movement
for a League to enforce peace, or for a League of
Nations, if it Is developed as a supplement to, and
not a sufeVJtute for, tho prviarution of our own
strength."
Which mrans that Johnson is opposing Roose
velt in every feature of the league on which he
could have be-Vi at all likely to take issue. John
son supports disarmament, and objects to every
thing that looks like a guarantee of world peace
through the instrumentality of cooperative force.
If "Roosevelt were here" he would be oppos
ing the league covenants if at all, not because
they are too strenuous in their demands, but be
cause they are not strenuous enough.
IV
NO one save Hi. Johnson has ever accused
Theodore Roosevelt of being a "mollycod
dle," which is exactly what he does by claim
ing him as authority for his opposition to the
much discussed Art. X. Roosevelt objects this
way, quoting him from "Utopia or Hell," 1915
a suggestion upon which the article is based. He
said:
".My proposal is tliat the efficient civilized
Now Pass the Hat
indulge. It our answer to all the niggardly criti
cism we have heard of the way the Welfare asso
ciation is organized, how the campaign is to be con
Uictf (1. where the money is goinp: to go. or as to
who is isoing to administer it. Such criticism has
sounded to us largely as a, search for an excuse for
not contributing, born of an innate penuriousness,
rather than from any sincere fear of abuse-
And likewise with th criticisms of the institu
tions that are to be beneficiaries. It is largely gos
sip; talk about something of which the critic knows
nothinpr and in many instances wanuld refuse to be
informed should the information promise to be fav
orable to its worthiness. Such as these we have ever
with us. We had them to deal with in the Liberty
loan and KM Cross drives during the war; wise as
srrp-nts. The slackers didn't all die when the arm
istico was signed.
And bo h?re is pood luck to the ushers; to thosr
earnest workers who will try Petting" around to see
that th1 money is raised, subscribed or otherwise
forthcoming. Thank heaven for their humanitarian
ism and courage.
Women of America
tb deadly afternoon, caller cr a trip horn on th
street car.
What, we wonder, would women talk about if
they all wore the same dress. What would become
of the editors of the fashion magazines, what would
the department store advertisers write about, who
would dare ct up a dance or a dinner party, what
would be the us of havirp a good-looking- wife,
who would dare to devise a standard carment and
tell the American woman she had to wear it?
A lot of heroes have come home from the fields
of 1'rarce, but it would tak more than the offer
of a t"roi de Guerre or even a French Legicn of
Honor to induce an American soldier to sugcest any
sab scheme as theKngIish government has put
forth in that country- The American woman is a
law unto herself and her dress knows neither the
limitation or law nor economy.
Sr..- we.-.rs what she wants to wear, whether she
can afford . or not, ani standardized garments
have 'v. r been so unpopular here that if the pros
perous Mrs Jone discovers that the less prosperous
Mrs Smith has a garment of exactly the same cut
as her new gown she lays it away sorrowfully or
passes It alor.tr to the lady who does hr weekly
wash, with remarks concerning the lack of In
genuity of dressmakers who must use one pattern
for two dresses.
nation those that are efficient In war as well as
In r"iu"f' sluill Join in a world Ixagne for the
peace of rlghteousne.is. This means that they
shall by solemn covenant agree tu, to their respec
Uto rights, which shall not be questioned; that
they shall agree tliat all other questions arinsr
between them shall bo snbmitted to a court of
arbitration; that they shall also axree and here
comes the vital and essential point of the whole
system to act with the combined strength of all of
them against any recalcitrant nation, against any
nation which trnnssrrcs at the expense of any
other nation the rights which It Is ajrrcod slmll
not be questioned, or which on arbitrable matters
refuses to submit to the decree of the arbitral
court,'
Can you beat it? Now read Art. X in con
junction with it:
"Members of the League undertake to respect
and preserve as against external appression the
territorial integrity and existing political Indcpend
enee of all members, of the Lea-gaie. In caj of any
auch agression tho council shall advise upon the
means by which this obligation shall be fulfilled."
And now read it again, and not only in con
junction with the above quotation from Col.
Roosevelt in this division, but with those back in
Division III, and with the president's Mth point,
upon which he was commenting.
Rooseveltian comment might be said tq have
furnished the very groundwork upon which Art.
X is based; proposing united action against any
mischief-making nation after efforts at concilia
tion have failed the "vital and essential point of
the whole system" which Sen. Johnson would
emasculate; this too in the name of Roosevelt!
v
JOHNSON and his co-conspirators in behalf of
Germany, strike another bad snag in seek
ing to sway the American people into opposition
to the Paris treaty, and the league by pleading
anti-Britishism as Roosevelt's mouthpiece.
This comes to the surface in the insistence that
Britain has six votes to our one, and demanding
that it must be equalized. It may be that Roose
velt would prefer that America have as many
votes as Britain, but upon having it explained to
him that it has, he would probably not be so
bone-headed but that he could see it.
When apprised of the fact that Canada, Aus
tralia and South Africa, all self-governing coun
tries, entered the war voluntarily and without
British compulsion, he would doubtless say just
as Pres't Wilson and ex-Pres't Taft insist, that
they have as much right in the league as the
United States, Cuba, Panama and Nicaragua.
When apprised further, which is the case, that
while Britain, including her colonies, have six
votes in the assembly, the executive body is the
council, not the assembly, and that there the en
tire British empire has only one vote, same as
the United States; then one can quite imagine
hearing the colonel say, were he alive to say it,
-"Oh, shucks I"
Add to this the information, which is correct,
that in both the assembly and the council, except
on the subject of the admission of members, the
appointment of committees, and the publication
of majority findings, a decision to be binding
must be by unanimous vote making one vote
as good as fifty, and you can pretty near hear
the colonel saying, "oh piffle" to the claim of
"foreign control" or "British dominance."
It is almost certain that when explained to him
that if the assembly of the League which is the
only place Britain and her colonies have more
votes than America, were based upon popula
tion as the League opponents loudly demand "in
behalf of our 100,000,000 people," then not
only the British empire but China would have at
least five votes to our one; well, you can hear
the colonel shout quite emphatically, "oh hell!"
to the idiots with no more sense than to suggest
such an equalization.
One thing to Roosevelt's credit, can never be
denied. He was all American; never pro-German
not even during the campaign of 1916,
and he wouldn't tor the purpose of helping
Germany out of her plight, pretend to be fighting
Britain when there was nothing to fight her for,
in Germany's behalf.
VI
INDEED, yes, when Sen. Johnson and his co
conspirators seek to make you believe Col.
Roosevelt would use any of the above arguments
against the Paris treaty and the League covenant;
well they either haven't kept up on Roosevelt to
know what they are talking about, or else they
are playing you for an ignoramus, and the pur
pose of this heart to heart talk is to show them
that you are not. Hear the Californian:
"Mr. Roosevelt, like the rest of ti. would have
pone far to hate precnted war. Hut when any
man sajs that he would for a sinsle Intant hae
accepted the pro-Hritish document which would
put the country' he so dearly loved w ithin the
power or direction, command or recommendation
of foreign nations, that man affronts the revered
memory of Itoosevelt,"
Is that so? Well, then, Roosevelt aftronts his
own memory. The senator offers two objections
in Roosevelt's name; one that the League is pro
British, and the other that it puts us under for
eign control.
Roosevelt has previously been quoted on how
far he was willing to go on the subject of foreign
control far as you like, "if it is developed as a
supplement to, and not a substitute for. the
preparation of our own strength."
Let us now hear from Mr. Roosevelt, date
Dec. I Oth last:
"I an now- prepared to say what Ave years acr
I would not have said. I think the time lia.s come
when tho Vnltrtl Stat- and the British empire
can airree to a universal arbitration treaty.
"In other wonts, I lKllce that the time Iiaa
come when should sajr that under no circum
stances shall there ever be a resort to war between
the Uniti States and the IJritlsh empire; that no
question can ever arise between them that can
not bo settled in judicial fashion, in some such
manner as questions between states of our own
union an nettled."
Nothing very anti-British, or fearful of Britain
about that! Indeed, it seems quite pro-British,
and we anticipate that had the colonel been alive
recently when Sen. Johnson joined forces with
the German-serving anti-League forces in that
campaign being waged here on American soil by
the Friends of Irish Freedom; when within ear
shot of Boston's large Irish-American population
Johnson declared that "the Englishmen who
wrote" Art. X designedly committed the United
States "to suppress rebellion in any part of the
British empire," well, we anticipate that Mr.
Johnson might have heard from Mr. Roosevelt,
and that in keeping with his style the Oyster Bay
sage might have called his former running-mate
a "malicious and unmitigated liar," same as he
once christened Sen. Henry Cabot Lodge.
Johnson, too, was just what Roosevelt might
have called him. Article X was written by an
American Woodrow Wilson. and was more
nearly dictated by Theodore Roosevelt and Wil
liam Howard Taft than by any other living souls.
VII
SURELY Roosevelt's faith in British democ
racy; the faith which caused him to say
shortly before his death, when it was proposed
that the United States should build a navy equal
to Britain's, that:
"The British navy is probably the most potent
Instrumentality for peace in the world, and we
should seek to supplement it rather tlutn rival it,
and Britain and America should work toprether;"
well, if he felt that way toward Britain, he would
hardly countenance the anti-British slurs that are
going the rounds in his name now.
Which is suggestive of quite another crow
which the Oyster Bay man might have to pick
with his "late interpreter," if he were here to
pick it.
It involves the Californian's attitude toward
the Paris treaty proper; weeping first for Shan
tung for the first time, by the way, since Ger
many grabbed it, with William McKinley's
acquiescence.
Fact of the matter is that had Roosevelt writ
ten the Paris treaty it could scarcely have more
nearly resembled what he advocated for it and
no longer ago than last Lafayette day in New
York. Of course, had he written it, it would be
perfect, but nevertheless all that he proposed is
in it, Shantung included.
He was criticising Pres't Wilson's "fourteen
points" as "glittering generalities," and de
manded more definiteness which he undertook to
furnish and furnished with such prophetic
neatness, in the light of subsequent develop
ments, that it would seem to indicate that he
understood the president far better than he pre
tended to.
VIII
FOLLOW the Rooseveltian "points" and you
have the Paris treaty quite in toto partic
ularly in so far as concerns League of Nations"
administration of it. They are:
1. "Serbia and Rumania must hae restored to
them what Bulparia has taken from them,"
and the treaty provides for it.
2. The Austrian and Turkish empires must
both be broken up, nil the subject peoples liber
ated, and the Turk driven from l.urope. YVe do
not intend that Cierman or Mapyar shall be op
pressed by others, nor that they shall oppress or
domineer oer others,"
another treaty incorporation.
o. "l'ranee must receive back Alsaee and
Lorraine, Belpium be restored and Indemnified,
and Italian Austria be i-estored to Italy and IIn
manian Hunpary to Rumania.,'
every feature of which the treaty has carried out.
4. "The heroic Czecho-siovakn must be made
into an indejendent commonwealth and likewise
the southern Slavs must be united in a preat
Jupo-Slav commonwealth, with an outlet to the
tea,"
both of which were worked out in the Paris
treaty, the Fiume affair being the result of con
ference determination that Jugo-Slavia should
have that seaport yet opponents to the treaty
and League seem to take sides with Italy, and
against Roosevelt.
."v. "Poland as a pnuinrT- indepondrnt rrrn
monvcealth must receive back Anstrlan an1 Prus
sian Poland a wrll as Russian Poland, and hare
her coAst-line on the Baltic,"
a serious undertaking on the part of the peace
conference, but worked out, Danzig being made
a "free city" under the League of Nations which
is to enforce freedom of transportation, while
Silesia must undergo a plebiscite or referendum
election, to ascertain whether Germany or
Poland shall hold the connecting territory under
the rule of self-determination.
fi. Lithuania, the Baltic province of RnsLv.
fkrainia and Finland must bo truaranteod their
independence, and no part of the ancient Ru.wLan
empire now under the German yoke shall !e Wt
in any way subject to German Influence. Northern
Schleswig should co back to the Banes,"
all of which is subscribed to in the Pariä treaty,
except as provided in the last sentence, a matter
to be settled by the League of Nations, should
Denmark invite it; otherwise to be neutralized.
7. "Armenia must he frf-d, Palrrtlnr br mafle
a Jewish stnte the Greeks be xruaranteed their
richls. und the Syrians liberated all of them,
Mohammedans. Jrrrs, Irunrs and Christians, f
Inz fniarajueed eial liberty of relLriou. belief
and reqnired to work out their independence on
a baIs of equal political and civil limits for all
creeds;"
covered by the treaty with Germany, and those
with Austria ar.d Hungary and Turkey, in much
rlcLaiL as is alsa the Rooseveltian "point No. 2"
above but we would like to a$k Sen. Johr.or.
and his ilk. how all this is to be "giMrantcci"'
and "required" without a League of Nation)
Finally this:
S. "GRKAT BRITAIN" AND .T MiOVM
ki:i:p thi: coi.onils tiiky iiavi; aw.
QUKRLD,"
indeed, rather amusing, when you hear Jr-h-.con
opposing the Shantung proviso, and nilir..;
Britain, particularly in Rocsrvelt s name.
Japan conquered Shantung, a Gcrmm prov
ince ceded to Germany by Chini following th
Boxer uprising. Japan took it from Germany
a prize of war. Roosevelt sny? ?he Srt:!d kfp
it. Right or wrong, any pleading for th trar.sfrr
ntnnr from ,in,m tr irr in t K n '
Th eodore Roosevelt, hasn't a leg to stand
anywhere.
IX
on
NOTHING there about a "hard r.nd
treaty for Germany, or fearing one,
there any suggestion that the United
nor is
Statt s
should turn "slacker," seek a "separate pece,"
or shirk responsibilities through fear of a.i
"entangling alliance."
In fact, two months later, Roosevelt repeated
the substance of his Lafayette day program i:i
the foreword to his book, "The Great Advance."
finished shortly before his death, and concluded:
"Our present business is to flht. and to eon
tlnue fishtins: until Germany is brought to iir
knees.
"Our next business will be to help irinrantee
the peace of juMic' fr tin world at I.ire, in.l t
set in order the affairs of our own lmusj-hd."
No flinching here; no shedding of belated teats
over Shantung; no atavistic invocation again:
"entangling alliances;" no squealing about
American troops abroad to preserve peace; n
fear lest Germany be embarrassed or punished
for h er barbarism.
Japan was to keep what she had taken from
Germany; Germany was to be "brought to her
knees;" it was then to become our duty to
"help guarantee the peace of justice for the
world at large."
X
YES. truly! "Oh if Roosevelt were only here!"
He would be making mince meat out of Hi.
Johnson, Miles Poindexter, other cx-progrcsjvr
and "stand-patters" opponents of the Parin
treaty and the worid League; using his name in
vain.
Indeed, though dead, he lives on in word and
spirit, and makes mince meat out of them any
how. About the last th ing he did, when alive, wj
tto indorse Taft's fight for a League of Nations.
and his only two reservations was the saf
guarding of our internal rights and our proper
preparedness.
As to the contention dissented from by both
Pres't Wilson and ex-Pres't Tafe, that Ameri
can control of domestic affairs, and American
sovereignty need greater safeguards thrown about
them; well let us call in some real lawyers, exactly
as Roosevelt would no doubt do, instead of de
pending upon the legal acumen of politico
senatorial pettifoggers.
The American Bar association contains just as
good international lawyers as Hi. Johnson, or
anyone else in the United States senate, and .
committee of that association recommends a
simpler method than killing both the treaty and
the League or throwing them again into con
ference. That committee says:
"Tin eoenaiit should le clarified ' ;im nl-
ment, but Instead of attempting to amend it at the
present conference. It should ain i)l l .ifter
ratification in the manner proideil ,v .rtiele
A'XVI. of the covenant. Such procedure would
not delay the ratification of the jeacc treat) and
could more readily be accomplished, imt-nux-h
as it rtfjuircs only the coneurrence of the nn
members composing the couneil and a majontv
of the nicniN'rs constituting the ass-mM, wh re.is
amendment at the -ace conference require
unanimous action."
Pretty good sense, in't it? Doubt that th
United States, upon which the world nov de
pends for so much, would be able to get hrr
wanted amendments through the council, is the
doubt of a fool. and if perchance the amend
ments should fail, how about the only two years
that we would be obliged to remain as mem
bers? Statesmen who have so many qualms about
the League of Nations would hardly play pker
as they play for peace or aren't th-y playing
for peace?
Let Roosevelt answer, his voice roniing down
from his Battle Creel:, Mich., pech during the
campaign of 1916:
"To maintain an honorable jrence we i.iu-t find
out what Germany want., and what ili.i' c i i.i.i n
Americans want who are mor- firmans th.in
Americans, and then not :rie it to tli-t:i. for 1 1
are sure riot to want anjtliinz th.it wotdd be hon
orable to America to sie. if." fierman concep
tion of neutrality is ti pro-tiennan for America
to be swajed bj. To maintain a riet neutrality
and an honorable p c- we mu-t n abe thr
pame of party i,iJtic ami I nil in the ducc."
That was before we got into the war, Lut it is
a good hint to the hopelessly partisan. pro-German,
anti-treaty and anti-League prcmenaders in
the name of Roosevelt; plainly enough under
false colors.
Germany and every German-American who is
more German than American wants the Paris
treaty and League of Nations killed, and Hi.
Johnson and his co-conspirators, instead of i
ing them the opposite, are playing directly into
their hands; playing the lowest peci- of party
politics for the sake of votes and playing :L
with the deuces loose.
"Oh, if Rocsevelt were only here!"