True Democrat., September 24, 1845, Image 1

About True Democrat. (Paulding, Miss.) 1845-18??

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" fffc caim aw arc a Charter as tlta Wind, to blow on whom we please."
By O. O. Dcaso.
PAULDING, MISS., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 24, 1845.
TERMS.
Jii True Democrat is published
every Wednesday, at tiirke dollars per
annum.
Advertisements inserted at the vsual
rates, viz: One Dollar per square, (ten lines
or less) for the first insertion, and fifty cents
for each continuance. A liberal discount o
lewei to those who advertise by the year. An
nouncing county Candidates for any cfficefive
dollars others, ten dollars.
Job Work executed vith neatness and des
patch. tCrLetters on business connected iriA the
office, must be post paid, to ensure attention
j TO THE PEOPLE OF MISSISSIPPI.
Standing before you in the attitude of a
candidate for congress, and desirinjr to se
cure and maintain your pood opinion nnd
j approval of my past conduct hs your ts
presentaiive, nnd to retain tli.it confidence
yon have heretofore so prnerously extend
ed to rnc, you must indulge me in this ad
dress. Appeal upon appeal, communica
tion after communication, both privately
and through the public press, has been
made, urging mo to come out with a full
exposition of our Indian relations, and
particularly of the somewhat famous
"Chickasaw Bill;" and n longer silence on
my part, might possibly loud you to the
conclusion that I knew many things about
men and measures that 1 felt unwilling to
give to the public. But I have no secrets,
and I keep none. "With you I hare ever
observed tlio most unreserved frankness
and candor; and though you may disap
prove and condemn my course, you shall
never complain of my deception nnd bo
trayal. I can engage in no intrigue, no
combination, no secret management t. in
duce you into a position which your dis
passionate judgment may! not approve:
nor do I wish to raise n false alarm, at any
time, injuriously to affect others. I am a
plain, blunt man, and speak out my own
views about measures in the freest man
ner, and leave you to judge as to the cor
rectness of my opinions and the propriety
of my conduct.
: During my career as a public man, dti
1 ring the tart six years of which I have
i stood in the high alid responsible station
I of your representative in Congress, our
l Slate has passed through some strange and
J exciting scenes. Twice have wc puceeded
in arresting power from the hands of
whfgs, when tne election immediately pro
ceeding .showed a majority against the
democrats; and onco have we triumphed
over a division in our own party ranks.
As your sentinel, 1 have stood on the out
ermost wall, and the denunciation and re
proach intended for you have fallen upon
my ears, and it has been my proud privi
litre to throw myself ir.totho breach of your
defence. What I have done, 1 have done;
and in my heart of hearts I thank you for
your approbation of my conduct.
At the last session of Congress, our late
Senator, Mr. Walker, repoited a bill from
the Judiciary committee to the Senate.
"To enable the Chickaaw Nation to try
the validity ofiheir claims in the Coiuts
cf the United Slates." This bill passed
the Senate, -and on the morning nf the last
lv filie session, in my absence, it pas-
sed the House of Representatives. Aftcr-
wards it was reconsidered, nud I made a
Fpeech upon the provisions and principles
of the IfiU, onJ it was forlhvJh Rejected.
Two days subsequent to this dcfeaYof the
Hill, Mr. Walker received a commission
from Gov. Brown, authorizing me to fill
the vacated seat in the Senate of the Unit
ed States. This commission was never
delivered to rue; and my course on the
Chickasaw Bill has been isigned byeo.xc
persons as the reason for its non delivery.
Various commenis have been made, and I
am called upon in the character of a wit
ness supposed to know all about the trans
action, to speak out; to give the legislative
history of the Bill; to explain its principles
' and r,enormiiies;"and eltovc all, to explain
my own speech, wherein I say, 'I have
friends urging the passage, of the Bill,
whoso wishes I hate to thwart." It is
moreover sniJ. that the question is not
dend; that the Bill is in itself just and pro
per, and will again be pressed on the con
sideration of Congress; and that an issue
is sought to be made with me as to the
fusttiejs raid correctness of my positions.
For all there things I am Umply prepared,
and I submit to your unbiassed judgment
all my acts, and opinions end information
in relation rothess matters, and here gire
yo'i the as urancfl that my future course
shall correspond with the pa;-t, without va
riableness or shadow ofturnit g.
The historv of the Chickasaw
Bill can be written in few words. A me
morial cf the Chickasaw Nation of Indians
is presented to the Senate, setting forth
that the Chicksaws had cedeJ a large and
va;ual country to ti e Lniled Males, en
the condition that the proceeds of the sales
of said Ian Js, afir defraying all the inci
dental c xpenrs cf sale, were to be invent
ed in certain safe and valuable stocks, not
havir.j' more than twestt years to
trjr. "That in d'neerf Mid treaties, a
LA as c rRTiowof said proceeds had been
invested iii stocks having more than twen
ty years to run; a.d anther considerable
ed in stocks that are not safe and valuable,
but which are greatly depreciated below
par value, and on a part of which no in
' terest has been paid for some time past."
Then follows an argument that the Chick
asaws were an ignorant people, but had
great confidence in the people of the Unit
ed States; and that a large amount of the
purchase money had been invested in the
stocks of several of the States which form
a component part of the American Union.
"That these States constitute a portion of
the very parties with whom said treaties
were made by the Chickasaw nation; and
that they cannot believe that the govern
ment ofnhe United Slates would permit
an ignantand confiding people to suffer
from the neglect of any of its own mem
bers, to place in the hands of their own
government those moneys and interests to
which the Chickasaw nation were justly
entitled." (This seems to bo rather an in
sinuation that some of the States might be
against the payment of their stock, because
of their interest; and the appeal is made to
Congress not to permit me states to re
pudiate. Well, coming from an "ignorant
and confiding" Indian, no exceptions, I
hope, gentleman.) They then say, "The
memorialists fully expect that the monies
received by the government of the United
States, from thn sales of the Chickasaw
lauds, will be fully seen red to the Chicka
saw's." The second branch of the memorial
states that the Chickasaw fuiJ had been
plundered of various amounts of money,
contrary to right nnd treaty stipulations;
and concludes wilh the prayer that the
Chickasaw nation may be allowed the pi t
vilege of coming before the judicial tribu
nals of the country, to test the validity of
these expenditures, and that provision may
be made for the repayment of such sums
as may be due by the United Slates.
This memorial of an Indian nation, ask
ing for redress of supposed grievances, is
presented to the Senate, and forthwith, on
motion, referred to the committee on the
judiciary. By what rule of legislation this
reference was made, 'I am wholly unable
to see. There is a standing committee of
the Senate on Indian affairs, and to this
introduced; and it is said that the inten
tion of the bill being but to subserve the
ends of justice, such an expression was un
merited, and raised a false alarm in regard
to the bill. Wilh the intentions of the bill
I have naught to do. I deal with the bill
itself, and the abuses which may be prac
tised under it.
1st. I regard the very principle that the
Chicasavv nation shall be required to insti
tute a suit against tha United States, in the
circuit court of the District of Columbia,
even for a just claim, as an "enormity," as a
reflection upon Congress and the executfte
departments of the government: because it
implies that they either have not the dispo
sition to deal justly with the Indian, or the
ability to compreheud and properly uuder
stand their rights.
2d. I regard the principle as a precedent
committe all petitions, memorials, resolu
tions and bills, in any way touching or
relating to the interests, claims or welfare
of Indians or Indian tribes, ore properly re
ferred. This committee, thus . charged,
with this branch of business, are held re
sponsible to the Senate for all necessary
information pertaining to Indian affairs.
This memorial, in my opinion, belonged
to this committee; but, overruled here, it
should have gone to the committee on
claims; this rejected, a special committee
should have been raised." I am thus par
ticular, knowing that every fact pertaining
to this law is demanded. But I am ready
1 . nt it a
to nuiiiu mat Mr. walker is Uetter ac
quainted with parliamentary proceedings
than I do. It was referred, and Mr. Wal
ker from the committee on the judiciary,
reported the bill above alluded M. This
Bill authorized the Chickasaw nation,
through their commissioners, under the
treaties of IS32aiid ISol, to filoa petition
in the nature of a bill iu,Chanciry, in the
circuit court of the United States for the
District of Columbia, selling forth thkik
CLAIMS DNMOIl SAID Tit KAT I U3, OK KITH-
tii ok th km, against the United States
the citation to answer which bill shall be
served on the Attorney of the United Slates
for said district, &c. The same proceed
ings were to le had ' in the cause as in
ordinary proceedings in Chancery." Each
party had the rbht of appeal. "And if un-
on the appeal of cither party, said decree
should be afarmed, in whole or part, by
said court, then and in that case, such sum
as bha'I be finally adjudged by said su
preme court to be due by the United Slates
to the Chickastw nation, shall be account
ed for by the United Slates, and held and
disposed of by them, subject to the trusts
specified in said treaties; and said decree,
whether for or against the United Slates,
shall !e final and conclusive.
This bill was reported, and the clerk. I
presume, marked it "private," for it is the t
duty ol Hie clerk so to designate the diffe
rent bills which may be introduced. It
was rcgularlv passed through the Senate,
after some debate, and reported to the
House as a Senate till. There I ought,
and indeed it had been my intention, to
have moved its reference to the committee
on Indian affairs, but on motion it was
again referred to the Judiciarr committee:
and if i is motion was made, put and carried
without arresting my attention. And it is
r roper that I should admit that here I
ouht to have exercised mora vigilance,
Lut the reference having been made, I sub
milted, and looked into the ul ject, and
prepared myst If for a full developemcnt of !
ns f-rincip.es anJ provisions whenever it
was reported back to the House, The mo
ment came which required me to meet the
issue; the true character of the till was ex
posed, and the Iluse refused to enact it
into a law.
My speech ha bee n published ja all the
papers; my objections are there staled to
its pfiif ral provision, as well as to ihe
principles on which the l ill is basd. Cat
in the ccucludingprsgTaph cf that rprech,
isrht ihe escriuticr jf t'-e till" is
leading 10 xne most 'enormous" conse
quences. The claims of the Chickasaw
nition, which I have admitted in all my ar-
guments may be just, sink into insignif
icance when brought into comparison with
those of the Cherokee nation and other
tribes. But if our government should al
low itself to bo arraigned in court in this
way, as a defendant on all claims which
might be jset up against it, all discretion
over a large portion of the appropriations
would be taken from Congress, and there is
nocstimating the extent of the villainy that
coma be perpetrated on ex parte testimony.
3d. The Constitution provides, "no mon
ey shall be drawn from the treasury, but in
consequence of appropriations made by
law." This Chickasaw bill provides that,
"such sum as may be finally adjudged by
said supreme court, to be due by the Uni
ted States to the Chickasaw nation, shall
I3E accounted poh by the United. States,
and held and disposed of by them, subject
to the trusts specified in said treaties; and
said decree, whether for or against the
United States,shall be final and conclu
sive." The decree of thecourt may not
actually, manually, do facto, take hold of
the keys of the treasury, but this law pledg
es the faith of the government that the
sum decreed "slial be accovnteiJ for,
and virtually it draws money from the
treasury in violation of the constitution;
and however base and jnfumous the testi
mony, yet the decree of the court, like the
law of the Medes and Persians, is irreversi
ble. This I consider a "great enormity."
A.i. .TLia Cltialtauutw Lilt gouw Ut
jurisdiction upon the circuit court of the
United Stales for the District of Columbia,
to hear and determine all the claims of any
nature whatsoever of the Chickasaw na
tion, under the treaties of 1832 and and
1831, against the United States. Now it
appears that on the 15th of March, 1812,
tin; amount of stocks held by the secretary
of the treasury h trust for the Chickasaws,
was jpil,5sj,0 4 23. The Chickasaw treaty
provides that the money of the nation shall
be invested in blocks not having more than
twenty years to run. The memorial of
the Chaickasaws above referred to, says,
"that in defiance of the terms of said treat
ies, a large portion of said proceeds have
been invested in stocks having more than
twenty years to run." The exact amount
I am utiaole to state, bur, from what infor
mation I have, I suppose the sum abovo
alluded to amounts to more than $200,000.
The government in purchasing stock hav
ing more than twenty years to run, clearly
exceeded their.authority, and the purchase
was, without question, a misapplication of
a trust fund. But let us run this isolated
case out though the courts under this law?
The Chickasaw nation sues the United
States for $200,000, the amount supposed
to be misapplied in the purchaseof stocks;
thecourt enters a decree for the amount
against the United States: thesuprcniecourt
aldrms tne decree. 1 Ins binds the United
Stales, and renders it final nnd conclusive.
But wherein is the Chickasaw nation ben
ent'.eu l or tne moment sucn a question
is brought to the consideration of Congress,
tne claim wouia uo admitted. Hut then
the attorney's fee! There is the marrow of
this transaction. And suppose the rule of
compensation applicable in the Choctaw
speculation, that one half of the recovery
Deiongcato tne attorney, should Le allowed
in this case, $100,000 would feci comfort
able in the pockets of a hard working attor
ney. This won'd have been agriat wrong
to the Chickasaw nation and destructive of
the nds of justice. This is agreatere
normily." And the question is not with me,
did men intend to do such a thing under
the law; but, could they thus plunder an
"ignorant and confiding people."
5th. In lheadminiu-atioii of the treaty
at Pontotoc, in the opinion oknany honest
and intelligent men, many errors were
committed; many Indiins were allowed
land who had no right, and others were
permitted to locate upon the choicest lands
contrary lothe letter, spirit and Wi tent of the
treaty. The treaty provides, "these reser
vations shall Ee confined to the sections or
fractional sections on which the party
claiming lives, or to surh as are contigu
ous or adj lining to the sections resided up
on, subject to the following rastrictioua or
conditions;
UL When there are interferences aris
ing, the oldest srttUr or occur 2: sha.II
have the preference.
cultivation by the agent and three of the
chiefs, the party entitled was authorized to
locate on other lands.
It is generally conceded that, in viola
tionotlhis provision, a vast deal of the
most valuable land of the nation, lying
principally in the prairie and the richest
land districts, was reserved and appropria-
ieu 10 maiviauais. it must, be kept in
mind, that whatever is reserved to an indi
vidual Indian is so much abstracted from
the general Chickasaw fund; and if the U
nited States have mal-administered the
treaty, by allowing land to Indians who
were not entitled to such a birth-right, the
inicKasaw nation has a claim in good con
science on the United States, under the
treaty, for compensation. For an illustra
tion, let us take one case and run it through
the courts, and 'ex uno, disce omncs': for
I believe that more than one hundred cases
could be hunted up by a keen scented In
dian dealer. Suppose the Chickasaw na
tion file a bill against the United States,
for the land or for th value of the section
of land on which the town of Pontotoc is
located, and prove to the satisfaction of the
court, that the Indian who was here locat
ed, was not entitled to any reservation, or,
if entitled, thct he was bound under the
treaty to tdke another and different section
of far less value. And suppose the court
should decree that that section of land be
longed to the Chickasaw nation, or that
the United States should "account for" its
value, which I will supiose to be equal at
the present time to $100,000. Now, if
the attorney in every in every case, could
make the "ignorant and confiding" Chick
asaw, fork over one half, this would be a
rich harvest, and I apprehend the laborers
would not bo wanting.
In what way all this might have effected
innocent holders of land; what disturbance
and uncertainty would arise in the commu
nity; and how for the proof, which might
be easily prepared, would effect existing
titles, it is not necessary forme to deter
mine. But as fraud vitiates all contracts
and renders them void, abinitio. the uatent
oflho government could not protect the
pres?ni owner 01 trie land. Heretofore the
effort has been to obtain lands for Indians;
pass this law, nnd the hrocess would
change, nnd the cry would bo the infamons
conduct ol the former officers of the irov
eminent, and the grievous and frholesale
Indian nation. This I consider the 'grea
test enormity."
I might go farther, but here I shall stop;
for I am fully satisfied that a measure to
which such objections will justly lie, will
find but few advocates in Mississippi, and
no man would be willing to rest his hopes
for popular favor on a bill of such char
acter. But while I am forced thus fn elinr.
acterize this intended law, I do not know
that those who favored it, saw the" exten
sive and dangerous judiciary given by it
to the courts. I claim to be honest in my
opposition to the measure I am freo to
concede that its advocates arc equally hon
est. Therefore I must suppose them mis
taken, and, doubtless, trV-y view my course
in" the same light. It is for vou to judge
between us, and to your decision 1 shall
submit with chcerfulneis.
But a portion of my speech on this Lill,
has been so often quoted and so improperly
inicrpreica.inai it is due to trnth und frank
ness that I should correct the erroneous
interpretation. I there remark, "But I have
had my difficulties in coming up to this
opposition. I hove friends urging the pas
sage of this bill friends that I haveserved
and whose wishes I hate to thwart. But a
sense of duty, -c, has impelled me to
make Ithis explanation of the enormities
of this bill; and having done so, I cheer
fully submit the result to the free action of
lbs House." It is said in some strong and
caustic aru'cles which I have noticed, that
the friends alluded to were Dr. Win. M.
Gin and Hon. Hubert J. Walker. The
use of the word in the plural number, has
led to this mistake. I did not allude to
Mr. Walker. Ho never at any time, or in
any way, spoke to me in relation to this
bill; and in resisting its passage, I did not
consider one ir.omcut that I was intcrferir)"'
with his wishes, or that my action on it
would interrupt the uniform kind feelings
that I had supposed to exist between ns. 1
know that, in many cases, a representative
allows himself to yield his assent to mea
sures of a private nature, which he is very
willing to see defeated. And in this very
case, my relations with Dr. U win had been
such that it was a great trial cf my firm
ncss to resist the passage ot a bill, hich I
kne he was very desirous to rss. We
had been long friends, keef irg 41 a con
stant and intimate correspondence: we had
been colleagues in Congress in tryirtj
times, and we had never differed en any
material measure. 1 hated to thwart his
wish to p&s ihe bill, I preferred the mea
sure should be killed by some cthr; but
when I found that I nnnt come to the mu
cue, of lake the responsibility of Motrin"'
a la to be enactsj which I cou'd nt a-v
prove. Hati: to wound, I struck the
blow dcfJ0tu.ee i the taw accorJ.sg to the
best and howst dictates of my m;nl And
when I had d.-n to. I w-iiSJ
hita it ra a mart urplejit ul-; fc-t in
ctt j?s;tiea as the reren!;vc f?,ht3.
duty, nd justice, and tigh( must control J
my movements, and overrule all the
promptings of friendship. Such ia Uie pir-
it of ray 8peech,as all who read it wilf
readily perceive. ' '
But were I to stop here, I might be misun
derstood. I am compelled to go on and present
my views of Mr. Walker's retention of the Sea-.
atorial commission of the Governor, which was
forwarded to him to be delivered over to me in '
the event ofbis going into Mr. Polk's Cabinet.
The part I took in defeating the Chickasaw
Bill bus been supposed to be the true solution of .
his conduct and therefore I thought it impera
tive on me to make the explanation I haro '
djne. I cannot bring my mind to believe that
in refusingto deliver the commission, Mr. Wal
ker was influenced by any motire or conside
ration personal to myselC Nothing existed be
tween us, but whut I supposed to be unreserved
confidence Sometimes we differed about mea
and about measures, but it was an honest dif
ference and in no case p reduced the , slightest
alteration of feeling. He told me he pre.fered
a place in the Cabinet. 1 insisted upon his re
maining in the Senate and pledged him my
hearty support for a re-election. IFhen I found
he would not yield to nsy views, I cheerfully
gave into his wishes, and the whole party are
advised with what steadiness and watchfufness,
1 pressed him for the position he now occupies '
on the very day tho Senate confirmed him '
Secrctrary of the Treasury, be received the
Senatorial commission But suppose now that
on that day when all his fond hopes and. wishes
are realized and all the splendid trappings of
power and place are snugly fitted upon him,
he receives a commission from the Executive
of his State for me to occupy his seat; feeling .
himself independent, when but ten hours before .
his right foot rested on my shoulder as firm
pron, as he vaulted into his elevated seat, har
boring & nurturing a desp grudge against me for
some cause never expressed, ani determining
now to take advantage of thd confidence of tho
Governor to slake his burning thirat for ven
geance, he should tear up the commission;
would not all honorable men irresistibly come-
to Ihe conclusion, that such a man was too de
graded for tha association of honest men and
that the keys of the Treasury were in unsafe
hands. 1 he consequences of a conclusion that
.1r. Walker was influenced bv any considera
tion personal to myself in his course with the
commission, are so monstrous, so overwhelm
ing, so destructive of all faith and confidence in
his character and integrity, that I feel bound to
believe him when he says, "nor is there any
man friend or foe, to whom under similar cir
cumstances I would ha redelivered the commis
sion." Upon tne rcundrawal ol Mr. Tvaivcr ana
Mr. Buchanan from the Senate, parties stood
24 whigs and S3 democrats, and it must bo
known to all acquainted with the proceedings
of the Senate, that a majority of that body could
at any time have gone into the election oft
printer, or called up the Zoll Verein Treaty or
adopted resolutions advising the President in
puisuance of the latter alternate in tbe joint re
solutions for the annexation of Texas, to hav
opened negotiations with that Government for
the purpose of aflectinir that most heartily desir
ed object And moreover it is eiidcnt that Mr.
alker misunderstood the feelings and wishes
of the Governor, for no sooner is he advised that
the commisf ion had not been delivered, than ho
caused a duplicate commission to be made out
and forwarded. Yet I know you will believe
me sincere when Iasureyou, lh.it at no time
hire I felt una moment's mortification at the
courM events have taken. I ntver aswed or
desired the appointment -I am content wuh and
proud of my pnscnt position. The Senatorial
appointment iy the Executive was a compli
ment which I most highly appreciate, yet it Las
proved a source of continual annoyance fo rne,
and had Mr. Walker intimated to me that ha
bad a commission for me, but that Le felt embar
rassed about its delivery, I never could have
accepted it even for one moment Therefore
as 1 do not believe that Mr. Walker took the
course he did with a view to mortify my fcel
ings, to gratify any personal pique or revenge,
or to lower me or in any way affect me, ia the
estimation of the people of Mississippi, I con
sider that I have no other interest in the sup
pression of the commission than the whole peo
ple of Miss isip pi and indeed tbe w holt party
throughout the Union and I doubt not that a
sound public opinion ill in the end, deal just
ly with us all.
With a sincere hope that at tie iict of Mo.
vember, you will, wuh your accustomed alac
rity, re tfert mc lo the honoratte position t hate
so Ion j held.
1 am with deep respect.
Your ol't servl
J. THOMPSON.
Oxroap.SfptS, 1S45.
Caors Havio? travelled over several of
the cotloo growing counties of this Suie. within
-1 1 . r t
ice i itw aayi, we are, irom oar org oUer-
vstion and reliable information, warranted in
predicting a that crop. A few weeks tine
the projects fjr large crops ia this and the ad
joining termite, Were aUom if ever better.
Lats-ncetheti th pr;ipmfc ttUj z.
cboftj, nnt.I at troT.t Is rep is frl'y as
mcch cs we ten expect W
dsy Un, informed ty a planter of this ceurrty
r.a f ttcu'.toa, a yield of ece-t'a of a
oaie io mascre is as much ss betsr-ca.
Ia Tec vi naiish, erros ia this- f!ir iW.
are rnanyac reps, but the crops r-cendH-
wt.i l.l cocsJerL!y below so avers re 7K.
pamanooa that were inundated U
will ik4 produce core than oc ,a!f ibnr un
Vi .7? "''H acre, la tee
body, wfc K a v were ir-Vr,! fcy ,U rti. -
woy.i cr pod- rorsihtn sewrTTe U'ev
H 10 lit rr - -f7rjf r?T
L'rs.
f
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Ca .e ..i crs
;ts
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