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I sh-* I »'.: RS'"' ,S If? ItJ-^vliS,'- 16 :'':x^^-:i: ivV"*. fe /,'• :v''. "kr'S,^ 5 •••••..• ^mmm I tjjfc ^sjMTVrf THE WANAMAKER PROSPERITY PLEA icies of His Argument Dis sected in Counter Appeal to Merchants. FREE TRADE NOT PROPOSED Panics Occur Without Regard to Tar Iff Revision—Business Men Dlrect Ing the Wilson Campaign. IV the Merchants and Business Men of the United States: Mr. John Wanamaker has isBued a "note of warning" against the "de struction of industries" which he says will follow the election of Woodrow Wilson. To hark back twenty years in Amer lean industry is to deal with ancient history. During this score of years American industries have advanced so far in competing power that a com parison even with 1890 is ridiculous. In that year our exports of manufac tures were less than two hundred mil lions in annual value today they are •t the rate of twelve hundred millions, gain of 600 per cent. How is disaster to come from the competition on our ground of those manufacturers with whom we are suc cessfully competing on their ground? It Is/ a poor time to cry distress when Ware exporting steel manufactures jtf'the rate of a million dollars daily. During Mr. Cleveland's first admin istration, 1885 to 1889, there was no panic—there was only prosperity. But Itr. Wanamaker forgets this. Mr. Harrison, a Republican, succeeded in 1899, serving till 1893. During this time Mr. Wanamaker himself was in lresident Harrison'B cabinet, and it «u then the conditions matured 'wliicli resulted in the panic of 1893, four months after Mr. Cleveland took office the second time. Mr. Wanamaker quotes from various sources certain records of distress, but neglects to say that every one of them hears a date not less than six months before the tariff bill of 1894 became a law and, as a matter of fact, before Its terms were known. The truth is that neither a Repub lican administration nor a high tariff Is any protection against panics, and they occur, as everybody knows, ex cept Mr. Wanamaker, quite without regard to tariff changes. Our very •worst panics have occurred under Re publican administrations. In 1908 the Republican party in its platform declared "unequivocally for the revision of the tariff," but this promise, soon so recklessly broken, had no deterrent effect upon improve ment in business conditions. It can not therefore be said that the mere threat of tarlfT revision causes dis tress, for there was no doubt In 1908 not only that the tariff was to be re vised. but that It was to be revised downward. ignoring the Present. Most important, however, in Mr. "Wanamaker'8 letter is his failure to refer to existing conditions. He prom ises all sorts of disaster in a very general way, but has nothing to say about current facts of industry. For example, it has been well known since 1910 that the pub'ic demanded the downward revision of the tariff which Mr. Taft promised and later denied. A Democratic house of representa tives was elected in 1910 on that spe cial issue. That house passed a series of tariff measures, some of them over the president's v.eto. On each of these measures a number of Progressive Re publicans vo*«"? vith the Democrats. One of these bHls reduced the duty on steel., Y»t mlttoough a revision of the steel schedule was ard is pending, the Steel industry has revived, prices are advancing and etrancest of all. frorr Mr. Wanamaker'? prinf of view, toirg" investments sre row being made lr n«w steel plants. If the danger that Mr. XTanamaker foresees is real how IF B^own t0 5 it that t.hppe Investments proceed? How is it that manufactures all over the country are increasing their plants? Mr Wanatmker seems ignorant also of the actual labor conditions. High' wage? are not necessarily a sign of prosperity. As Processor Fisher points cut. a centurv and a half ago laborers in Rhode Irland received a wage of $10 daily, but it took four days' work to buy a pair of shoes. Nor are hfgh wares the result offthe protective tariff. The Lawrence strike brought cut this fact vividly. There the textile manufacturers have a very high protective tarfff to favor them, but the wages of their employes were indefensibly low. A fair comparison Is that between England «nd Germany, both thickly populated, one. having no protection and the oth- PiffelMsv er high protection. How do wages .s£ iv"' •twid in these countries today? Those jlf^V hi. Germany are 17 per cent lower thsil English wages, and not only BO, jr j5® bat the coBt of living in Germany Is per cent higher, so that the pro- German workman earns the if ^. v'*.t «iialler. wage and pays the higher rrM TlWi mi'. not t™ly ridiculous for Mr. 'Wanamaker to raise the bogy of free ..a* ... -trnde? No party advocates that Mr. Waasacfcer must know thaA the DeW ocmtlc cotton and woolra Mlls are not tnd^^Mmoreii anj^seitiMi ." f^ is that ihs Bedahllcu ^a^ 4 form of 1908 as well as the Democratic platform of 1908 declared for a revi sion of the tariff. It seems to me that the only question before the American people now is, Who will give them the downward revision for which they. made a new demand in 1910, when a Democratic congress was overwhelm ingly elected? It is clear that the only man in the race who will stand for an intelligent revision downward is Woodrow Wilson and the only party which will give it is the Democratic party. Now, if Mr. Wanamaker Is correct in his assertion that prosperity de pends whplly upon Republican rule and the maintalnance of a high tariff policy, how does he explain the In controvertible fact that with every body demanding tariff revision down ward the whole business of the coun try today is, in anticipation of this very revision and the certainty *o! Democratic success, in better condi tion, more stimulated and morfe ag gressive than it has been In many years? Does he not know that our shrewd merchants, business men and bankers almost infallibly sense im provement in business conditions, or, as they say in the vernacular, "dis count it?" Democratic success is on all sides conceded. Is Not to Destroy. Finally, it bears strongly on Mr. Wanamaker's statement to note that the Democratic campaign is largely in the hands of business men. I can not claim the distinction of being a merchant, yet I hope 1 can qualify as a business man. Certainly I should hesitate to advocate the adoption of any policy or to ask my friends to follow the leadership of any man or party likely in any way to bring harm to the people of this country. It would be easy to add the names of distin guished manufacturers all over the land who are in active co-operation with the Democratic national commit tee in this campaign. These men, hav ing great business Interests at stake, are not likely to be deceived into pro moting their own destruction. They feel, as do many others of our leading manufacturers, that the Democratic party in promising a gradual revision of the tariff is helping and not hinder ing our industries. Governor Wilson has frankly said: "I am not interested in disturbing the great course of business in this country, but I am interested in en riching it." W. G. M'ADOO. New York, Oct. 12. IIS'YOUR CAMPAIGN IT NEEDS YOUR HELP If the Democratic campaign fund were being drawn from multimillion aire contributors anxious to purchase legislative favors at the expense of the people there would be no need to appeal to the voters at large for the means to finance the campaign. The Binews of war in a contest between the victims and the beneficiaries of tariff extortion and trust monopoly, however, must be furniBhed in the main by persons of comparatively small means, and the contributors to the Democratic campaign fund must make,up by strength of numbers what they Individually lack in length of purse. The recent statement of the chair man of the Democratic general finance committee showed that 17,116 individ uals have contributed in the aggregate about $300,000, and that about $750,000 more is needed for the legitimate ex penses of the campaign. That would be a small sum to a candidate who could pass around the hat among four trust magnates and get it back with $450,000. but it is a large sum to the supporters of Woodrow Wilson's candidacy, and everybody should chip in according to his means without waiting to see what his neighbor .is going to do about it. IT IS UP TO YOU! The flreeborn citizen gets up when dew is on the grass And sees himself r»flpcted in a trust made looking glass. A trust controls the soap he- finds at length upon the stand. And through the favor of some trust ho takes his comb In hand. His shoes, suspenders, shirt and socks, the buttons on his coat. H!a handkerchief, his necktie and the col lar round his throat All came from factories that trusts per mit to operate: A trust allows hi-n to hive coal to pile upon the grate. By yielding to the sugar trust he makes his coffee sweet: By bowing to the beef trust he may have a steak to eat The cracVer trust, the flour trust, the coffee trust, likewise. Take tribute from the man who dwells where freedom's banner flies. He rises from the table which' a trust leaves tn his care An3 on the trust made hall tree finds a trust made hat to wear. Now see the frfeborn citizen upon the trust owned car: By paying tribute he may ride to where his duties are. He sits before a. trust made desk—a trust has said he may And, being free and equal, he tolls for the trust all day At night a trust provides his light, and when his prayers are said The uncrowned king devoutly kneels side a trust made 1 »*\, S* be Thus all his trust's bound up In trusts that treat him as they please. He lives through favor-.0f the trusts: to them. he, bends. .hJa^ifMes. Ah. let us trust "that wfeea h# dies and goato trust ,will waft him (to U* skies •*•••. 'i--r. V' ..-v- •••.•: -..•.. William Jennings Bryan, John Burke, A. S. Burleson, Charles R. Crane, Joseph E. Davies, Thomas P. Gore, Robert Hudspeth, William G. McAdoo, Henry Morgenthau, A. Mitchell Palmer, Willard Saulsbury, Rolla Wells, Name Standpat Managers Depending on Prosperity Plea to Turn Tide to Taft. DEMOCRATS MUST BE ALERT National Chairman McCombs Calls Attention of Wilson Supporters to Necessity of Meeting This Unjust Attack. Democratic National committee, New York, Oct. 15, 1912. My Dear Democratic Friend and Co worker: The success of the Democratic tick el on Nov. is dependent wholly upon the activities e»f you loyal working Democrats. And we are depending upon you with absolute confidence. I know that the responsibilities are heavy, but I further know that the re sults will justify this confidence which we place in you. The way to attain the most effective results is to have each voting district so thoroughly or ganized that every Democratic toter will be brought to the polls on election day and will vote the Democratic tick et. When elections are lost to the Democrats it is generally because the I democratic vote has not been brought out. Will you surely see to it that all your Democrats vote this year? Senator Gore, who is chairman of the oiganization bureau of the nation al committee, Is delighted and en thusiastic about the way the real Democratic workers are getting into the harness, and he feel this same de rcndence and confidence in you. "Wolf! Wolf!" I take the liberty of calling your at tention to a line of attack on us that is being used by the Republicans, and 1 urge you to Jftard against and to counteract in your district. They are raising the false and wholly unfound ed charge that Demecratic success will mean business depression. Te show you one way in which they are attempting this line of fooling the voters I quote a few sentences from a letter recently got out from their Chicago headquarters which they are now sending the business firms: "The campaign now in progress has a direct personal Interest for you. Upon its result depends the maintenance of the present busi ness prosperity which the country is enjoying. Why sacrifice present prosperity for uncertainty and de pression, which a tariff ltr reve nue only would certainly bring?" That these suggestions are wholly false and are wickedly made to fool the people is evidenced by the-fact that with the eleetion a short time off and with almost every reader and thinker and political observer believ ing that Wilson and Marshall will be elected, yet practically every line of business is, shewing extremely mark ed activity. The railroads are placing heavy orders for new rails and equip ment and thpln earnings are running ahead of last year by many millions of dollars iponthly, wholesale houses are having tremendous demands for goods, the. steel mills and factories are full ~of orders, and bank clearings show heavy gains *11 over the couqUt. This intense business activity is due to the fact that the business worhf knows Governor Wilson will 4p Just^wbftt he says he will do. His nqord i*«ne of complete fuKU«KMrt «f. hfj§ "54J4i" #4 1 THE LEON REPORTER, THURSDAY, OCTOBER 31,1912. Nap WILSON TO WIN. We ask you to help us put Into force the clean, honest, sane, helpful government that Woodrow Wilson stands for. WE NEED YOUR FINANCIAL SUPPORT. We will acknowledge personally and through the newspapers of the country yeur subscription. Your help RIGHT NOW means more for this great patriotic cause than you can possibly realize, but you will realize this in the future. Become an enrolled subscriber In this history making roll of patri otic Americans. Please fill out and seud us the coupon below. THE WILSON AND MARSHALL ENROLLMENT COMMITTEE. Send us your subscription, whatever you can afford—right now for the cause. Be as liberal as your means will permit. Rolla Wells, Treasurer, 200 Fifth Avenue, New York City: Inclosed find $ my subscription to the Democratic National Campaign Fund. You may Include my name in your Enrollment Record and publish my name in newspapers as an enrolled subscriber. Send the certificate of acknowledgment to me at this address: CRY WOLF! WOLF! TO SCARE VOTERS 1 N William F. McCombs, Simeon E. Baldwin, Champ Clark, Josephus Daniels, Robert Ewing, Judson Harmon, John W. Kern, Daniel J. McGillicuddy, James A. O'Gorman, James A. Reed, Oscar W. Underwood. help rather than disturb business, be cause they have absolute confidence that he means every word of it when he says: "WE DON'T WANT TO DIS TURB THE INDUSTRY OF THE COUNTRY. THE CHANGES (IN THE TARIFF) WHICH WE MAKE SHOULD BE MADE ONLY AT SUCH A RATE AND IN SUCH A WAY AS WILL LEAST INTERFERE WITH THE NORMAL AND HEALTHFUL COURSE OF COMMERCE AND MANUFACTURE." To Fool the Voter. I call your special attention to the fact of these evident conditions of heavy business in the face of the very apparent election of Wilson and Mar shall. What does this mean? Simply that the legitimate business world knows that the election of the Demo cratic ticket means continual and un precedented prosperity, yet In spite of this the Republican managers make this wicked attack, which, if it has any effect at all, can be only to fool the voters and to create worry and hardship in the minds of some of the people where there is no basis for any feeling except that of happy anticipa tion of better things te come when our candidates are elected. Give special attention to this line of attack in order that you may meet it and overcome its effects. They are writing these letters, putting their ad vertisements in the papers and maga zines and on the billboards with the unholy purpose of falsely scaring peo ple into voting the Republican ticket. Please let me know at once if these attacks are having any influence among the people or in any of the communi ties where you have had occasion to observe. I myself and the national committee want to co-operate with you, and we want you to help bring about the greatest Democratic victory this coun try has ever seen. We do this with the full knowledge that Democratic victory will mean greater business prosperity, greater demands for. wage earners and greater opportunities for every person in our nation, with the exception of those who are now enjoy ing special and unfair privileges under the law. Sincerely yours, WILLIAM F. M'COMBS, Chairman Democratic National Com mittee. NUGGETS FROM WOODROW WILSON'S SPEECHES. The Republican party doesn't pro pose to change any of the essential conditions which mark our present difficulties. Mr. Roosevelt proposes in his plat form not to abolish menopoly, but to take it under the legal protection of the government and to regulate it, to take the very men Into partnership who have been making it Impossible to car ry out these great programs by which .all of us wish to help the people. We don't want to disturb the indus try of the country, but to -destroy the control over the industry of other peo ple which these men have established and which makes it impossible that we should give ourselves a free field of service. Tariff schedules have been made for the purpose of keeping as large a number as possible of the rich and in fhiential manufacturers of the country in a good humor with the Republican party which desired their constant financial help, The Republican party has practical ly fostered the trustB. The Democratic party proposes to prevent monopoly, and the third party proposes to take monopoly into partnership with the government by accepting it an ln evttable necetjrity and bringing It no- ..-, .. .. -.- ...•-.• •. HIGH TARIFF VS. YOUR P0CKET8Q0K "Protection" That Increases Price of Everything You Purchase. TAXES YOU HAVE TO PAY No Escape From Extortion of Repub lican Tariff Law In Any Corner of the Household or the Farm. Here are some of the rates of taHf taxation in force as a result of the Re publican party's violation in 1909 of Its pledge to revise the tariff down ward and of President Taft's vetoes, when Democrats did reduce these du ties. Does the consumer wonder why the cost of living is high? TAX ON THE PARLOR. Looking glass, common .. Bridle Harness Backhand Hames Plow Bolts Trace chains Clips Clevis Washers Rivets Rings Buckles Bits Grass rod Heel pin Plow lines, flax Plow lines, cnttnn Pow lines, leather Horseshoes Horseshoe nails Silk ribbon Fur hats Straw hats Wool hats Waterproof cloth v{ Rate of duty. 66 TAX ON THE BKDROOM. Common wooden bed 35 Commonest blankets 93 Feather beds 60 Wooden chairs 35 Cast iron bed 3", Sheets 42 Mattresses 20 TAX ON THE WARDROBE. Flannel underwear 91 Ready made clothing 65 Hats of wool 85 Knitted goods 95 Cloaks 65 Shawls 96 Jackets 65 Suspenders 87 TAX ON THE TABLE. Beef J? Sugar 63 Rice 65 Eggs 35 Cheese 35 Salt 104 lemons 75 Starch 67 TAX ON THE KITCHEN. Commonest glassware 6C Commonest chinaWare BE Average cutlery 65 Commonest stoves 45 Commonest tinware 45 Common yellow ware 45 Scrub brushes 4f Matches 33 THE FARMFR'S PT,OW TTORST? IS TAXED FROM HJS EARS TO HIS TAIL. Payne bill. Per cent. 35 35 3? 3f IE 17 to 6® 41 4£ 4f 6 to 1« if *1 4f 35 46 4E 1# to 25 22 to 80 45 35 6 to 23 11 to 3S THE DRIVER OF THE PLOW TS TAX ED FROM HAT TO SOX. Hat of fur t7 to ISA Hat of straw 38 Hat of wool 35 to 10!) Leather gloves 6C Sheep gloves 39 to 81 Kid gloves 39 to 81 Shirt, cotton 50 to 64 Drawers, cotton 50 to 64 Stockings, cotton "... 3C Stockings, selvedged 50 to 65 Coat 40 to 75 Coat, wool 65 to 94 Ready made coat 50 to 6fi Ready made clothing 45 to 82 Collar buttons 50 Studs 50 Necktie 50 Diamond Free Pearls Free Shoes 25 Bone butt-ons 50 to 107 Horn buttons 68 to 83 Ivory buttons 50 Pearl buttons 57 to 113 I HIS WIFE IS TAXED AS FOLLOWS. .... 50 to 98 .... 68 to 80 .... 68 to 80 .... 92 to 108 .... 50 to 140 ....* 106 93 .... 70 to 159 60 .... 39 to 39 to .... 39 to Woolen knit underwear. Woolen cloak Woolen jacket Woolen shawl Woolen plushes Flannels Belt Dress goods Gloves, leather Gloves, schmasohen Gloves!' sheep Gloves, kid Stockings, knit Stockings, selvedged .... Neckwear Shoes Jewelry Dress facings .Cotton ribbon 60 to 52 to 60 to 47 to 86 35 85 to 100 54 HIS CHILDREN ON ALL THKIR1 CLOTHING ARE TAXED AS HE IS— AND ON THEIR DOLLS 38 PER CENT. Jumping Jacks 35 Marbles 35 .Firecrackers 97 to 227 Sugar plums 06 to 100 Chewing gum 29 to 69 False faces. 85 Molasses 35 Ca*tor oil 35 to 98 Last—the Baby.. Should there be a baby in the fam ily he or she is not forgotten, but pays 28 per cenjt under the snipe of "infant's food." His eofflh. pays per cent and. the feetn* {or the j^V^::-25 ,j^!witk,whife fclble and th« ,hyn» hg«ks:::ju^_a*: burial {r* taxed A* '-myiplm 1 ,* 1 v^-^ I %0. DANGER AHEM! SIGNAL'S FAKE Republican Circular Warning Railroad Men Is Palpable False Alarm. EASY TO MAKE FIGURES LIE Old Trick of Setting Red Lights on a Clear Track—Facts Presented So Railroad Men May Judge. The Republican national committee is distributing circulars among rail road men predicting a panic and hard times in the event of Democratic vio tory. Among their statements intend ed to mislead railroad men is this: \S RAILROAD MEN, STOP! LOOK! LISTEN! LEST YOU FORGET $71,338,879. Big sum of money, isn't it? Nevertheless it's exactly that much more paid to the railroad employees of the United States under the admin istration of President Taft in 1910 than was paid in 1907, the year before Mr. Taft became president. This is a sample of the old time Re publican habit of claiming credit for all natural progress—credit even for good crops. It is true that in 1910 the wages of railroad employes amounted to some $71,000,000 more than in 1907. But that represented three years' progress. In 1906 the amount |aid to railroad employes was $900,801,653. In 1907 it was $1,072,386,427. This was an in crease of $171,584,774 in a single year preceding the Taft administration, amounting to more than double the in crease during three years of the Taft administration. Isn't it obvious that they are pre suming you won't the .statistics at hand to inform yourself and that therefore they vlU fool^ou into b» lieving that the £$ftjra^nistratlon made railroad men's p^tyotUy Then stop, look, listen a^H^! In four years preceding Taffe* ad ministration 1,193 miles of rajifvoac! -were sold under foreclosp|j^' The stocks and bonds ef th£se roadt amounted to $47,031,0p'0- Under three years ofr the Taft ad ministration 5,115 miles were foreclo» cd, involving $384,434,562. The Tariff Humbug Again. A still more palpable presumption by Republicans that railroad men art fools is the following statement ix their circular: The total number of railway em ployes In 1895 was 788,084. The total number of railway em* ployees In 1911 was 1,699,809. Ur)der Republican ,Administration th« numbs*- oif'irailwfey e.nployees has In creas*d. frdm 78S,0M—luring a Demo* c'ratic admlniatratto'-to $1,699,809, an increase of |jjt$%vi)iift*fly 1,000,000 man. Do you want jrj Democratic president and return. t^^Kulltlons and number of The T&ftjaeppte tike 1895 beeauat the last Di^mocra.|ic low tariff bill, .known as th6 Wib&n bill, went intc fcrce in ISM, and.^feto would like to have n^i$ad men believe that a Dem ocratic tariff revision made the hard times. What the Facts Provo. Now, what are the facts? The "hard times" began back is 1C90, right after the Republican high tariff, known as the McKinley tariff, went ipto effect. Grover Cleveland,, the last Democratic president, vat elected in 1892. The panic came on in 1893, not as a result of Cleveland's election, but as a result of conditions that had been growing steadily worse under Republican rule. The panic was over before the Democratic tariff bill was passed in 1894, and after that prosperity began to return. Now let us make a fair comparison of these railroad figures. In 1893, under the Republican high tariff, and with the panic on, there were 873,602 railroad men employed, or 515 per 100 miles. In 1894, part hi^h tariff and part low tariff, the number fell to 779,608, or 444 for 100 miles—decrease 71 per 100 miles. From this year on, so long as the Democratic administration was in pow er, conditions improved steadily. In 1895 the total number of railroad men at work was increased to 785,034. In 1896 it was 826,620. In 1897 McKinley came into the presidency, and the Republicans set about to "redeem the country" with high tariff. AND IN 1897 THE TO TAL NUMBER OF RAILROAD EM PLOYES FELL 0FF TO 823,476. Republican Panic of. 1807. Then in the fall of 1907 there another panic under- the Roosevelt ministration and under a Republii high tariff. Were the railroad, mi protected from loss of Jobs? ly! The next year, 1908, the nu: oi railroad employes fell off by, 235,799, a decrease of 112 per 10^ miles against 71 per-100 miles la 1894, the year when the results-of the paoie of 1893 were felt moat' severely. '-i S ifj N So what is* the use of trying (6 make fools Of raifread men or of any other Americana by distorting figures? The truth is that these fluctuation* were not due to high tariff, or loir tariff. iv The program of the new party lf|p§~ Ikes monopolies and systematically aubordlnataa worktnsmen to. them and. to. pljui* m«dti. hy tin BofrMttaMiBt: "ttotk vttfr TC«ir# to ei^Npeat, wlth MiaHrfe:1'111 1