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The Oxford intelligencer. (Oxford, Miss.) 1860-18??, June 06, 1860, Image 2

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J WEDNESDAY, JUNE , - - - 18(0.
. We deem it not inappropriate in the ooro
mwtceraeataf eur rtorri, to mark oat aoma
of the -principles and rule of conduct by which
we purpose to be guided.
- !In fr-iHues -' belong to the Democratic par.
lyi an J m dr as we can, consistently Kith the
interests f the country, and of the slaveholding
THates especially, we intend to strive for the uni
ty an4 (access of that party. But when our
right are Jeopardized, and a domineering ma
jority, refusing to recognize the great doctrine
of quality of rights in the common territory,
ad making principles aecondary to individuals,
would exclude kalf 'flto States from their birth
right, and seal against them forever the blossom
ing fields won fcy thdr arnis and consecrated by
thtir blood, raiBegiance to party will be thrown
aside, and we skaTl gird on our armor to defend
the right, and do battle for the sunny land which
gave a birth, te -stand with her or to fall with
her. The great iectrines of State Rights, as
ret forth: fcyCVrbun, will be the chart of our
touriCT Truth 'stM be our polar star. Young
-m we are, we da not presume to think we can
aiake-oarntif the leader of older and wiser men.
But wa cAcad to drink often from that fountain
f witdvra recorded in the works of the great
fathers f the Republic and of the Constitution.
If we are but faithful expounders of those re
cords, our ambition will be satisfied.
It is our dofign to make the Intelligencer a
reliable general newspaper. But it shall be our
especial aim to give aa much local and county
intelligence as possible, so as to make our paper
particularly valuable to subscribers In the coun
ty. We shalt endeavor, also, to make it a valua
ble fiimilv paper, by excluding from its columns
every thing which could oflend the feeling of
the most fastidious, and" by Inserting only such
witter as is entertaining nndiristructive. To the
alumni and friends of the University, we shall
aim to make our paper interesting, by publishing
all University news, by giving full accounts of all
important exercises, and by serving up for them
all tno lfttto moretaut which only one initiated
knows how to gather. Nor will the high and
just claimi of Union Femalo College, and of tho
Preparatory and Common Schools of Oxford and
Lafayette county, be overlooked.
In regard to questions of domestic policy which
may incidentally arise, our course will depend
pon circumstanecs, always keeping in view the
great principles of truth, and the fundamental
doctrines of right
Above all, it shall be our earnest effort to avoid
dogmatism and strife. We are firmly convinced
that a good cause loses nothing by extending
courtesy to an opponent, and we are sure that a
newspaper is not a fit arena for the settlement of
disputes. We shall attack no one. Wa shall
attempt to pull no one down. Such conduct docs
not, in our opinion, comport with the decency
and dignity of the Press. The right is not to be
built up by such means. People are not to bo
moved, by tirades of abuse, to take the part of a
scold; and they pay Kttlo heed to reasoning
which is clothed in the language of angry villifl.
cati&rr. A constant exhibition of petulance seems
to us indicative of mental weakness, of anything
Wut the vigor to which it pretends; just as the
shallow brooklet, which cannot conceal the rocks
th its channel, rushes on, vainly brawling as it
goes, to be swallowed up in the placidly moving
depths of the great river below.
To the citizens of this county, we are compar
tively a stranger. Wo therefore think it but
proper that we should speak some few words
about ourself. Born near La G range, in Tennes
see, but brought among the wigwams of the
Chickasaw of North Mississippi before we had
learned the sweet word, Motiier, we havo crown
with the growth of the Stnte, till manhood hns
summoned us to the battle field of life, and Mis-
sippi has increased in greatness to be a leader
among the confederate! Mates, ltoarea m a
printing office, having free access to the political
history of the day, familiar with all the stirring
events in the History of our State since its forms.
tion, we are imbued with tho deepest admiration
nd respect for her institutions and policy, and
' Ye-hearted people. Mississippi t our heart
s with pride when we hear the name; and
lnemory of her love-lit homes, and sunny
skies, and bright fields stretching far away, has
sent many a thrill of pleasure through our veins,
when we were " wandering on a foreign strand."
Mississippi! 1 thoughts of brave hearts, in a
Jlslant land, beneath "the sulphury canopy of
V- war," and amid the thundering tramp of advanc-
ing foes, dauntlessly facing a more numerous
force of the enemy, and hurling them back in
' discomfiture, the sheen of their lances dimmed
by dffcat such thoughts crowd upon us at the
mention of the name, and something of the old
feeling comes over us, and we find ourself invol
untarily joining in the shout of triumph which
they seat toward Heaven through the smoke of
then rifles, as Buena Vista was won. Mississip
pi A5sT the very name Li synonymous with all
that is not de and good; intelligent, generous,
nighminded, gallant with souls as open as the
day, and pr.rses whose strings aro never tied,
whenever country, or chorea, or frind, or any
ehud of want, prefers a claim. Ann the womex
or Mississippi.! God bless them! pure as tho
star beams, fair as the dawn, true as the needle
to its " mystic faith with the mariner," intelli
gent and good, fit to be mothers and wives of such
'men. The homes of Mississippi are lighted with
their presence; they infuse their own calm cour
age into manly hearts, and urge them on the way
that leads to sure renown and happiness.
If we shall ever so Ut forget our duty as to
prove recreant to our State and false to her peo
ple, may a just Heaven frown upon us, and
shower upon our devoted head all the calamities
which such s treason would deserve.
I JfcSC n copies of this number of our
1 lacr various gentlemen, to whom we suppose
Lr pripectua has not been presented, in order
I lean our enterprise to their attention and to
""JH" their subscriptions. ' If they do not like
J Itpeerraen anmbcr, they need not return H ;
I not direct us to place Lis name upon our
T"Onr enpagenenta cfciewhere are of such a
fcktiL, tot the praccat, that we are enabled to
1 stthI only comparatively small portion of each
Aek in OtSurd. After the 21st of the present
Niooth, however, we shall be permitted to remove
j? fbe-sceoe of our new duties, and devote alj
i at time and'enere to the IsTrxMOEscxa
t fteamrhfle, oar reader, we doubt not, will rea-
li- overlook such mci'lenUt shortcomings a
" m-jlt fioirt editing a ropr "at Vg .5-v."
-sqiuuxer sovereignly m Mere Ab-
, --v -Wractlen.
With this' pretence many toncet end well,
meaning men have been led Astray. In the very
nature of things abstract principles must first
be established before we can safely proceed to
reason upon any of the practical afairs of life ;
and the failure in life of "unfortunate" indivi
duals, like die failure of ill-devised governmental
measures, may usually ba traced back, with un
erring certainty, to errors of opinion respecting
some principle or doctrine which, in the outset
was overlooked or disregarded, because it was
supposed to be of too abstract a nature to deserve
the consideration of "practical" men.
Our revolutionary fathers went to war with
tho mother country upon a nure abstraction.
The British Parliament had repealed the odious
stamp act, of which the colonics complained ; but
that repeal was accompanied by an assertion of
tho frineiplt, that the colonies were uncondi
tionally aubjoct to the legislative power of Par
liament It was opposition to that detested
principle which precipitated the struggle of the
Assent to an abstraction, whether such assent
be given expressly or by implication, necessarily
involves assent to every conclusion and conse
quence that may legitimately result from the
principle originally admitted ; and it is because
of this fact that we should ahrars he cautious'
about yielding our assent to abstract doctrines.
It is now urged, with great plansibility, by the
apologists for "Squatter Sreignty," that, at
the present moment, there U no Territory to
which tho doctrine can be practically applied,
and, therefore, that tho South, inasmurh as she
cannot immediately loso anything through its
operation, is contending for a mer; abstraction
when she dumandi that the doctri'.ie shall be re
pudiated and condemned. Precisely the same
argument wa addressed to th a pro-revolutionary
patriots. They were told that they were not
then called upon to patj any stamp duties, and,
therefore, that they we re making a great and need
Ions outcry about a mere abstraction, which was
whMly without t'ie slightest prociit importance
or nigniflcaniw ; but tlicy replied that a great and
vita! princir.te was at stake, and so important did
they consider it to he, that they solemnly pledged
to its maintenance, in an hour of darker peril
than the present, their lives, their fortunes, and
their sacred honor. Had they weakly yielded to
the soft persuasions of those who whispered
"peace" and prated of "abstractions," these
States, it is not unlikely, would to-day have been
in the condition of colonial vassalage to England.
If we now admit tho doctrine of "Squatter
Sovereignty," we must admit it with all its logical
results in the future. Whenever, within the
wido limits of our present possessions, a new
Territory shall bo organized, we must expect to
sec ths emissaries of "Emigrant Aid Socioties"
flocking thither, like birds of prey to a field of
carnogu, until their numbers shall enable thorn to
dedicate the land to tho purposes of anti-slavery,
by applying the doctrine of "Squatter Sovereign
ty;" and not another slave State will ever bo carved
out of the public domain which we now hold ; for
that doctrine, just as certainly as the Wilmot pro
viso, or tho Ordinnnco of 1787, wiil crush out
slavery in all the Territories.
Moreover, when our people, obeying their in.
stinct for tcrritoriiil acquisition and expansion,
shall have made themselves masters of Cuba,
Central America and Mexico, those regions, too,
will be overrun by tho hordes of anti-slavery
sent forth by the overpeopled free States upon
tho special mission of excluding slavery by means
of that doctnno which is now characterized as
"a mere abstraction." When such tilings could
1)0 done, by what other tenure than tliat of suf
feranco would slavery retain its existence in any
of tho States? And how long would the paper
barriers of a constitution continue to restrain
those ravenous creatures, greedy and thirsting
for its life-blood, whoso final spring is only now
delayed by physical fear f
But woarc told that we must nnv swallow Squat
ter Sovereignty, because wo might otherwise be
charged with inconsistency, and because our re
pudiation of the doctrine would render it difficult
if not impossible, to carry tho Pemoeratic ticket
in some of the Northwestern States.
In that remarkable specimen of special plead
ing which was recently delivered in Washington
by a Senator from Illinois in reply to Mr. Davis,
the distinguished speaker carefully confined him
self to an attempt to prove that ho had been ver
bally consistent, and that tho majority of South
ern States and stitcsmcn had been verbally
inconsistent, in reference to what ho termed the
doclrino of non-intervention. With all his Irold
ness, he dared neither assert that the South had
ever ratified hi construction of the .Cincinnati
Platform of 1858, nor deny that the South might
just as well abandon, explicitly and at once, all
her interest in the common territories, as to accept
the Squatter Sovereignty interpretation of that
platform. He proved himself to be a skilful
player upon words, and nothing more. No man,
who remembers the canvass of 1856 in Missis,
sipp:, Trill pretend, we think, that Squatter Sover
eignty then met with any fcvor in the eyes of our
people ; and our delegates at Charleston left the
j convention the other day because a factitious ma
jority refused to place upon the Cincinnati plat
form the same construction under which our
people voted for Mr. Buchanan four years ago.
If the success of the Democratic party really
depends tpon the renognition of the heresy of
Squatter Sovereignty, wc arc much disposed to
doubt the permanent value of any success that
may be thus achieved. When the King of Epirus
exclaimed, in reply to those who congratulated
him upon the signal victory he had obtained over
the Romans, "Another such victory would ruin
me!" ht expressed just such a feeling as would
weigh down the heart of any clear-sighted and.
sagacious Democrat who should survey the field
after the party had achieved a nominal victory
under the battle-cry of "Squatter Sovereignty 1"
The trophies and fruits of such s victory would
consist only of a few laurels, withered ere they f
were plucked, and a Jew camon "spoils, engen
dering s wide-spread corruption through the
camp. Our forces would be so thoroughly de
bauched, through the demoralizing doctrine of
Squatter Sovereignty, that there would be little
to choose between them and as many straight-out
Black Republicans. Not a vote not one can
be obtained by us in any Southern StaU by
means of that doctrine; and, in the Northern
States, every recruit that doctrine brings us will
be a Black Republican at heart It cannot be
tlterwise. The conservative Democrats of the
free States are with us already. The Black Re
publican leaders tell the people that the one idea
upon which they have banded themselves togo.
thcr, is, to prevent the farther spread of slavery.
This end tliey propose to accomplish by prohibit
ory Congressional legislation. The Squatter
Sovercizntv orators in the free States desire to
have it in their power to go bcfjre the people and
say " W are jut as much op;wsed t9 the fur
ther exteniion of sUvrry a oir Repu'iKcan
friend-, and. knwin thrt y sc also opposed
t if. a w-ll to th- ;.trii if self, wc assure
you that you can as certain If accomplish your
purposes of opposition to slavery in the ranks of
the Democratic party, through the practical
workings of the ingenious device of Squatter
Sovereignty, as though you were affiliated with
the Republicans." .Latter-day Democracy of
that sort would, hi aO probability, soon accom
plish the feat of swallowing the entire Black
Republican party, and thereby, itself, become
thoroughly abotitioniaed. Then it would address
itself to the task of extinguishing slavery in the
States ; and we should find, when it was all too
late to 'profit by the knowledge, that the one
despised "abstraction" had proved itself to be
fearful practicality. )
stltutioBHl obligation.
The Constitution of the United States, in the
second section of the fourth article thereof, pro
vide that " A person charged in any State with
treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee
from justice, and be found in another State, shall,
on the demand of the executive authority of the
State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be
removed to the State having jurisdiction of the
, The language of this provision is too plain and
explicit to admit of any evasion of its terms.
No room is aflbrded for construction ; and, there
fore, there is no excuse for its violation, under
any pretence.
We learn, from the Memphis papers, that ona
Kennedy, who had there stolen some negroes and
flcdU Ohio, was "charged," in Tennessee, with
tho theft he had committed ; whereupon, Gov.
Harris, of that State, issued his requisition upon
the Governor of Ohio, demanding, in the terms
of the Constitution, that the latter functionary
should surrender up Kennedy, as a fugitive from
justice, to be removed to Tennessee for trial To
this demand, the Black Republican Coventor of
Ohio (Dcnnison) responded that " property in
slaves was not recognized by the laws of Ohio, I
and therefore it was no crime, by said laws, to
steal them." Upon this ground, he refused to
issue his warrant for Kennedy's apprehension.
Before Gov. Dennison entered upon the duties
of his office, ho took an oath to support the Con
stitution of tho United States. Ho now shows
his sense of the solemn obligation then assumed,
by shamelessly disregarding one of the plainest
provisions of that instrument No more flagrant
breach of faith disgraces that long record which
will perpetuate the infiimy of Abolitionism.
Each State, in virtue of her sovereignty, pos
sesses the clear and undisputed right of creating
and defining offences against herself; and when
a criminal flees from justice, and takes refnge
within the limits of another State, whose crimi
nal laws do not happen to coincide with those
which he has violated, tins accidental cirrum"
stance can constitute no reason why the compact
between sovereign States, looking to the extra
dition of fugitives from justice, should be nullifi
ed. It matters not whether the oflence, with
which the fugitive stands charged, is,or is not,an
offence under the laws of the State to which he
has fled. It is sufficient tJiat he stands charged
with an act, which, according to the laws of the
laws of tho State where it was committed, was
criminal in its character. That isolated fact be
ing once establishcil, the functionary to whom
the requisition is addressed has only to obey it.
If he refuses, he incurs the guilt of moral per
jury, dishonors that Constitution which ho was
sworn to uphold and support, and deserves, as
he will assuredly receive, the unminglsd scorn of
every honorable mind. There was a lime when
tho Constitution was respected and observed,
throughout the length and breadth of a unit
ed land ; and tho Union, cherished by all
our people in tho same spirit in which our fa
thers framed it was the pride and boast of every
citizen. But those days havo long sinco passed
away: suspicion has taken the place of mutual
confidence, and hate now rankles where once ex
isted only kindliness. The origin of .all this
change of feeling is as plain as the sun at noon
day. The Constitution was framed by the peo
ple of the several States, in order, among other
reasons, " to establish justice, ensure domestic
tran"iiillitr,provido for the common defence, and
promote the general welfare;" and, so long as its
provisions were honestly regarded, those purpos
es wcro all subserved; but a race of men grew
up who professed to bo wiser than the fathers,
and greatly wise above what is written, and they
have proceeded to expound and construe the Con
stitution in a manner never dreamed of by those
who were its authors, and have thus perverted its
meaning and prostituted its powers, until they
have made it to the extent of their ability, an
engine of fraud, and wrong, and sectional aggran
dizement They hope yet to make it a weapon
of conquest All the benefits of the compact
they have ever and rigorously insisted on. All
its burthens they have systematically repudiated.
Gov. Dennison has simply carried the principles
of his party a little in advance of the main body.
None of his c orkerswill condemn his conduct
which will only serve to add a little more fuel to
feed that flame of indigiation, which, if a return
ing sense of justice does not soon overtake the
people of the froo States, will consume the last
vestiges of that love for the Union, upon which
alone it can repose in safety.
Mississippi lias Spoken.
We publish, to-day, the proceedings of the
Democratic State Convention, which was held,
last wcoi, at Jsflison ; from which it will be
st-en that tl.o Democracy of this State have
approved and ratified, by acclamation, the
secession of our lelcgatcs from the late Con
vention at Charleston, and have re-affirmed,
with a distinctness which leaves no room for
doubt, evasion, or misconstruction, the great
and fundamental doctrine of tho ritht of the
people of the several States to go into the
common Territories aud be there protected,
with every description of property they may
choose to carry w ith them, acrainst all ulcsral
The old Delegates have been re-appointed;
but s few vacancies had to be filled, on ac
count of the inability of some of the former
Delegates to leave the State at this juncture.
They are accredited to Richmond and Balti
more, and authorized to act according to
their own discretion.
It the other Southern States but emulate
the firmness and unanimity displayed by
Mississippi, we doubt not that the demands
of the South will be promptly and unhesita
tingly conceded at T.1timore ; but timid
counsels, or attempts to compromise, will be
fatal to onr cause. "
V 8 Te the vaiious rectlcraon, in this county.
and elsewhere, who have kindly volunteered to
take copies of our prospectus and procure sub
senbers for us, we return our cordial thanks
for the ii.icrcst liiry have manifested in our suc-
j i,r tr-cr-ttiinR their "several 'subsmpVS.
list.-: to is at th? earliest practical moment.
' The Past and the Future.
, No intelligent man can have given even a
superficial attention to the history of Ameri
can politics, for the period which has ckpsed
siuce the conclusion of peace with Great Bri
tain in 1815, without perceiving thai this his
tory has derived its tone and color almost
wholly from the operation of a single underly
ing cause the hostility, secret or avowed, of
oue portion of the confederacy, to the indus
trial system provided by God and nature for
the well-being of the other. It is known of
all mankind, that hardly a single important
question has divided political parties in this
country since the century began, in which,
on the whole, the North has not been on one
side and the South on the other. This ten
dency to sectional division became apparent
long before the period to which we have just
alluded. It was really at the bottom of the
great struggle betweeu the democratic aud
the now defunct federal party, which resul
ted in the election of Thomas Jefferson to
the presidency in 1801. The North was for
centralization, limited electoral franchise, alien
and sedition laws, and Adams ; the South was
for State sovereigntypopular equality, freedom
of the tongue and pen, and Jsffersou. The same
difference shortly after miufeited itself ma
less strikingly, iu connection with the war
measures of the succeeding administration.
The North espoused the cause of Great Bri
tain, burned blue lights, and held her famous
(or infamous) Hartford Convention. The
South demanded the freedom of the seas, pro
tection for tho persons of our senmen, and
the vindication of the honor of our flag against
the persistent insults of British arrogance.
It would require no very profound analysis
of the springs of human action, to trace these
early divisions between tho North and South,
to the same cause which has manifestly pro
duced thoso of more recent origin that is
to say, to the differing industrial systems of
the two sections. But if wo descend the
current cf history a little further, tho latent
clement of discord comes to the surface of
itself, and speculation is unnecessary. The
question which arose on the admission of
Missouri to the Union in 1820, presented the
first point in which northern hostility to ne
gro slavery an institution vital to the pros
perity of the South found opportunity to
manifest itself in a form distinctly aggressive.
The South had come into the Union, with the
distinct stipulation, confirmed by a written
constitution, that she should preserve Uliim
psireJ, within the confederacy, !! those rights
and powers which she might have enjoyed
out of it; with the sole exception of the few
specifically defined powers, which both North
and South consented equally to relinquish to
the general Government, for tho common
good. One of these reserved rights was the
right to the unmolested enjoyment of her own
favorite institutions at home. As yet, this
has never been directly infringed never at
least by any political organization. Another
was the right to carry with )ier, her institu
tions, into any unoccupied territory to which
she hail possessed a previous title, or of which
she might become, with her sister States, sub
sequently, a joint proprietor. It is in the at
tempt to exercise this right, in every respect
as clearly and as positively hers as the for
mer, that sho has, for the last forty years, been
systematically resisted at every point at which
resistance was practicable. Tho struggle
which arose over this question pn the nppli
cation of Missouri for admission to the Union,
convulsed the country from one end to the oth
er, and well nigh severed tho federal compact
ntthe end of the first thirty years of its exigence
Pcaco was at length purchased by an expedi
ent, which, though a toiul-id with some imme
diately happy results, our more recent and
sadly distracted history proves to Ve emi
nently ill-chosciu A mere conflict of inter
ests may be settled and set at rest by com
promise : but a compromise involving a prin
ciple is not only a mistake in itself, but, as a
means of ending controversy, is totally una
vailing. There are few men in the slavchold;
ing States to-day, who will not admit that it
would have been better, had the Union split
asunder in 1820, than that tho crevices in its
walls should have been repaired and smoothed
over by he fair-showing but fragile cement
of a compio-nisc.
Tho immediate effect of the Missouri com
promise was indeed to remove ffr the mo
ment the agitation of questions touching sla
very from the political field. But though the
North and the South were no longer avowedly
divided upon this particular matter, still the
NorMt and the South continued to bo divided.
A protective tariff at one time, or a national
bank at another, might he the ostensible bone
of contention ; but whatever happened to
constitute the momentary test of party alle
giance, there always remained outstanding the
remarkable fact, that one side was invariably
regarded as the Southern side, and the other
the Northern. '
It was impossible, however, that the lurk
ing fueling of hostility to the South, constant
ly cherished by northern politicians and by ;
the northern people, should long go on thus
working silently. It was inevitable that it
should very shortly come to be known by its
right name. That name is anti-slavery ; and
under that name the feeling itself began, du-
ring the last terra of the administration of
Gen. Jackson, to manifest itself as a distinct !
element in our national politics. It would
be a weary task to undertake to enumerate
the various forms of aggression upon South
ern rights, upon Southern security, and upon
Southern forbearance, which this spirit has 1
prompted in their inception and animated in
their prosecution. One of the earliest was
the flooding of Congress with petitions for
the abolition of slavery in the District of Co
lumbia. Another was the obstinate attempt
to attach to every law organizing a new terri
tory, the insulting and unconstitutional Wil
mot Frovlso. Another was the determined
opposition to the annexation of Texas. An
other still, the violent denunciation of the
war into which we were precipitated, wit!iout
any choice of our own, with our uiqukt and 1
troublesome Mexican TX-ili'rors. And still !
J another t pnoared in the determined, and, for j
th time t'x sucef-ssfiil. rri'-ian"c nia h; t
the just claim of the South, to share in the
conquesW obtained in thai war : and obtained
too, mainly through the valor and the lavish.
ed blood of her own sons.
To pursue this enumeration through the
more recent period to dwell upon the Nor
thern opposition to the acquisition of Cuba '
or on the bitter struf""le over the Kansas Ne
braska bill, and the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise or on the insults heaped upon
the highest judicial tribunal in the bind for
interpreting the Constitution of the Uuion in
the sense which its framers designed it to
bear or on the scenes of disgraceful violence
and civil strifo which attended the early set
tlement of Kansas, aud the hardly less dis
graceful scenes in Washington which follow
ed the application of that territory for ad
mission into the Uuion or, finally, on the
organization of a great political party perva
ding all the non-slavcIiolJing States, ami
binding together, with the original abolition
fanatics, every scattered fragment of every
broken down political organization which lias
gone before it, whatever their diversities of
creed upon all properly political qucstiuiis,
in oue common bond to muko war npon tho
South to dwell and enlargo upon these
things is entirely unnecessary, since they
constitute a part of the immediato history of
tho day.
Now throughout all this period of contin
ued and continually rerfewed w-rong, it is
manifest that there has been but ono real
question involved. Tho struggle has taken
a hundred apparently differing shapes ; be
cause at each succeeding trial of strength,
there has been a sort of tacit understanding
that tho general principlo in controversy
should bo tested by a special isno. This
principle is the right of tho people, of the
South, no less than of those of the North, to
tho protection of their property as well as
their persons, in every part of tho common
domain to which tho Constitution extends.
Examine as wo will, every single special is
sue enumerated above, contains within it this
general issue : and every ono of these special
issues which has been decided in favor of the
South, ought to have been sufficient a'ne to
dispose of the subject forever. Toe original
disposition of tho Missouri question was a
mistake, because it was not decision. The
prohibition of slavery ',n one part of tho com
mon territory, and tho permission of it in an
other, was not effected by the exercise of an
admitted power in Congress ; but by a con
cession on tho part of the South, made in the
vain hope of peace. But the abrogation of
that arrangement, deliberately niadd after
thirty years' observation of its uselessncss,
ought to have been rcgnrded as so distinct a
recognition by Congress of the equal rights
of the South in this territories, as to put an
cud to agitation.
When Oen. Cass, in 1R4S, in his famous
Nicholson letter, broached the doctrine which
is now substantially advocated by Mr. Doug
las, there can bo no doubt that he was himself
sincerely favorable to tho protection of .South
ern rights, nor that ho honestly believc.l that
the universal recognition of that doctrine
would secure those rights. There wero even
then sagacious men enough among onr peo
ple, who perceived tho fallacy of this expec
tation: but it cannot bo denied that many
Southern men agreed with Gen. Cass. The
doctrine will not do, because it will not bring
about the practical result which it was un
doubtedly designed and expected by it orig
inator to secure. Mr. Douglass merely wn- tn
his breath uselessly, when ho demonstrates
how consistently he ha- held this doctrine, or
how numerous have been its adherents among
those who reject it now. The South have
not been contending for a doctrine J they
have been contending for a thing. Had tho
doctrine brought with it a substance, (and its
plausibility deceived mnny into the belief that
it must do so) it might have served: but L
ing proved, in its practical working, to be on-
1' a means of cheating the South, it ran no
longer be accepted or pass current, any more
than tho note of a broken bank would do so.
The experience of the past then, has brought
with it some lessons for tho future, w hich, in
conclusion, we will briefly suggest :
First, the conflict which has been going on
for the past forty years between the North
and South, cannot be act at rest by the decis
ion of any partial or special issues. The
fundamental principle, that the South is en
titled to, and shall have, secure and ample
protection for the persons of her people, and
for their property of every kind, slave prop
erty no less than any other, iu all the territo
ries b( the Union, by all the authorities, leg
islative, executive and judicial, of tho gener
al government, must Iks unbendingly insisted
on, and must be conceded in explicit terms,
or there can be no more peace.
Secondly, there is, as yet, no serions reason
to despair of the Union, nor of the attain
ment and that right speedily of our just
and eqnal rights wiihin the Union. Notwith
standing the violence and clamor with whif h,
for Mia, the South has been assailed in the
Northern States, and by Northern men in
Washington, ycf, in the partial issues which
have been tried between her and her enemies
on tho floor of Congress, the justice of her
cause has, after all, been repeatedly acknowl
edged: but because those issues were but
partial, tiiey Lave not yet sufficed to prevent
the reopening f the controversy in a new
shape. Yet when those decisions were made,
they were supposed by the parties to them to
carry with them the final settlement cf the
strife. There is no reason, therefore, at pres
ent, to despair, that what jlias in intent and
spirit been already conceded by the country,
in more than one instance, wHH yet again, now
that the absolute ne-'essity is apparent, be
conceded, beyond the possibility of mistake, j
to the letter.
But, thirdly, should this reasonable hope
be disappointed, it is quite manifest that it
would be useless, and would indeed be t'to I
leuht of tolly, t j protract the strnzpa loa-
. I
p r.
T" . 1 " .1 . " i- i I !
. .....
sars "irroprf-wible within the? Union,
t is
certainly nt o without. If, n-i"C for a!L the
S;ith 'awt, tKw at Ivl, obtain an .l'"lu!,
guaranty of her righto under the Conetitutiou,
she will be t great deal better off, when free
from the trammels which the Constitution
imposes. At present, the Constitution is for
her but a yoke, and her obligations under it
arc her fetters. She cannot cultivate direct
relations with the great cousumers of her
productions, nor contract those alliances with
foreign powers by which she might be" able
so largely to advance her own iuteresta aud to
strengthen her hands ; because these things
must bo yielded to a Federal Government
which, if it denies her Lor right at home, is
not likely to h.ok very scduously after them
abroaiL Her position 'is, in fact, one of sub
serviency, w hich is as humiliating as it is in
jurious. If, therefore, the result of tho con
test now immediately impending, bo any
thing short of a full aud perfect guaranty of
legislative, executive and judicial protection
to Southern rights, of every description,
throughout all the common territory of the
Union, then manifestly tho time La come
when the Union itself is a nuisance.
We know all that has been said, and which
it is tho fashion to say, alout the incalculable
benefits which this glorious compact of States
is capable of securing. It U nonsense to
tantalize us with tho tale of such benefits,
when we cannot enjoy them. We know all
that it is usual to repeat, about tho diffieulty
of a peaceful separation ; and of that suppos
ed irreversible decree of nature which has
seemed, through tho ever-rolling waters of
the Mississippi, to proclaim that the dwellers
on the Mexican Gulf, and tho inhabitants of
the great North-west, shall be one power
Nature ha3 no decrees superior to tho wills
of men who dare to die in a just cause : and
the citizens of that State which takes her
naino from the noble stream so often alluded
to by our enemies as the physical bond which
renders a dissolution of tho political Union
impossible, would sooner mingle their blood
with tlio waters which that mighty river rolls
onward to the Gulf, thau cotitinuo to live on
meanly up'm Us bunks, dishonored depend
ents v.pon an insolent and fanatical rabble in
Iiabitiiw its sources.
Finally then we say, though there is no
present and immediate need to despair of the
confederacy, tliero is grout and pressiug need
to have an end of tho question respecting its
perpetuity. Every true Southern man should
make his mind firmly up to tho determination
that this very year shall bring to tho South
one or tho other of these alteruatives, Equali
ty in the Union, or Independence out of it.
Letter from Hon. Juooh Thompson,
Secretary of the Interior.
WASHisnmx, D. C, May 25, 18CQ.
Gentlemen : Your letter, inviting me to attend
and address a mass meeting of tho Democracy,
to be held in Memphis on tho 30th inst, has been
received, but I regret that my official engagements
render my attendance an impossibility. If it
were otherwi.-e, I should, at this important crisis,
most cheerfully mingle my counsels with yours,
because I am deeply impressed with tho impor
tance of tho subjects which call the people toge
ther, and anxiously desire our friend every
where to reach and adopt the wisest and most
practical conclusions.
You stato that the meeting is called for the
purpose of endorsing tho action of tho seceding
delegates at Charleston, ami sending delegates to
the proposed llichmond Convention.
The delegates who withdrew from the Charles
ton Convention acted on a principle. They may
have subjected themselves, in so doing, to mis
representation and denunciation. Yet the scq-iol
will show that they havs acted wisely. The
principlo for which they contended is nic.-.t
clearly right; and as soon as tho Democratic
party ceases to bo tho party of the Constitution
and the Union, it should be dissolved ; it ought
not to outlive its principles.
The principle for which those delegates risked
so much is embodied in the declaration that this
is a Union of co-equal States, and that the citizens
of each have equal rights an abstraction, It is
true but as vital as that of our fathers, who
declared "that theso United Colonics are, and
of right ought to be, free and indeptndent
Statr." To refuse such a declaration, when
it was respectfully asked, was a mockery upon
The principlo for which they separated from
the council of valued friends has been distinctly
laid down and approved by the Supreme Court;
it has been repeated and endorsed by the present
Chief Magistrate; it has been approved and
adopted by thirty-five of the thirty -seven Demo
cratic Senators, as will appear from the published
proceedings of the Senate yesterday. . It is wcl'
known to be maintained and advocated, with but
few exceptions, by the entire body of Democratic
Representatives in Congress; and, finally, it was
recommended to the adoption of the Convention
by seventeen sovereign States. That it did not
receive the sanction of a majority of the Conven
tion, is due to the novel, and unjust device by
which the delegates of torn States were reqiured
to vote as a unit while the delegates of ethers
were required to vote individually. 1 cannot
then, withhold from those men, stung, as they
were, by the refusal of the Convention to recog
nize the principle tor which they were contending,
and despairing, as they did, of preserving a sound
national organization, the expression of my ap
proval of the firmness and decision displayed in
the course they hava pursued.
My only regret is, that the whole South failed
to unite and act together. The canse was a com.
rnoa causa. .The sad to be effected was the vin
dication of truth aed justice. Had tho South
been united had they acted in concert, I am
satisfied the true men of the- North would most
cheerfully have joined hands with them ; and I
am convinced that the party North would have
proved stronger than evr before, because the
love of truth would have driven every conserva
tive man in that whole section into Ha support
While thus speaking, I havs no word af re.
proach for those of our friends who, more hope
ful, still remained in their seats, struggling to
the end to preserve our national organization,
and to place it on a $ormd basis. Your own
delegation acted manfully when they submitted
their ultimatum ; and New York acted firmly
and patrioticany wl.en she pledged herself to
meet Tennessee and Virginia and Kentucky on a
platform of equality in the sisterhood of tlic
The Tennessee proposition is npt as full as I
! m.i.t ,i,w-;. k.. r ii-i :i . .
,. ,. . ,
vocally Tiers! ives the hcrev of Souattcr Rovrr-
M,.l snino nr.-Hir R.lj, I
. . . . ..
ni'l..t umujflv !tr-mnf.r1 in lA.-r.t.t'.- mrUU
- -v " -"
to-trine nnn-infrrw-rii-ti
Jl-ei the CiV!-:t!on at Charl -...n adTid M
Hewarrs resolution, I think the seceding dele
gates could have returned to their seats with
honor, and should have done so. And if it or
something ejuivalcnt thereto, be not yet adopted,
I sliould consider Tennessee, Virginia and Ken.
tucky dishonored if they do not join the seceding
delegates. .
The course most advisable) in my judgment,
for you to pursue is this. . Appreve, he Cincin
nati platform, as it has been mtcrprctcd by the
President of the United States in his inaugural
address and in his several JqaessigeJM H) has
been expounded in tlie late rutjojD&.o the
Senate; and as it was recommended. tq the
Charleston Convenooa bylcverf 04'? P0010
cratic State ; express sympathy in the movement
of those who, at Charleston, snowed a readiness
to sacrifice their party affinities at' f BC4
themselves,- in defence of a great truth, and en.
courage them not to despair of a sound national
organization, but to return to Baltimore ; avow
your entire confidence in the Tc&ncisee dejega.
tion, and urge and sustain them irvthe d osscy
of the right and thus, if possible, secure the'
onion of the South and the integrity of the De
mocratic party With a proper spiri t of forbear
ance, and k patriotic devotion to principlc,'a plat
form may be obtained upon which all Democrats
may stand, and candidates will be selected who
will command the cordial support of Uie lovers of
constitutional liberty in every part of the Union .-
If, however, blind devotion to the fortunes of a
favorite, or fear to join the general issue with
th Black Republican party of the North, shall
rulo the hour, tho day is lost before the battle is
begun, and thick gloom will shroud the hopes of
tho patriot But, on the other hand; if we re.
unite with a hearty good will, defeat is impossible.
The family jar will be succeeded by increased
love and devotion, and the confident expectations
of the enemies of Democracy, based on our in
ternal dissensions, will eventual In sickening
I am ardently attechc I to the Union of these
States, nnd, as a means to an end, I am ardently
attached to tho Union and harmony of tho De
mocratic party. For the preservation of th one
and the continued ascendency of the other, I am
ready to make any sacrifices which do not involve
honor or principle. Y'ct I do not believe that
either will survive a refusal or failure to maintain
and protect tho citizen in the full enjoyment of all
his rights, both at home and abroad
The absurdity of tho assertion tliat In agreeing
to non-intervention with slavery in the States,
tho Territories,- or in the District of Columbia, we
agreed to surrender any of our rights guaranteed
by tho Constitution, is too palpable to need
serious refutation. If this be the meaning of noa.
intervention, then we yielded our right te de
mand of Congress an effective law for th resto
ration of our fugitive slaves ; and we ar bound,
if not to advocate, at least not to complain of, the
repeal of tho laws which have been enacted for
this purpose. If that construction is accepted
a few settlers upon tho public land in a Territory
may rightfully punish you or me for entering a
common Territory with nne of our slaves, by
confiscating our property. i .,ii.!;.
The precise point in controversy is this; Hay
you the right under the sagis of the Constitution,
to remove to a Territory witl your slaves, and.
there enjoy your unmolested, unimpaired right of
property f Tho Itcpublicans dony this right
They aiscrt that slavery exists only by virtue
nf local law ;' and that as soon as you pass the
boundary of the local municipal jurisdiction and
cuier a rimimwi icmiory wiin your Fiavcs, no
becomes free, because, as they contend, the Coo-'
stitulion of tho United States docs not recognize
property in slaves. Th Democracy, on the otker :
hand, deny the power in Congress to establish or.
prohibit slavery in the Territories.. It was agreed, ,
on all bauds, that when thcpooploof a Territory
met in convention to form a constitution, pre pa- ,
ratory to admission into tho Union, they hail the
indefeasable right to adopt or reject slavery, and
to claim admission under their constitution, a
framed. But a difference existed "whcth'-T the ,
Constitution, ftroprio tigort, rccogniwd and pro
tected the right of property In slaves In the Ter
ritories. This question was left to be settled by
the Supreme Court to whose decision all Demo
crats agreed, in good taitfc, to submit - Until t!us
decision whs rendered, the Democratic party
could not havo interfered with propriety.. The
Supreme Court, however, has decided, and thce
are the words of Chief Justice Taney :
" Kvcry citizen has a right to take with h x
into the Territory any article: of property wKk
tho Constitution of the United Slates rocrri."
as property." "Th Constitution of th Unk
States recognises slaves as property, and y '
the Federal Government to protect it," " .
act of Congress prohibiting a citizen of the I'
States taking with him his slaves when he r
to the Territory in question, to reside, is r t
ranted by the Constitution." . "
gress may establish a Territorial gov
With powers not exceeding tho e
Congress itself, by the Constitution, is a
to exercise over the citizens of the Uni:
in respect to their rights of persons or .
property." ' f .'' .
Good faitfi now requires the Denis '.c
unhesitatingly to march up to this at'.!
exposition of tho ConsitituLioo. , A trir
th Republicans without this avowal, is--meaning
victor.... The ajfv'ion of''
of slavery will never -ae tl, is. e i
and I am firmly pcrsu '., il tl.st t. a I
party of the North will be stroi, , .
people, with this s.-ui-1, con-erv..;,e, .
avowal, than they would Is 1 jr t'.j ;
skulking frft-n the issue.
With the irrM hope that j- :r
will tend to
eng!hrn Ok hs
tnocrat s c---of
a trulv r ;
dard bfttte: -
c to ba n
oal '
i tho " i:
1. w :: ; '
Y ..-
T Pre
To Mva.rs. J IT
W. B, Hoi.:. J. M. !..
Thornton, 1 vr,
Honor I w i. i , i.
The exci l, unit If on ;r f
relation tot!. late S. K. 1 i -'Aaaows
from aToi-sm's , ;t
of letters wriftn Lr the .c A i
FirniJe, by te. J. H. Ixcn.vi
of Ilolry Springs Ms.'
Tub SjrsvritJ Vai, Locrs-,. T
eurious vUitors aro now r-rf-nt v j
gronnd in the trinity of Newark, NJ., k
mnhitiuies, their holes bein" orncrailv a1 :
half aa inch m dinmoier mi - frotn i r
to eight niches drop. They arc Saind xt
nnmcrons around the root of trie ebsrry "
tree. Near the pplv pear and peach trees
but few are found, and generally on tl blv
side. Xfcey are well fonnrd, anif measure' i't
many inManecs, when takes frf4n th frromid" 1 r
:.. 1. . i . , , t
... ... K-.fjjiiK . AO B1JBT
-.. ....,.1 r J 1 . . -
i"r f-iiifi im ncifVT irrconf"! pT"0n'1. "T
' it it is bird ard firm, and m.ncs- forn.f
aind If

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