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Greene County herald. (Leakesville, Miss.) 1898-current, October 06, 1898, Image 2

Image and text provided by Mississippi Department of Archives and History

Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn87065327/1898-10-06/ed-1/seq-2/

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A YEAR FROM TO-NIGHT,
A year from to-night,
Shall we sit hero the same?
I wonder and womtbr.
And stare at the flurno
That will not reply.
Though I study its light,
And sadly am thinking
A year from to-night.
A year from to-night.
All, who can foretell?
But this I may count on
That all will be well;
The rest just as happy.
The fire Just ns bright,
Where e’er I am dreaming
A year from to-night.
The world will bo laughing,
Nor hush a glad breath,
Although a tired dreamer
Ro dreaming of death—
A foolish youug dreamer,
Whose Ups have grown whito,
May sleep nil forgotten
A year fe-m to-night.
—Btfe-l ill. Angler, in Boston Transcript
CSOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOC
m GRAY'S !
TEMPTATION. \
I5y Blien E. llexford. t
030030000000000000000C
LOYD GRAY used t<
tell himself when In
and Mary Dexte:
were children, tlia
some day, when hi
grew to bo a man
he was going ti
marry the rosy
cheeked, bright
'** eyed girl who al
ways counted or
him ns her champiot
in all the difficulties that arose ti
ruflle the happiness of those child
hood days. As ho grew older, h<
used to picture to himself a pleasau1
home, and Mary's face and smile madt
sunshine in it. The other lads seemed
to recognize that iu some way, he had
an especial claim on Mary, and they
never thought of interfering between
them. Even the grown-up peoplo,
seeing how much they were together,
ond how little they seemed to care for
other society, used to say: “It was
going to bo a match,” and it is not at
all to bo wondered at that Floyd felt
confident of tho future, so far as Mary
was concerned. Bo confident was he,
indeed, that when he had grown to be
the man he had thought so much ot
being, ho did not feel it necessary to
say anything to Mary about his plans,
because bo was not yet ready to carry
them out. He felt sure she under
stood all about them, He wanted t<
get some kind of a start in the worl(
before he took upon himself the re
eponsibility of home-making.
A chance came for him to make thi
start in life in the West. He hesitate*
about taking advantage of ’h first
on Marv’s °'X2¥’r'<’ ' ,^9 friend
nim he would be doing a ver;
ioolish thing in letting such an oppor
tunity elip through his fingers. An*
Mary, when he came to talk with he
about it, thought very much as all th
rest of them did. Bo it came aboil
that he went away from Brantford t
make his start in the world, and h
went away, foolishly enough, withon
any definite understanding with Mar
about the future. He understood hoi
he felt about it, and what his inten
tions were, and he took it for grante
that she did also. And in doing thi
he made the same mistake that agrea
many other young men make. Noth
ing should be taken for granted i
love or war.
Of course, they corresponded with eac
ether, but their letters were not at al
love-like. Floyd Gray, was one c
those men who find it exceedingl
JiffinnU cvr.i'nae tlinmaaKraa uoln
faetorily on paper. He might think
beforehand, of a good many things h
would like to say, and that he mean
to say, when he wrote his letter; bu
when the pen was in his hand, an
the paper before him, waiting for th
record of his thoughts, his idea
Beamed to desert him, and what h
succeeded in writing was wholly lacl;
ing in sentiment—a colorless trans
cript of a few formal phrases tin
might mean anything or nothing
Therefore, it was quite natural thr
the love he felt for Mary, in his hear
never found its way into the letter
he wrote her.
He had been in the West thre
years when a letter came to him froi
his mother that stunned him with tli
news that Mary Dexter was soon t
be married to a young doctor who ha
ecently settled in Brantford.
Married—W could not b
—sue must know—that b
-that ho intended to man
at he felt sure she unde:
his intentions were, an
;d his willingness to wa
“get his start” in life hi
ntered into the partnershi
ny.
1 he came to think it ove:
vhen the ability to thin
no back to him after tl
.ect of the bitter news ha
somewhat, he saw what
ike he had made. Ho
know anything about li
■vithout being told of then
shat she might think aboi
lg as ho said nothing si
be expected to have at
iwledge of his plans. E
hen it was too late, tl
ting things for granted
ried. She had done wel
wrote, in one of the lette:
her shortly after the ma
md-bye, she wrote, tha
ary had not done so wel
mg doctor had begun
ipated life. He had r
habits formed before b
which no one in Brantfoi
wledge.
y! His heart went out
for, though he had lo
■d her still,
ter an irresistible longii
cnrae over him to visit hi* old home.
And he went back to it, bronzed al
most to swarthiness by Western winds
and sun, and with a face bo hidden by
the beard he wore that his eyes were
about all his old friends could see to
recognize him by.
It happened that Mary was one of
the first persons he met on his arrival
in Brantford, He knew her the mo
ment he saw her, and yet—she was so
changed that he could hardly believe
it was the Mary he had loved so long.
Her face was pale and |grave. Her
eyes had a look of settled trouble in
them. The girl was gone, and in her
place he found a woman whose life had
not brought her happiness.
Ho had hoped that the old love had
died out in his heart. He had felt sure
ft; because he had accustomed him
self to the thought that Mary could
never be nearer to him than she was
at present. Bat when he met her, and
felt the touch of her baud in his own,
and looked into her grave, thoughtful
oyes that kindled with warmth again
at sight of him, he knew that ho loved
her the same as of old.
He told himself that it was wrong
to feel like this. She was the wifo of
anotkor. But t he heart oaves little for
cold, abstract reasoning of this kind.
He loved her, and there was no wayo!
evading the truth.
"But I can prevent any one else
■ from knowing it," he said. “I don’t
; know that I am to blame in loving her,
i but I would be to blaiao if I let people
find it opt, now that matters are as
i they are.”
He met Mary’s husband frequently
at the village drug store. He under
stood when he saw him why her face
1 _i. „ . p..i ivmi.. —
" - — - - —---o
Doctor Reed was dying slowly. Con
sumption had set its seal upon him.
And he was going down to his death
under the influence of the demon of
drink. There was not a day wheu he
was sober. The village druggist al
lowed the poor fellow to help himself
i to the liquors on his shelves, and he
availed himself fully of tho opportun
ity to deaden and stupefy the paiu of
his disease.
Floyd could not but pity the victim
of his own weaknesses. There was
something winning about him. lie
could understand how Mary had been
attracted to him. Ho wondered if it
| were not possible to save him yet, and
he tried to do so, for Mary’s sake.
But he was soon convinced that re
i clamation was out of the question.
The only escape from the terrible iu
| fluence that was over him was through
| tho door of death, and that door was
already ajar for his entrance. Listen
ing to the cough that racked tho form
ofthe dying man, Floyd realized that
. tho end was not far off. It might come
at any time.
3 One day ha saw that Reed was in
1 as ..ausunllv wrought-up condition.
He was weaker than usual. He
i coughed more. His nerves seemed
r all a quiver. Time and again, as they
- talked together, he got up and went
1 behind the counter, and poured him
r self out a little glass of liquor, whioh,
3 for a short time, seemed to relieve
t the tension of his nervous condition.
> But the effect of the drug would
3 speedily wear away, and another
t, draught was soon necessary to keep
Ir down the torture of tho pain within.
t Floyd wondered how a man in such a
- condition of physical weakness could
l stand the usual effect of so much
3 liquor. The pain he felt must be
t powerful enough to counteract it, he
- thought, and again he felt a great
l pity for the poor fellow, who had made
such shipwreck of his life,
l By-and-bye, a terrible paroxysm of
1 coughing seemed to almost exhaust
f the man. When it was over, he got
y up, trembling in every limb, with
- great drops of sweat on his ghastly
, face, and went behind the counter
a for another drink. Looking at him
t with the pity he felt expressed in his
t face, Floyd Gray saw him reach up
1 for the bottle from which he usually
e drank, hut he saw, with a thrill oi
3 horror, that he took down one instead
3 whose label told that it contained (
- deadly poison. lie poured out som«
• of its contents into a glass, with ar
t unsteady hand, too keenly alive to the
. torture of his inward pain to notice
t the mistake he was making.
, Then it was that the moment ol
s Floyd Gray’s terrible temptation came
to him. If poor Reed drank the
e draught he had prepared for himsel:
a he would die. Death wool'1 '•-■pi
e speedily. It wold'1 Mary'
o life of the bur,-1 -ing, am
d —she wont,'', on iree! Free tor him te
t,uu and win her!
i! It seemed to him that it was an agi
e that he sat there and debated witl
y himself as to what he should elo
•- Should he let the man drink th
d draught that had death in it, and thu
it remove the obstacle in tho way of hap
i- pinoss, or should ho save him from th
p consequences of the mistake he wa
making, and in doing it, put awa;
-, from himself, forever, perhaps, th
k possibility of the happiness he longei
e for?
d Who knew? Reed might get well
a after all. Stranger things had hap
w pened. Now was the ohanee for hit
s to make sure of the future. Let th<
? poor fellow drink the draught, am
it die! It would be better for him, bet
e ter for Mary, better for himself,
y But—would it not leave upon hi
0 conscience a stain almost like that o
e murder? Could he afford to carr;
” with him through life the conscious
I, ness that it had been in his power t
-s put back death from this man for
•- time, and he had made no effort to d
t, so? But—death was a question c
I, time, simply. Why not let the ma
,o meet it now? Was it any kindness t
him to prolong his'misery? The
is ! something seemed to whisper to him
d j Do not be deceived. The man wi
not die. Fate will step in and work
1 miracle to keep you and the woma
if you love apart. Prevent him froi
drinking that draught, and in doing :
ylU dash away from your own lips th
draught of happiness yon might drink
if it were not for him. He stands be
tween you and all you have hoped for,
for years. It is in your power to
choose between possession nnd loss
utter loss, remember, for Fate will
surely bring this man hack from the
brink of the grave to thwart you in
your desire for happiness. Fate likes
to do those things. Why should you
hold yourself guilty for the man's
death? You aro not offering him the
deadly draught. You are simply allow
ing him to do as he pleases. Surely
you are not responsible for the result.
Let him drink it—let him die I
Coward! Murderer! The words
seemed to form themselves .in letters
of firo before Floyd Gray’s eyes. He
sprang to his feet. He was at Heed's
sido before be knew what lie was about,
almost, and bo dashed aside tho glass
that was almost at the other's lips.
“What do you mean by that?” cried
Reed, angrily.
“Look at the label and you’ll know
why I did it,” answered Floyd, his
brain whirling dizzily. He knew,
now, that all I have written down had
passed through his mind in a few short
seconds of time. But it had soemed
an age, as I have said, and tho reali
zation of it came with a reaction that
made him weaker than the man at his
side.
“I got hold of tho wrong bottlo, it
seems," said Reed,* frightened almost
into soberness by the discovery.
“You’ve saved my life, or what little
there is loft of it. ’ Bnt it wasn’t worth
saving,” he added bitterly. “I be
lievo I’ll go home. Somehow I don’t
feel as if wanted another dram. I’m
anuvcwl T Kliniviqo ”
“Lot me go with you,” Floyd said,
and the two men went down the street
together, to Mary’s home. They
parted at the gate.
“I suppose I ought to thank you
for what yon did,” Reed said. “I do
thank you, though I think it would
have been better to have bad it all over
with as soon as possiblo. I’ve wished
I were dead many a time, but—I’m
afraid to die, so I keep ou living as
long as I can. But I can’t keep on
forever, can I?” and be laughed in a
way that made Floyd shudder. "Well,
good-bye, till we meet again. I you
like. If I bad known you years ago
you might have helped me to be a
better man. But it’s too late for that
now.” Reed held out his thin, blood
less hand, and the two men stood for
a moment looking into each other’s
faces. Floyd could meet the eyes of
tho other without shamo or fear, and
he thanked God for it.
* * * , *
The next morning he heard that
Dr. Reed was dead.
* * * * *
A year later he came to Brantford
again. I: ■’ be came because a letter
frof\i Mary i-ud told him that he
might. B>. hu written her in h!s
clumsy, awkward fashion, a letter 1
that madi it. unnecessary for her to I
take anything for granted. There
were none of the graces of lineiy j
worded phrases about it, but it went
straight to the heart of tho matter. “I
love you. I need you. Will you be
my wife?” And she had answered:
“Dome.”
When they stood up before the man
of God, and tho marriage words wero
spoken, a thought of his awful temp
tation camo to him. What if he had
yielded to it? But—he had not yield*
ed, thank God, and there was no
sense of guilt to cast a shadow on the
happiness that seemed opening out
before them.—New York Ledger.
Tlwr Gufoiri.v l’floifie Trniln
Hon. Frank A. Vanderlip, Assistant
Seoretarv of the Treasury, contributed
to the Century an article entitled
"Facts About the Philippines, with a
Discussion of Pending Problems.”
Mr. Vanderlip says:
While it is true that the islands lie
a little out of the direct line of ocean
traffic in voyages by way of the east
ern passage, there are reasons which
eperate strongly for a discontinuance
of navigation by way of the Straits of
Malacca and the China Sea to the
Orient. The voyage by this course
1 one dreaded by all navigators <•
tain seasons of the year, whoa the
Straits become t-he eon*' 'the oral
storm disturba*- to the
world, ’ .. nen > is
const - _ay restricted. the
opening of the Nicaragua Canal, how
i ever, the trade of our Atlantio ports
i with the Orient will take the safer and
L shorter route thus provided; and in
addition to this, the commerce of
much of Europe whioh now seeks the
i East by tte voyage through the Medi
i terranean, the Suez Canal, the Ihdlan
Ocean, and the Straits, or byJthoOape
i route, will turn in the opposite diree
i tion. The possession of the Philip
- pines by a progressive commercial
) power, if the Nicaragua Canal project
» should be completed, would change
r the course of ocean navigation as it
) concerns a large percentage of the
1 water-borne traffic of the world. Eu
rope looks to the Nicaragua Canal and
, the Pacific as offering a better route
- to the lar-Eastern countries, and in
i the event of its completion the archi
i pelago will be the gateway to all the
1 trade of lower China andthe countries
- south. Hong Kong, the great ware
house where are Btored and whence
i arc distributed the products of the
f earth in the maritime trade of China,
r may, in the course of these changes,
- now in prospect, become scarcely more
) than a distributing point for the trade
> of the valley of the Si-Kiang.
) -:
f The Phonograph a Teacher.
i The phonograph is now used tc
) teach foreign languages. With each
i phonograph the pupil receives a text
, book and twenty loaded cylinders.
1 Each lesson in the book is arranged in
» the form of questions and answers.
i The pupil, ready to begin, puts the
a cylinders of the first lesson in the ma
t chine, the tubes to his ears, and startc
e the phonograph
CT IS a far cry from the old wood
en frigate Constitution to the
great iron-clad Oregon, a shot
from one of whose thirteen-inch guns,
well aimed, would easily persuade the
old-timer she had missed her calling
and had better “heave to.” And Jolm
Paul .Tones, whoso victory over the
Serapis In revolutionary times has
made his name famlllnr to overy Amer
ican schoolboy, would be quite as
much passe on board “Fighting Bob"
Evans’ Iowa as the Ron llommo Rich
ard, his flagship, would be in Rear Ad
miral Sampson’s squadron.
Time makes thrusts that the be3t of
naval commanders cannot parry, and
the most that any man ca.n hope to do
Is to keep up with the times. From the
great, unwieldy wooden frigates and
schooners of the revolutionary period,
with their nine and twelve pound guus,
and from COO to 1,000 tons displace
ment, our navy has progressed to the
type of the Iowa, tho Indiana and t.he
Oregon, whose mammoth steel hulks
displace 11,000 tons of water and
whose terrible rifle-bored guns throw
motal projectiles weighing 1,000
pounds.
This remarkable evolution In naval
warfare was not the result of acci
dent. It followed In obedience to the
theory flint nations, ns Individuals,
must “fight the devil with fire;” yea,
with his own fire, be It ever so fierce
and destructive. Moreover, naval war
provemeuts In the arts. With respect
to size and strength, the navies of the
world have generally taken rank ac
cording as their necessities required
and the enforcement of their claims,
meritorious or otherwise, demanded.
England, with a territory upon all
of which the sun never sets at one
ime, has the most formidable navy in
ho world, and the rest of the world
tgrees that she needs it, America,
whose acres are contiguous and whose
foreign policy has been preservative
rather than aggressive, has hereto
fore been satisfied with the fifth navy
of the world, trusting to her noninter
ference aud the great bodies of salt
water to her east and west ns a de
fense. The apparent iucompatablllty
between ‘the great commercial Inter
ests of the United States and the pov
erty of her national defenses has long
been the marvel of Europe, and a great
many thinking people of our own coun
try have doubted the policy of trusting
too Implicitly In natural resources and
natural defenses.
Comparisons are not always odious,
but they are usually difficult. To com
pare the navy of colonial times with
the navy of to-day Is like comparing
tallow candles with arc lights,, stage
coaches with modern railway palaces
and Funuell hall v 1 the Chicago
Auditorium or Masonic Temple; It Is
comparing wood with loel, sailing
tackle with twin-screw motors and
primitive gun pow.d. with "brown
prismatic," dynamite i nitroglycerin.
of m fust Century,
i b might 1 v noted that in October,
7G, the coa-dIcs owned twenty-six ves
sel manning 53G guns; that the frigate
of the revolution was generally forty
feet loug, propelled by oars aud sails,
carrying two small guns and a supply
of small ordnance; that in 1708 tho
I navy department was formally organ
ized; that In 1800 Congress authorized
the construction of 257 wooden war
ressels, but finding the scheme too ex
pensive nml the first vessels too un
wleldlv abandoned the enterprise; that
the Bon Horntue Richard, commanded
by Faul Jones, carried twenty-eight
twelve-pounders on her gun deck, four
teen nlne-pounders ou her quarter deck
and forecastle and a total armament ol
forty-two guns, but these facts and tig
ures give little Insight into the real sit
uation of the early days and afford nc
criterion whatever for comparison with
Rear Admiral Sampson’s fleet In the
West Indies.
A review of the early history of the
American navy does not require, there
fore, that the student go back farthei
than the beginning of llio present ceil
tury, when steam was first applied tc
the propulsion of vessels. Bussing bj
the discussion us to whether Fulton
was In fact the first man who applied
steam as a motor for ships, suffice it tc
say that lu 1814 ho proposed to build t
“floating battery” for the’' defense ol
New York harbor, a vessel to be pro
pelled by steam, with a ceutral paddle
wheel, to carry twenty guns, with i
speed of four knots an hour. Accord
Ing to this plan the vessel was to earn
two submarine guns, one at each bow
so as to strike the enemy below th<
water lino. Provision was also nmd<
for throwing a large quantity of wate
on the enemy at close quarters.
The ship was launched, as proposed
In November, 1814, and In June of tin
following year the machinery was ii
place. 8he was called the Dcmologos
and after tho death of her iuvoutor wa;
rschristened the Fulton. The Fultoi
was used as a receiving-ship at the
Norfolk navy yard until 1829. Steam
vessels soon came to be of great Im
portance In the coasting trade of both
Europe and America, and In 1819 a
steamer of 8B0 tons called the Savan
nah made the passage from New York
to Liverpool In twenty-six days, but she
was heavily sparred and depended
largely on her sails.
lu 1S40 vessels with screw propellers
came Into vogue, Captain John Erics
son made a proposition to the English
government to npply tbo screw device
to war vessels, but his scheme was
scouted as visionary. In 1S43 Ericsson
came to New York and built the Prince
ton, which was the first screw man-of
war ever constructed. The Princeton
proving a success In every particular,
England built the Duke of Wellington,
which outranked the Princeton, the lat
ter being adjudged uuseaworthy In
1849.
The Crimean war demonstrated the
usefulness of the screw propeller, al
though It was several years after that
the naval authorities of the world were
willing to trust to a full-powered screw,
unaided by sails. About this time the
Great Eastern, nlso called the “Won
der ship,’’ was built. She was con
structed of Iron and wood, was 692 feet
long and carried 12,000 tons of coal.
She plied between England and Aus
tralia and, although not a man-of-war,
properly speaking, was a formidable
vessel.
The day of the wooden wheels came
to a close, however, when In I860 the
French built the tirst sea going iron
clad, which was christened La Ulolre.
She was originally Intended to carry
ninety guns, hut was cut down and
. 1. I_HI. ___1 „ e
was* provided with full steam power,
with auxiliary sails and carried forty
guns. Not to be outdone, England,
ever jealous of her mlstressship of the
sea, constructed the Itoyal Oak and
later the Warrior, the latter being
faster than any wooden vessel afloat
and vastly superior to La Glolre.
France replied with the Solferino, re
markable for her ram bow and for the
fact that up to that time sho was the
only Ironclad carrying guns on two
'decks protected by armor. The Mino
taur war vessels were then Introduced
by England, but they were too un
wieldy for service and were aban
doned.
This see-saw competition was going
on when the rebellion broke out In the
United States and we found ourselves
without a single ironclad vessel and
practically without a navy. At the out
set, the Federal government made a
vigorous nttempt to get control of the
Mississippi and Missouri rivers, which,
it was thought, would become theaters
In the war. Accordingly, a contract
was awarded to James B. Eads, of St.
Louis, for the construction of several
Ironclad steamers suitable for river
navigation.
In October, 1801, forty-five days after
laying the keel the St. Louis was
launched This was the first Ironclad
owned by the United States. The un
fortunate abandonment of the Norfolk
navy yard, however, had given to the
Insurgent forces possession of several
vessels, notably the line steam frigate,
Merrimac, a vessel built like the Wa
bash. The Confederates were busy
transforming this vessel ln!o a broad
side casemated Ironclad, with a slop
Ing roof calculated !c wiuse the ene
| ;ny's shot to glance without Injuring
t bo vessel, when the Monitor type of
■ ironclad earm Into l>elng Captain
I Ericsson had been given contracts for
the construction of two broadside lron
! clads and one vessel of special design.
Tho Monitor, which later defeated
flip Mprrlmnp xvns nf “snpplnl rlpalom ”
and It was tills same Monitor and her
successors during the civil war that
revolutionized the naval warfare of
Europe. The Monitor was slightingly
characterized “a cheese box on a raft,”
but It proved to be the strongest cheese
that ever was placed In a naval sand
wlch. The turret system, which was
the essential feature of the original
monitor, Is familiar, and does not re
quire description here. The broadside
system was said by contemporary crlt
ics to excel the turret system for ocear
service, hut the value of the "cheese
box,” Ironclad for close fighting In shnl
low water was ne;ver disputed. Soun
of our monitors, such as the Mlimtono
mah, were constructed of wood, am
the voyage of the Mlantonomah to Eu
rope and of the Monadnock to Sai
Francisco via Cape Horn showed tlm
these vessels could go to sea as well a:
fight In shallow' wnters.
Of the two broadsides constructed b;
Captain Ericsson, one was a failure
and the other, New Ironsides, a decldei
success. After passing through th
siege of Charleston and doing exeellen
service she was laid up In ordinary a
League Island and afterward destroy
ed by fire. England converted one o
her liners Into a monitor of tho turre
, shape and called her the Captain. Sli
was constructed according to a pla;
proposed by Captain Coles, but wen
down at sea with 600 on board, thu
showing the Inoompatablllty of sailin
power with a low free board. As com
pared with the English and Frene
• Ironclads, the Ajuerlcan vessels dree
less water, but were moro effectlv
, than the foreigners In shallow watei
. After the civil war Russia went wil
. over Ironclads and built a large numbe
of the naval cheese boxes.
So much for the early nayy of th
i colonies and civil war‘period. At th
l close of 1783 we had practically n
, navy at all; In 1874 wc had five firs
i rate war vessels, carrying forty-flv
> | guns, with 3,000 tons displacemew
thirty-one second-rate vessels carrying
twenty guns with 2,200 tons displace
ment, twenty-four third-rate vessels
carrying eight guns with 800 tons dis
placement and five fifth-rate vessels
parrying four guns with 400 tons dis
placement. Our total strength aas
forty-eight Ironclads and twenty-el*
other vessels. Many of these, however,
were unseaworthy and the term “Iron
dad” was used more on account of s*
courtesy than respect for the facts.
At present we have In the regular
navy eleven first-class battle-ships of
112,800 tons displacement, two armor
ed cruisers of 17,471 tons displacement,
twenty coast and harbor defense ves
sels with 53,750 tons displacement, and
protected crwioers and gunboats of 80.
000 tons displacement. We have thir
teen protected cruisers, twenty gun
boats and light protected cruisers, one
dispatch boat, and ttventy-two torpedo
boat destroyers. The battle-ships Indi
ana, Massachusetts and Oregon have
each a displacement of 10,300 tons, a
belt armor of eighteen Inches steel and
turret armor of seventeen Inches. The
following table shows the armament
carried by our armored vessels:
Weight of No. Total wgt.
Caliber. shot, lbs. guns. fired.
Thirteen Inches. 1,000 12 13,200
Twelve Indies.. 850 12 7,800
Ten Inches. 500 18 0,000
Eight inches.... 250 40 11,500
Six inches.. 100 18 1,800
Five inches. 50 12 G(K)
Four inches.... 83 28 024
Totals. 140 44,834
Our united armored ships can throw
one and one-half pounds of metal for
every pound that Spain can give us in
return, although the dons have 100
guns. If our armored l'orco were re
duced to an average we would have a
ship of 6,750 tons, with ten-inch belt,
11.6-inch turret, ten guns of eight-inch
caliber, throwing a projectile weighing
300 pounds, while Spain would have n
battleship of 7,450 tons, with 0.0-inch
belt, 0.7-luch turret, thirteen guns of
seven-inch caliber, throwing a projec
tile weighing 180 pounds.
The guns of eight-inch caliber and
over are used to attack the holt of a
ship In order to disable the machinery
GEORGE DEWEY.
and turrets In which the big guns of
the enemy are mounted, while the
small-bore rapid-firing guns are iised to
sweep the decks and very often to find
the range of the enemy. In sea fight
ing the small guns are used first, the
big guns keeping silence until a range
f 1,000 yards or thereabouts is reached.
In the great fight which Commodore ,
Dewey made in Manila bay neither
Spain nor the United States had an
| armored ship. Dewey’s boats were
1 protected cruisers with steel decks and ;
comparatively small guns, '
(early naval warfare, In wliteh sailing^ — S.
vessels were used, had to deal praetlc
IsUv with guns alone, and the measure
o * Arcngth wns the weight of metal
! fired In one broadside. To-day the de
signer has to reckon with shell power,
ram power, torpedo power and power
of resistance. The modern battleship
Is therefore a compromise. Thus,
roughly speaking, the weight allowed
for armor determines the defensive
power of a vessel, the weight of bat
teries, ammunition and torpedoes the
offensive power, while the weight of
coal and machinery determines the
speed and endurance of a vessel—the
distance n vessel can go without re
coaling.
rtoiwiinstanamg me Amencnn navy
Is rapidly taking rank with the navies
of the world, It Is Interesting to note i
thnt wo have 3,000 miles of sea coast, I
excluding Alnskn, and a tonnage of
licensed, registered nud enrolled Amer
i lean vessels aggregating 4,498,000 tons,
which is far more than the total nvr
[ candle tonnage of Russia, Germany, - '
Italy, Japan and Spain. It might also
i bo mentioned that we have more prop- •
erty on shore assailable from the water '
i tlmn any other nation, that we have
more property afloat than any other
■ nation and thnt with the exception of
, Great Britain wo have more merchant
I ships afloat on the oceans and great
. lakes than the five greatest naval pow
t ers of the world combined.
Gold Coast.
t The Gold Const Is a lung way from
t the Gape of Good Hope. The latter Is
» one of the termini of Eastern Africa—
i the former is wholly In Western Afri
t ca. The Gold Const takes its name
j from the precious metal having been
; discovered there in abundance by the
- early Portuguese and English naviga
i tors.
{
Cheese Exported from Rome.
Tlie value of the cheese exported
j from Rome is only $1,000 less than the <
value of the paintings cheese' being
second article on the list of exports
from Rome. /
B-x
B Cancer from Eating Meat.. / < .
> * The officers of a leadlng'LfliidoiX*’
pital believe that the^ general liX
e of cancer's due to excess in 1
» ins.

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