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The Leon reporter. (Leon, Iowa) 1887-1930, August 16, 1900, Image 1

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Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn87057096/1900-08-16/ed-1/seq-1/

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Phone 22.
!. O. E. HULL, Publisher,
jfr „.
Sabnoriptioa Rates:
Ons-year.: fl.50
Sixinontha '....., 75
Tbtee months ... 40
HKttred a* second elati matter at the
*-*TM Flag oi the Republic -Forever of
Empire Never.''
"JlUn Constitution end the Flag, One
aM lhmparable. Wow an Forever."
For President.
For Vice President.
^Policy in thr Philippines Exhaustive
v. I' IjrrDiscussed by Bryan.
12 Pages
Fo» Member. of Congress Eighth District
•. V. R. McSINNIS.
Sounded1by thfi Democratic Lead-
sjpv—•« Speech at^jg
S cOjflbstb.
iO* the -Government Is Not on Lines
Authorized by tbe Principles
yoi. the American Repub
lic—Appeal to tbe
TVjliovdtog 4s the speech delivered
toy Mr. jjteyan At Indianapolis to the
•committee wJUcli notified him of bis
inominatoin for tbe presidency by the
Democratic convention at Kansas
Hr. Chairman .and Members of the
'Notification Committee
"I shall, at an-early ,day, and in a
jnore formal manner, accept the nom
ifaMion ftvjbicb yoj&itender, and I shall
that ,-tloie discuss .tlie various ques
-, tiaps .cowered by .the Democratic plat
iotw. It'may not be out of place, how
£:.• «Y.er, to auhmit .few observations at
this .time npon the general character
beta/x jis, and upon the
:f iweptlofl' ^cb is declared to be of
"v paramount importance An this cam
M-: ®*»gn, .-•
r, Whenilsay ithat the .contest of 1900
Is a contest between Democracy on
., thfe one" band «nd jplutoqray .on the
•£.other lido not mean to say .thatAll our
I &r'u-Opponents have deliberately .chqeep ,to
giv#to organized wealth a jeredonUPftt
lag Influence in the Affairs of the gftV
eminent, Jbut 1 do supert ifoat 4»
If^rt^ptiissjaeS. of? fhe d*y tbe jj«
5 fiinlicaif party is domlUated by those
,j, Idjluences^ which'constantly tend toele
pecuniary considerations and ig
t&*0 hUman rights. In 1859 Liqcoln
that the Republican party be
lieved in' the man and tbe dollar, but
thht In*ea8e of conflict It believed In
man before tbe dollar. This is the
proper relation which should exist be
tw«en tbe two. Man, the handiwork of
God, comes first,. money, the handl
of man, is of inferior importance.
Mm is the master, money the servant,
but upon all Important questions today
B^uMtean legislation tends to make
d^ejr-tbe master and man the serv-
.'iThe maxim of ^efferson^ "equal
ri|ibts to-all and special privileges to
n«ne," 04 tb«' «dc^Hrine pt Lincoln
tn|t tbts ihonld^be a government "of
tbetpetfpre, by t0e people and for the
p4gfplt£' are being disregarded, and
lnsttupientalitlea of government
tetog|w^ #4^^ |be) Inter
on^bdse who are in a ^bsltlon "to
|bm favors from the government.
Democratic party is not making
npon tbe honest acquisition of
iltb it baa no desire to discourage
pstry, economy and thrift On tbe
trary, it gives to every cltlsen the
j^posUble stimulus ti$ bonot
omlsM hln^^^^tlon
rights are most
se*pre when human rights are respect-,
a jr
4 1
No one has a" right' to' expect" fran
society more than a fair compensatUu
for the service which he renders io
society. If he secures more it Is at tie
expense of some one else. It Is no ii
justice to him to prevent his doing 'l.i
justice to another. To him who woull,
either through class legislation or
the absence of necessary leglslatlos,
trespass upon the rights of another tke
Democratic party says, "Thou
not." vi
Against us are arrayed a compara
tively small, but politically and.finan
cially powerful,'number who really
profit by Republican policies, but with
them are associated a large number
who, because of their attachment to
their party name, are giving their sup
port to doctrines antagonistic to the
former teachings of their own party.
Republicans who used to adj^Sfcate bi
metallism, now try to convince them
selves that the gold standard is good
Republicans who were formerly at
tached to the greenback are now seek
ing an excuse for giving natlenal banks
control of the nation's paper money
Republicans who used to boast that
the Republican phrty was paying off
the national debt, are now looking for
reasons to support a perpetual and In
creasing debt Republicans who for
merely abhorred a trust, now beguile
themselves with the delusion that there
are good trusts and bad trusts, whllle
In their minds the line between th^
two Is becoming more and more ob
scure Republicans who In times pas]
congratulated the country upon th
small expense of our standing arm
are now making light of the objection'
which are urged against a large increasi
in the permanent military establls
ment Republicans who gloried in oulr
independence when the nation was less
powerful now look with favor upon ii
foreign alliance Republicans wliothreu
years ago who condemne'd "forcible an
nexatlon" as immoral and even crlm
inal, are now sure that it Is both im
moral and criminal to oppose forcible
Kepubllcana Charged with Not Meeting
th* Grant 1MMSquarely.
For a time Republican leaders were
Inclined to deny to opponents the right
to criticise the Philippine policy of the
administration, but upon investigation
they found that both Lincoln and Clay
asserted and essoined the right to
criticise a presir 'inuring the progress
of the Mexican tviir. Instead of meet
ing the issue boldly, and submitting a
clear and positive plan for dealingwiih
the Philippine question, the Republic
an convention adopted a platform, the
larger part of which was devoted t«
boasting" and self-congraulatloi
But they shall not be perm!
ted to evade the stupendgua and
reaching Issue which the£ have
erately brought Into tfec sretff of
by a.
the struggling patriots of (Ci
country,, without, regard to:
plauded. Although the Deiiloclrats ii_
Agnized that the .administration wouild
necessarily gain a political a«vantade
from the conduct of a war \j-hich, Ira
tb every nature of the case, itnuet soon
end In a complete victory, tThfey viel
with the Republicans. In tbe| support
which they gave, to the
When the' war was over and
publican leadersAbejgan to su
propriety of a colonial polle.
tion at once maatfested Itsel
the president finally laid bel{ore
'WMto'ifr a treaty wWcte recognized the
Independence of Cuba but provided for
the cession of the Philippine islands
to. the United States, the menace bf Im
perialism became so apparent that
preferred to reject the treaty
arid risk the Ills that might follow rath
er than take the chance of correcting
the errors^of the treaty by the inde
pendent action of this country.
I was among tbe number of those
who believed it better to ratify the
treaty and-end the war, release the vol
unteers, remove the excuse for war ex
penditures," and tjien give to the Phil
ippines the.Jndepeni^ence which might
be forced from Spain by a new treaty.
In view of the crjticlsm which my ac
tion aroused In soing quarters I take
this occasion to, restate the reasons
given at that time. "J thought it safer
to trust. the American people to give
Independency to. the. Filipinos than to
trust the aooompllshinent of that pur
pose to diplomacy wth an unfriendly
nation. Lincolb embodied an argument
In the question when he asked: "Can
aliens make treaties easier than friends
can make laws?" I believe that we are
now In a better position to wage a suc
cessful contest against Imperialism
than we v^ould have been had the
treaty been rejected. With the treaty
ratified, a clean cut Issue Is presented
between a, government by consent and
a government by force, and imperlal
l8ts must .bear tbe responsibility for all
that happens until the question Is set
tled. If the treaty had been rejected
4he opponents oif Imperialism would
have been heUI responsible for any in-'
tern^tiopal, complications which might
•have, arlse^ before tbe ratification of
^another treatv.
bate ver difference! of op1n|o«i
.mayi'ttaw, existed as to tfio biibst iheth-'
od of opposing the colonial policy there
never was .any difference as to the
great Importance of tbe question, and
there is .410 difference now as to tbe
course ,to -be pursued. The title of
.Spain being extinguished we were at
liberty tb deal with the Filipinos- ac
cording to American principles. The
Bacon resolution, Introduced a month
before hostilities broke out at Manila,
promised Independence^ tbe Filipinos
on the same terms that'lt was promised
to the Cubans. I supported tbls reso
lution and believe that Its adoption
prior to tbe breaking out of hostilities
would'have prevented bloodshed, and:
that Its adoption at any subsequent
time would halve ended hostilities.
a .a a
Our Wltala Hbtar^, Bn^oatagaaaeat tor
If It Is right for tbe United States
to hold the Philippine islands perma
nently and Imitate European empires
in .tlie government-of colonies the Re
publican party ought to state its po
sitlon and defend It, but It must expect
j' the iubject races to .^protest against
i?such a policy and to resist to the ex
iten^vf tfielr abllHty. \,The Filipinos do
iieed any encouragements fr«m
erlcans now living. Our whole his
ernment. the "Republicans are "pre
pared to censure all who have used
language calculated to make the Fili
pinos hate foreign domination let them
condemn tbe speech of Patrick Henry.
When he uttered that passionate ap
peal, "Give me liberty or give me
death," he expressed a sentiment which
still achoes in the hearts of men. Let
them censure Jefferson,
Washington, a a a Lincoln, a a a
Some one has said that a truth once
spoken can never be recalled. a a
But If It were possible to obliterate
every word written or spoken In de
fense of the principles set forth In the
Declaration of Independence a war of
conquest would still leave Its legacy of
perpetual hatred, for it was God him
self who placed In every human heart
the love of liberty. He never made tr
race of-people so low in the scale of
civilization or Intelligence that It would
welcome a foreign master. Lincoln said
that the safety of this nation was not
!u Its fleets, Its armies or its forts, but
in the spirit which prizes liberty the
heritage of all men. In all lands, ev
erywhere and he warned his country
men that they could not destroy this
spirit without planting the seeds of
despotism at their own doors.
Those who would have this nation
enter upon a career of empire must
consider not only the effect of imperial
ism on the Filipinos, but they must
also calculateoits effect upon our owij
nation. We cannot repudiate the prln
ciple of self-government in the Philip
pines without weakening that prln
ciple here. Even now we are beginning
to see the paralyzing Influence of im
perlalism. Heretofore, this nation has
been prompt to express Its sympathy
with those who were fighting for civil
liberty. a But now when a war
Is in progress in South Africa which
must result in the extension of the
monarchial Idea or in the triumph of a
republic, the advocate of Imperialism
in this country dare not say a word in
behalf of the Boers.
Jafferaon Qtuitod to Show ""ghat Conqueit
la Un-American.
Our opponents, conscious of the
weakness of their cause, seek to con
fuse imperialism with expansion, gnd
have even dared to claim Jefferson as
a supporter of their policy. Jefferson
spoke so freely and used language
with such precision that no one can be
Ignorant of his views. On one occasion
he declared: "If there be-one principle
more deeply rooted than any other in
the mind of every American, It is that
should have nothing to do with con
quest." And again he said: "Conquest
is not in our principles it Is Inconslst
ent with our government." The forci
ble annexation of territory to be gov
erned by arbitrary power, differs as
mucb from the acquisition bf territory
to be btfilt np Into state* ^as amnion
•Kt»y dlffsas fritm a democMcjr.Vb*
Dedocmtlc patty do*s.'Bdt o^potfe e*
pam^,%4^e^^ «lai^?th#
are^ of the ri^iiW^d iiBcMwratei
land Which-can b^settled toyvAm6rican
citlzens. er adds to our population peo
ple who are willing to become citi
zens and' are capable of discharging
their duties as such. The acquisition
of the Louisiana territory, Florida,
Texas, and other tracts which have
been secured from time to time, en
larged the republic, and the constitu
tion followed the flag into tbe new ter
ritory. It Is now proposed to sleze up
on distant territory already more
densely populated than our own coun
try and to force upon the people a gov
ernment tor tirefe Ts no*\Wr-""
our constitution or our laws.
If we have an Imperial policy we
must have a large standing army as
Its natural and necessary complement.
That a large permanent In­
crease in our regular army Is Intended
by the Republican leaders Is not a
mere matter^of conjecture, but a mat
ter of fact. a in 1890 the army
contained about 25,000 men. Within
two years the president asked for four
times that many, and a Republican
bouse of representatives complied with,
the request after the Spanish treaty
had been signed and no country was at
war with the United States.
A large standing army Is not only a
pecuniary burden to the people and,
If accompanied by compulsory service,
a constant source of irrigation, but It
Is ever a menace to a Republican
form of government." The army is the
personification of force, and militarism
will Inevitably change the Ideals of the
people and turn the thoughts of our
young men from the arts of peace to
the science of war. The government
which relies for Its defense upon Its
citizens, Is more likely to be just than
one which has at call a large body of
professional soldiers. A small stand
ing army and a well equipped and
well disciplined state mlUtia are suffi
cient In ordinary times, and in an
emergency the nation should In the
future as in the past place Its depend
ence upon the volunteers who come
from all occupations at their country's
call and return to productive labor
when their services are no longer re
quired—men who fight when the coun
try needs fighters and work when thi
country needs workers.
What Are to Do with Qtm Now That
We Have
The Republican platform assumes
that the Philippine Islands will be re
tained under American sovereignty,
and we have a right to demand of the
Republican leaders a discussion of the
future status of the Filipino. Is he to
be a citizen or a "subject? Are we to
bring Into the body politic eight or ten
million Asiatics, so different from us In
race and history that amalgamation la
Impossible? Are they to share with us,
In making the laws and shaping the
destiny of this nation? No Republipan.
"of prominenc^ bas .beeh bold enough to
advocate silch a proposition. The Mc-
Bnery resolution,'adopted by tbe senr
ate Immediately after the ratification,
of the treaty^ expressly negatives this
idea. The. .Democratic platform de-.,
scribes the altuatlon when, it says that':
jtho FllIplno9 cahnot tfe^t&ebs with
out endangering our civilization. Wbo,
will dispute'it? And what, is the alter-",
native? If the Filipino Is not to be a'
citizen, shall we make him a subject?.
On that question the Democratic plat
form speaks with emphasis. It de-'
clares .that the Filipino cannot be a!
subject without endangering ^ur formi
of gov«riUQeni -A republic |an bave
'.no suljJectS.. .# •.*»:: s, v,
Tbe Republican platform says thar
"tbp largest measure of self-govern
Coqjistept w^b. tbelr welfare and
or duties shall be secured
Makes the food more delicious and wholesome
sTrange doctrfne "for a government
which owes Its very existence to the
men who offered their lives as a pro
test against government without con-.
sent and taxation without representa
tion. In what respect does the position
of the Republican party differ from the
position taken by the English govern
ment In 1T7C? 4 Did not the English
government., .promise a good govern
ment to ""the colonists? a a a dj,
not tlie English government promts
that the colonists should have the larg
est measure of self-government con
sistent with their welfare and English
duties? a a a The Republican pnr
ty has accepted the European Idea and
planted Itself upon ground taken by
George III. and by every ruler who
distrusts the capacity of the people for
self-government or denies them a voice
In tlilr own affairs.
The Republican platform promises
that some measure of self-government
is to be given to the Filipinos, by law
but, even this pledge 18 not'fulfilled,
a a a Why does the Republican
party hesitate to legislate upon the
Philippine question/ Because a law
would disclose the' radical departure
from history and pwceffent contem
plated by those Who'control the Re
publican party. Thfc storm of protest
which greeted the Porto Rican bill was
an Indication of what may be expected
when the American-people are brought
face to face with legislation upon this
If the Porto Rlcans. who welcome
annexation, are to be denied the guar
antee of our constitution, what Is to
be the lot of the Filipinos, who resisted
our authority? If secret influences
could compel a disregard of our plain
duty toward friendly people, living
near our shores, what treatment will
those same Influences provide for un
friendly people 7,000 miles away? If,
iq this country where the people haw
the right to vote. Republican leaders
dare not take the-, side of the people
against tbe great monopolies which
have grown up within the last few
years, how 'an they be trusted to pro
tect the Filipinos from the corpora
tions which are waiting to exploit the
Is the sunlight of full citizenship to
be enjoyed by the people of the United
States, and the twilight of seml-cltizen
i&lp eudiired. by_ thp people of Porto
Rico, wltiie-'he thick darfeness of per
petuai vassalage rovers the Phillip.
•Xfie Porto Rlcobtarlff law as
serts the doctrine v-.that the op
eration of the constitution is confined
fo the forty-tlve states. The Democratic
party disputes this doctrine and de
nouuees it as repugnant to both the
letter aad spirit of our organic law.
There la no place In our system of gov
ernment, for the deposit of Arbitrary
and Irresponsible power.
The territorial form of K°v®nfnent
temporary and preparatory,
chief security a citizen"^ "J®
XB'uutfw constitutional guarantees, and
Is subfȣt to the same general laws as
a citizen of a state.
Throw away this security and his
rights will be Violated and his Inter
ests sacrificed at the demand of those
who have political influence. This is
the evil of the colonial system, no mat
ter by what nation it is applied.
Were the People Thrown In with the Ori
ental Real
What is our title to the Philippine
islands? Do we hold them by treaty
or by conquest? Did we buy them or
did we take ttiem? Did we purchase
the people? If not, how did we secure
title to them? Were they thrown In
with thfe land? Will the Republicans
say that inanimate earth lias value,
and when that earth is molded by the
Divine Hand and stamped -with the
likeness of the Creator it becomes a
fixture and passes with the soil? If
governments derive their Just powers
from the consent of the governed it is
impossible to secure title to peqple,
either by force or by purchase. We
could extinguish Spain's title by treaty,
but if we hold title we must hold it
by some method consistent with our
Ideas of goviernment. When we made
allies of the Filipinos and armed them
to buy Spain's title we are not Inno
cent purchasers. But even if we had
not disputed Spain's title she could
transfer no greater title than she had.
and her title was based on force alone.
We cannot defend such a title, but as
Spain gave us a quit claim deed we
can honorably turn the propejrty over
to the party In possession.^ Whether
any American official gave the Fili
pinos formal assurance of indepen
dence is not material. There can be
no. doubt that-we accepted and utilized
the services of tbe Filipinos, and that
when we did so we had full knowledge
that they were fighting for their own
independence, and I submit that his
tory furnishes no example of turpitude
baser than ours If we now substitute
our yoke for the Spanish yoke.
Let Us consider briefly, the reasons
which have been given in support of
an imperialistic policy. Some say that
it Is our duty to bold the Philippine
Inlands But duty Is not an argument
It Is a -conclusion.' 'To ascertain what
our duty, is In any emergency we must
apply well settled and generally ac
cepted principles. It Is our duty to
avoid stealing no matter whether the
thing to be stolen is of great or little
value. Every one recognizes tbe obliga
tion imposed -upon individuals to ob
serve both the human and moral law
but as some deny the application of
those laws to nations It may-not be out
of--place to quote the. opinion of oth
ers. Jefferson, than whom there is no
higher political authority, said: "I
know of but ond code of morality for
men, whether acting singly or col
lectively." Franklin, whose learning,
wisdom and virtue are a part of the
iriceless legacy bequeathed to us from
:he revolutionary, days, expressed the
me Idea In even stronger- language
ben be:said: fJustice Is fcs strictly
(due between neorbbor nations as be
tween neigljbor fltleens.
Force &in defjid a right. hn»
-.v1„ ,vrt,
was true, as declared Tn tlie" resolu
tions of Intervention, that the Cubans
are and of right ought to be free and
independent" (language taken from the
Declaration of Independence), It Is
equally true that the Filipinos "are
and of right ought to be free and inde
pendent." a who will draw a
line between the natural rights of the
Cubans and the Filipinos? Who will
say that the former has a right to 11b
ertj^and that the latter has no rights
which we are bound to respect? And
If the Filipinos "are and of right ought
to be free, and Independent" what right
Gave we to force our government' upon
them without their consent?
a a a a a
Alto the Contention That Filipinos Cannot
Govern Themselves.
If it Is said that we have assumed
before the world obligations which
make it necessary for us to perma
nently maintain a government In the
Philippine islands, I reply, first, that
the highest obligation of this nation
Is to be true to itself. No obligation to
any particular nation, or to all nations
combined, can require the abandon
ment of our theory of government and
the substitution of doctrines against
which our whole national life has been
a protest. And, second, that our obli
gations to the Filipinos who inhabit
the islands are greater than any obli
gation which we cau owe to foreigners
who have a temporary residence in the
Philippines desire to trade there.
It is argu'd by some that the Fili
pinos are Incapable of self-government
and that tl.erefore we owe it to the
world to take control of them. Ad
miral Dewe in an official report to
the navy department, declared the Fili
pinos more f-pal)le of self-government
than theCub ns.and said that he based
his opinion upon a knowledge of both
races. But I will not rest the case upon
the relative advancement of the Fill
pinos. Henry Clay, in defending the
rights of th« people of South America
to self-government, said: "It is the
doctrlue of thrones that man Is too ig
nprant to govern himself." »I
contend that 'it Is to. arraign the dispo
sition of Providence. Himself to sup
pose that He has created beings inca
pable of governing themselves, and to
be trampied on by-kings. Self-govern
ihent Is.- ihe ...natural government of
then.'*- :.
•••v Clay was right. Once, ad
mit that some people are capable qf
self-govermrent and that others are
not, and that the capable people have
a right to seize upon and govern the
Incapable, and you make force—brute
force—the only foundation of govern
ment and invite tbe reisteMsMinM-^
J^nhllcan^ r^gll
own tbe flag that floats over our dead
tn the Philippines?" The same ques
tion might 'ave been asked when the
American flag floated over Cbapulte
pec and waved over the dead who fell
there but the tourist who visits the
City of Mexico finds tlie^e a national
cemetery owned by the United States
and cared foi by an American citizen.
Our flag still floats over our dead, but
when the treaty with Mexico was
signed Amr.lcan authority withdrew
to the Rio Grande, a a a "Can
we not govern colonies?" we are asked.
The question Is not what we can do,
but what we ought to do. This nation
can do whatever it desires to do, but It
must accept responsibility for what it
does. If the constitution stands in the
way, the people can amend the consti
tution. I repeat, the nation can do
whatever it desires to do, but It can
not avoid the natural nnd legitimate
results of its own conduct.
It is of age, and It can do what It
pleases it can spurn the traditions of
the pastr it cap repudiate the princi
ples upon which the nation re its It
can employ force instead of reason
it can substitute might of right it can
conquer weaker people it can exploit
their lands, appropriate their property
and kill their people but it cannot re
peal the moral law or escape the pun
ishment decreed for the violation of
human rights.
"Would we tread In the paths of ty
Nor reckon the tyrant's cost? «.
Who taketh another's liberty
.His freedom is also lost.
Would we win as the strong have ever
Make ready to pay the debt,
For the God who reigned over Babvlon
ts the God who js reigning yet/
The Souls
of Flowers!
'/ViJl't' V.J,'
t,t fa
m.Miiiylti 111 happy union
in Ihe fxquisi'ie |ier
furriHH wh curry, StvntH
lire rin diflicul blfVnd
into harmony asHoundB
It takwi almost as hi{?li
an order of ability to
jnakp true perfutneB as
•'required to write good
No wonder so much
01 the perfume offered'
is rank, flat, and iin-1
satisfactory. It not
wholly pleased with the
odors you are now
g, using, we would like to
have you try some of
1 lie delightful ones we
handle. Cost yon no
more than poor kinds
Some argue that American rule in
the Philippine islands will result in the
better education of the Filipinos. Be
not deceived. If we expect to main--.
tain a colonial policy, we shall not find
it to our advantage to educate the peo
ple. The educated Filipinos are now
In revolt against us, "and the most Ig
norant ones have made the least re
sistance to onr domination. If we are
to govern them without their consent
and give them no voice in determining
the taxes which they must pay, we
dare not educate them, lest they learn
to read the Declaration of Independ
ence and the constitution of the United
States anJ .mock us for our Inconsist
Comment on the Principal Argument* of
the Party In Power.
The principal arguments, however,
advanced by those who enter upon a
defense of imperialism are:
First: That we must Improve the
present opportunity to become a world
power and enter luto International pol
Second:, That our commercial Inter
ests in the Philippine islands and in
the Orient make it necessary for us to
hold the Islands permanently.
Third: That the spread of the Chris
tian religion will be facilitated by a
colonial policy.
Fourth: That there Is no honorable
retreat from the position which the
nation has taken.
The first argument is addressed to
the nation's pride and the second to the
nation's pocket-book. The third is in
tended for the church member and the
fourth for the partisan.
It is a sufficient answer to the first
argument to say that for more than a
century this nation has been a world
power. For ten decades it has been
the most potent influence in the world.
Not only has it been a world power,
but it has done ujore to affect the poli
tics of the human race than all the oth
er nations of the world combined. Be
cause our Declaration of Independence
wus promulgated others have been pro
mulgated because the patriots of 1770
fought for liberty others have fought
for it because our constitution was
adopted other constltutons have been
adopted. The growth of the principle
of self-government, planted on Ameri
can soil, hae been the over-shadowing
political fact of tbe nineteenth cen
tury. a a a
l'he permanent chairman of the last
Republican national convention pre
sented the pecuniary argument In all
its baldness, when be said: "We makie
no hypocritical pretenses of being
interested in the Philippines solely on
account of,others.1While w.e regard the
welfare of these people afi a' sacred
truet we regard the
to ourselves gs w$ll as.to 1
believe In tfidde expansion.
legitimate means within ,£he
of government and constitu
mean to stimulate the expansl
our trade and open 'ne2^1Blk—1
This is the commercla!,-'''a*n'I™etBii
argument. It
jgggflS/on the theory that war
can ub rightly waged for pecuniary
advantage, and that it is profitable to
purchase trade by force and violence.
Franklin denied both of these propo
sitions. a
I place the philosophy of Franklin
against the sordid doctrine of those
who would put a price upon the life
of an American soldier and Justify a
war of conquest upon the ground that
it will pay. The Democratic party is
in favor of the expansion of trade. It
would extend our trade by every legiti
mate and peaceful means but It is not
willing to make merchandise of human
But a war of conquest Is as unwise
as it is unrighteous. A harbor and
coaling station in the Philippines
would answer every trade and mili
tary necessity and such a concession
could have been secured at any time
without difficulty.
It is not necessary to own people In
order to trade with them. We carry0
on trade today with every part of the
world, and our commerce has expand
ed more rapidly than the commerce of
any European empire, a a when
trade is secured by force, the cost of
securing it and retaining it must be
taken out-of the profits, and the profits
are never large enough to cover the ex
pense. Such a system would never be
defended, but for the fact that the ex
pense is borne by all tlie people, while
the profits are enjoyed by the few.
Imperialism would be profitable to
the army contractors it would be prof
!tablerto the ship-owners, who would
carry live soldiers to the Philippines
and bring dead soldiers back it would
be- profitable to those who would seize
upon the franchises, and it would be
profitable to the officials whose salaries
would be fixed here, and paid over
there but to the farmer, to the labor
ing man, and to the vast majority of
those engaged in other occupations, it
would bring expenditure without re
turn and risk without reward.
Farmers and laboring men have, as
a rule, small Incomes and under sys
tems which plac^the tax upon con
sumption pay more than their fair
share of the expenses of government.
Thus tbe very people who receive lease
benefit from imperialism will be in
jured most by the military burdens
which accompany It. It Is
not strange, therefore, that the labor
organizations have been quick to note
the. approach of these dangers aad
prompt to protect against both militar
ism and Imperialism.
The pecuniary argument, though
more effective with certain classes, Is
not likely to be used so often or pre
sented with so much emphasis as the
religious argument. If what has been
termed the "gunpowder gospel" were
urged against the Filipinos only it
would be a sufficient answer to say
that a majority ot the Filipinos are
now members' of one' branch of the
Christian church, but the principle in
volved is one of much wider applica
tion and,challenges serious considera
We cannot approve of this doctrine
in one place unless we are willing to
apply It everywhere. If there is poison
in the blood of the hand It will ultimate
ly reach the heart. It is equally true
that .forcible Christianity, If planted
under the American flag In the far-
iway„ Orient, Willi
insplanted uu
Let it 1
dries are
oner or later be
fortTi to Help and 'to uplift,
and the welcome given to our mission
aries will be more cordial. the
welcome extended to the missionaries
of any other nation.
The argument, made by some, that
it was unfortunate for the nation that
It had anything to do will he Philip
pine islands, but that the naval victory
at Manila made the permanent acqui
sition of those islands necessary, is also
unsound. We won a naval victory at
Santiago, but that did not compel us
to hold Cuba. The shedding of Ameri
can blood in the Philippine Islands does
not make it imperative that we should
retain possession forever.
There is an easy, honest, honorable
solution of the Philippine question. It
is set forth In the Democratic platform
and It is submitted with confidence to
the American people. This plan I un
reservedly indorse. If elected, I shall
convent, congress in extraordinary ses
sion as soon as I am inaugurated, and
recommend an immediate declaration
of the nation's purpose—first, to estab
lish a stable form of government In the
Philippine islands. Just as we are now
establishing a stable form of govern
ment in the island of Cuba second, to
give independence to the Filipinos,
just as we have promised to give Inde
pendence to the Cubans third, to pro
tect the Filipinos from outside Inter
ference while they work out their des
tiny, Just as we have protected the re
publics of Central and South America,
and are, by the Monroe doctrine,
pledged to protect Cuba, a a a
Offered by the Rapublicant for the Situa
tion In the Philippines.
When our opponents are unable to
defend their position by argument
they fall back upon the assertion that
it is destiny, and insist that we must
submit to it,
matter how much It
violates moral precepts and our prin
ciples of government. This is a com
placent philosophy. It obliterates the
distinction between right and wrong
and makes individuals und nations the
helpless victims of circumstances.
Destiny Is the subterfuge of the In
vertebrate, who, lacking the qourage
to oppose error, seel^.SoiHe' pausible
excuse for supporting/ft. Washington
said that the destiny of the Republican
form of government was deeply, If
not finally, staked on the experiment
entrusted to the American people.
How different Washington's definition
of destiny from the Republican defini
tion! The Republicans say that this
nation is in the hands of destiny
Washington believed that not only the
destiny of our own nation but the
destiny of the Republican form of gov
ernment throughout the world was en
trusted to American hands. Washing
ton wa's right. The destiny of this re
public Is in the hands of its^prn peo-
StA fb, upon tbe success of the experi-
no foreign
[Hed to change
te future has in
Ration 110 one has autj_
clare, but each individual
Idea of the nation's mlssloij
owes it to., his country as
himself to contribute as best" he
to the fulfillment of that mission.
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of 1
Committee: I can never fully
charge the debt of gratitude which
owe to my countrymen for the houol
which tliey have so generously be-1
stowed upon me but, sirs, whether It'
be my lot to occupy the high office for
which the convention has named, me^
or to spend the remainder of iny.
I11 private life, It shall be my conl
imbition land my controlling puil
to aid in realizing the high Wleatf
those whose\yisdom and couragej
sacrifices ^roaght this republic^
I can concelme of a national ai.
surpassing the*tflories of the presi
and the past—a iftestiny wWch
the responsibilities
ures up the possibilities of the fuT
Behold a republic, resting secures
upon the foundation stones quarriea
by revolutionary patriots from thel
mSuntain of eternal truth—a republic!
applying in practice and proclaimngl
to the world the self-evident proposif
tion—that all men are created -equal
that they are endowed with Inallenabf
rights that governments are Institute^
among men to secure these righlf
that governments derive their Ju|
powers from the consent of the go
erned. Behold a republic in whl|
civil and religious liberty stimulate 1
to earnest endeavor, and in which til
law restrains every hand uplifted fol
a neighbor's Injury—a republic in
which every citizen is a sovereign but)
In which no one cares to wear a crown.
Behold a republic, standing erect while
empires all around are bowed beneati^
the weight of thpir own armaments
a republic whose flag is loved whiltj
other flags are only feared. Behold
a republic increasing in population!
In wealth, in strength and in affluence]
solving the problems of qlvilizatioj
and hastening the coming of any
versal brotherhood—a republfl
shakes thrones and dissolves a%l^
cies by its silent examplg
light and inspiratimj
in darkness. BehoTu a-^.^
ually but surely becoming tM
moral factor in the world"!
and the accepted arbiter of
disputes—a republic whoSei
like the path of the just, "i|
Shining light that shlneth m|
more into the perfect day."
Don't Si
taking Scott's EmuL
cause it's warm
Keep taking it until
cured. v-v
it will heal your 1c
give you irkh bjooi'
nut as in winter,
liver oil made easy.
50c. and $ 1. All drug
For Infants and1
Thi KM Yi

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