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The Tupelo journal. (Tupelo, Miss.) 1876-1924, December 05, 1902, Image 6

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1 1 1 ■»■ jm .. ii i M
ROOSEVELT TO CONGRESS
His Annual Communication Upon Questions
of Importance to the Nation.
VIEWS ON THE TRUSTS AND TARIFF
A Lowering of Import Duties Would Not Remedy the
Evils of Monopoly—Believes in a Tariff Com
mission—Much That Is Good in Labor
Unions and Corporations—Many
Needs of the Nation.
To the Senate and House of Representa
tives: We still continue in a period of
unbounded prosperity. This prosperity is
not the creature of law, but undoubtedly
the laws under which we work have been
instrumental in creating the conditions
whleji made it possible, and by unwise leg
isHitign it would be easy enough to destroy
U. There will undoubtedly be periods of
depression. The wave will recede; but the
tide will advance. This nation is seated on
a continent flanked by two great oceans.
It is composed of men the descendants of
pioneers, or in a s^ense, pioneers them
selves; of men winnowed out from among
the nations of the old world by the energy,
boldness, and love of adventure found in
their own eager hearts. Such a nation, so
placed, will surely wrest success from for
tune.
As a people we have played a large part
In the world, and we are bent upon making
our future even larger than the past. In
particular, the events of fhe last four years
have definitely decided that, for woe or
for weal, our place must be great among
the nations. We may either fail greatly
or succeed greatly; but we cannot avoid
the endeavor from which either great fail
ure or great success must come. Even if
we would, we cannot play a small part.
If we should try, all that would follow
■w ould be that we should play a large part
ignobly and shamefully.
Causes of Prosperity.
No country has ever occupied a higher
plane of material well-being than ours
at the present moment. This well-being
is due to no sudden or accidental causes,
but to the play of the economic forces
in this country for over a century; to
our laws, our sustained and continuous
policies; above all. to the high individ
ual average of our citizenship. Great
fortunes have been won by those who
have taken the lead in this phenomenal
industrial development, and most of these
fortunes have been won not by doing
evil, but as an incident to action which
has benefited the community as a whole.
Never before has material well-being
been so widely diffused among our peo
ple. Great fortunes have been accum
ulated. and yet in the aggregate these
pared to the wealth of the people as a
whole. The plain people are better off
than they have ever been before. The
Insurance companies, which are prac
tically mutual benefit societies—especial
ly helpful to men of moderate means—
represent accumulations of capital which
are among the largest in this country.
There are more deposits in the savings
banks, more owners of farms, more well
paid wage workers in this country now
than ever before in ourhistory. Of course,
when the conditions have favored the
growth of so much that was good, they
have also favored somewhat the growth
of what was evil. It is eminently neces
sary that we should endeavor to cut out
this evil, but let us keep a due sense of
proportion; let us not in fixing our gaze
upon the lesser evil forget the greater
good. The evils are real and some of
them are menacing, but they are the
outgrowth, not of misery or decadence,
but of prosperity—of the progress <5f our
gigantic industrial development. Tills
Industrial development must not lie
checked, but side by side with it should
go such progressive regulation as will
diminish the evils. We should fail in
our duty if we did not try to remedy the
evils, but we shall succeed only if we
proceed patiently, with practical common
sense as well as resolution, separating
the good from the bad and holding on to
the .former while endeavoring to get rid
• of the latter.
THE TRUSTS.
They Can Be Controlled Only by Na
tional Action.
In my message to the present congress
at its first session I discussed at length
the question of the regulation of those
big corporations commonly doing an in
terstate business, often with some ten
dency to monopoly, which are popularly
known as trusts. The experience of the
past year has emphasized, in my opin
ion, the desirability of the steps I then
proposed. A fundamental requisite of
social efficiency is a high standard of
Individual energy and excellence; but
this is in no wise inconsistent with pow
er to act in combination lor aims which
cannot so well be achieved by the indi
vidual acting alone. A fundamental base
of civilization is the inviolability of prop
erty; but this is in no wise inconsistent
with the right of society to regulate the
exercise of the artificial powers which it
confers upon the owners of property, un
der the name of corporate franchises, in
such a way as to prevent the misuse
of these powers. Corporations, and espe
cially combinations of corporations,
should be managed under public regula
tion. Experience has shown that under our
system of government the necessary
supervision cannot he obtained by state
action. It must therefore be achieved by
national action. Our aim is not to do
away with corporations; on the contrary,
these big aggregations are an Inevitable
development of modern industrialism, and
the etfort to destroy them Would be futile
unless accomplished in ways that would
work the ufmost mischief to the entire
body politic. We can do nothing of good
In the way of regulating and supervising
these corporations until we fix clearly in
our minds that we are not attacking the
corporations, but endeavoring to do away
with any evil in them. We are not hostile
to them; we are merely determined that
they shall be so handled as to subserve
the public good. We draw the line
against misconduct, not against wealth.
The capitalist who, alone or in conjunc
tion with his fellows, performs some
great industrial feat by which he wins
money is a welldoer, not a wrongdoer.
province oniv ne worKs in proper and
legitimate lines. We wish to favor such
a man when lie does well. We wish to
supervise and control his actions only to
prevent him from doing ill. Publicity
can do no harm to the honest corpora
tion; and we need not be overtender
about sparing the dishonest corporation.
Must Exercise Care.
In curbing and regulating the combina-.
tior.s of capital which are or may become
injurious to the public we must be careful
not to stop the great enterprises which
have legitimately reduced the cost of pro
duction, not to abandon, the place which
our country has won in the leadership of
the international industrial world, not to
6trike down wealth with the result of clos
ing factories and mines, of turning the
wage-worker idle in, the streets and leav
ing the farmer without a market for what
he grows. Insistence upon the impossible
means delay in achieving the possible, ex
actly as, on the other hand, the stubborn
defense alike of what is good and what is
bad in the existing system, the resolute ef
fort to obstruct any attempt at betterment,
betrays blindness to the historic truth that
wise evolution is the sure safeguard against
revolution.
No more important subject can come be
fore the congress than this of the regula
tion of interstate business. This country
cannot afford to sit supine on the plea that
■under our peculiar system of governiner.t
■we are helpless in the presence of the new
conditions, and unable to grapple with them
or to cut ouf whatever of evil has arisen in
connection with them. The power of the
congress to regulate interstate commerce
Is an absolute and unqualified grant, and
without limitations other than those pre
scribed by the constitution. The congress
has constitutional authority to make all
laws necessary and proper for executing
this power, and I am satisfied that this
fiower has not been exhausted by any leg
slation now on, the statute books. It is
evident, therefore, that evils restrictive of
commercial freedom entailing restraint
■upon national commerce fall within the
regulative power of the congress, and that
a wise and reasonable law would be a neces
sary and proper exercise of congressional
authority to the end that such evils should
eradicated
I believe that monopolies, unjust (dis
criminations, which prevent or cripple
competition, fraudulent overcapitalization,
and other evils in trust organizations and
practices which injuriously affect inter
state trade can be prevented under the pow
er of the congress to “regulate commerce
with foreign nations and among the sev
eral states” through regulations and re
quirements operating directly upon such
commerce, the instrumentalities thereof,
and those engaged therein.
I earnestly recommend this subject to the
consideration of the congress with a view
to the passage of a law reasonable in its
provisions and effective in its operations,
upon which the questions can be finally
adjudicated that now raise doubts as to
the necessity of constitutional amendment.
If It prove Impossible to accomplish the
purposes above set forth by such, a law,
then, assuredly, we should not shrink from
amendiing the constitution so as to secure
beyond peradventure the power sought.
THE TARIFF.
It Is a Subject That Stands Apart from
the Trusts.
One proposition advocated has been the
reduction of the tariff as a means of reach
ing the evils of the trusts which fall with
in the category 1 have described. Not
merely would this be wholly ineffective,
but the diversion of our efforts in such a
direction would mean the abandonment of
all intelligent attempt to do away with
these evils. Many of the largest corpora
tions, many of those which should cer
tainly be included In any proper scheme of
regulation, would not be affected in the
slightest degree by a change in the tariff,
save as such change Interfered with the
general prosperity of the country. The
only relation of the tariff to big corpora
tions as a whole is that the tariff makes
manufactures profitable, and the tariff
remedy proposed would be in effect sJmpty
to make manufactures unprofitable. To
remove the tariff as a punitive measure
directed against trusts would inevitably re
sult in ruin to the weaker competitors who
are struggling against them. Our aim
should be not by unwise tariff changes to
give foreign products the advantage over
domestic products, hut by proper regula
tion to give domestic competition a fair
chance; and this end cannot be reached by
any tariff changes which would affect un
favorably all domestic competitors, good
and bad alike. The question of regulation
of the trusts stands apart from the ques
tion of tariff revision.
Stability of economic policy must always
be the prime economic need of this country.
This stability should not be fossiilzation.
The country has acquiesced in the wisdom
ot the protective-tariff principle. It is ex
ceedingly undesirable that this system
should be destroyed or that there should be
violent and radical changes therein. Our
past experience shows that great prosper
ity in this country has always come under
a protective tariff; and that the country
cannot prosper under fitful tariff changes
at short intervals. Moreover, if the tarJff
laws as a w hole work well, and if business
has prospered under them and is prosper
ing, it is better to endure for a time slight
inconveniences and inequalities In some
schedules than to upset business by too
quick and too radical changes. It is mo«t
the tariff from the standpoint solely of our
business needs. It is. perhaps, too much to
hope that partisanship may he entirely ex
cluded from consideration of the subject
but ,at least it can be made secondary to
the business interests, of the country—that
is, to the interests of our people as a whole
Unquestionably these business interests
will best lie served if together with fixity
of principle as regards the tariff we com
bine a system which will permit us from
time to time to make the necessary reap
plication of the principle to the shifting na
tional needs. We must take scrupulous
care that the reapplication shall be made
in such a way that it will not amount to
a dislocation of our system, the mere
threat of which (not to speak of the per
formance) would produce paralysis, in tlie
business energies of the community. The
first consideration in making these changes
would, of course, he to preserve the prin
cip.e which underlies our whole tariff sys
tem—that is. the principle of putting Amer
ican business, interests at least on a full
equality with interests abroad, and of al
ways allowing a sufficient rate of dutv to
more than cover the difference bet ween The
labor cost here and abroad. The well-be
lRg of the wape-worker, like the well-be
inp of the tiller of the soil, should be treat
ed! as an essential in shaping our whole
economic policy. There must never be any
change winch will jeopardize the standard
of comfort, the standard of wages of the
American wage-worker.
One way in which the readjustment
sought can be reached is by reciprocity
treaties. It is greatly to be desired that
such treaties may be adopted. They can
be used to widen our markets and to
give a greater field for the activities of
our producers on the one hand, and on
the other to secure in practical shape the
lowering of duties when they are no
longer needed for protection among our
own people, or when the minimum of
damage done may be disregarded for the
sake of the maximum of good accom
plished. If it prove impossible to ratify
the pending treaties, and if there seem
to be no warrant for the endeavor to
execute others, or to amend the pending
treaties so that they can be ratified, then
the same end—to secure4 reciprocity
should be met by direct legislation.
\eed of a Tariff Commission.
Wherever the tariff conditions are such
that a needed change cannot with ad
vantage be made by the application of
the reciprocity idea, then it can be made
outright by a lowering of duties on a
given product. If possible, such change
should be made only after the fullest
consideration by practical experts, who
should approach the subject from a busi
ness standpoint, having in view both the
particular interests affected and the com
mercial well-being of the people as a
whole. The machinery for providing such
careful Investigation can readily be sup
plied. The executive department has al
ready at its disposal methods of collect
ing facts and figures: and if the con
gress desires additional consideration to
that which will be given the subject by
its own committees, then a commission
of business experts can be appointed
whose duty it should be to recommend
action by the congress after a deliberate
and scientific examination of tho various
schedules as they are affected by the
changed and changing conditions. The
unhurried and unbiased report of this
commission would show what changes
should be made in the various schedules,
and how far these changes could go
without also changing the great pros
perity which this country is now enjoy
ing, or upsetting its fixed economic pol
icy.
The cases in which the tariff can pro
duce a monopoly are so few as to con
stitute an inconsiderable factor in the
question; but of course if in any case
it be found that a given rate of duty
does promote a monopoly which works
ill, no protectionist would object to such
reduction of the duty as would equalize
competition.
In my judgment, the tariff on anthra
cite coal should be removed, and anthra
cite put actually, where it now is nom
inally, on the free list. This would have
iiu ciimi ui mi save in crises; Dut in
crises it might be of service to the peo
ple.
Needed Financial Legislation.
Interest rates are a potent factor In
business activity, and In order that these
rates may be equalized to meet the vary
ing needs of the seasons and of widely
separated communities, and to prevent
the recurrence of financial stringencies
which injuriously affect legitimate busi
ness, it Is necessary that there should be
an element of elasticity In our monetary
system. Banks are the natural servants
of commerce, and upon them should be
placed, as far as practicable, the burden
of furnishing and maintaining a circu
lation adequate to supply the needs of
our diversified Industries and of our do
mestic and foreign commerce; and the
issue of this should be so regulated that
a sufficient supply should be always
available for the business interests of
the country.
It would be both unwise and unneces
sary at this time to attempt to recon
struct our financial system, which has
been the growth of a century; but some
additional legislation is, I think, desir
able. The mere outline of any plan suffi
ciently comprehensive to meet these re
quirement^ would transgress the appro
priate limits of this communication. It
is suggested, however, that all future
legislation on the subject should be with
the view of encouraging the use of such
instrumentalities as will automatically
supply every legitimate demand of pro
ductive industries and of commerce, not
only in the amount, but in the character
of circulation: and of making all kinds of
money Interchangeable, and, at the will
of the holder, convertible into the estab
lished gold standard.
THE LABOR PROBLEM.
Unionism Contains Much That In Good
and Some Bad.
How to secure fair treatment alike for
labor and lor capital, how to hold in
check the unscrupulous man, whether
employer or employe, without weakening
Individual initiative, without hampering
und cramping the industrial development
of the country, is a problem fraught with
great difficulties and one which it Is of
the highest importance to solve on lines
of sanity and far-sighted common sense
as well as of devotion to the right. This
Is an era of federation and combination.
Exactly as business men find they must
often work through corporations, and as
It is a constant tendency of these cor
porations to grow larger, so It is often
necessary for laboring men to work In
federations, and these have become Im
portant factors of modern Industrial life.
Both kinds of federation, capitalistic and
labor, can do much good, and as a nec
essary corrollary they can both do evil.
Opposition to each kind of organization
should take the form of opposition to
whatever is bad in the conduct of any
given corporation or union—not of at
tacks upon corporations as such nor upon
unions as such; for some of the most
far-reaching beneficent work for our peo
ple has been accomplished through both
corporations and unions. Each must re
frain from arbitrary or tyrannous Inter
ference with the rights of others. Or
ganized capital and organized labor alike
should remember that in the long run
the Interest of each must be brought
Into harmony with the Interest of the
general public; and the conduct of each
must conform to the fundamental rules
Of obedience to the law, of Individual
freedom, and of justice and fair dealing
toward all. Each should remember that
In addition to power It must strive after
the realization of healthy, lofty and gen
erous Ideals. Every employer, every
wage worker, must be guaranteed his
liberty and his right to do as he likes
with his property or his labor so long
as he does not infringe upon the rights
ui uiiicia. ii oi me nigncsc impor
tance that employer and employe alike
should endeavor to appreciate each the
viewpoint of the other and the sure dis
aster that will come upon both in the
long run if either grows to take as habit
pal an attitude of sour hostility and dis
trust toward the other. Pew people de
serve better of the country than those
representatives both of capital and labor
—and there are many such—who work
continually to bring about a good under
standing of this kind, based upon wisdom
and upon broad and kindly sympathy be
tween employers and employed. Above
all, we need to remember that any kind
of class animosity in the political’world
Is, if possible, even more wicked, even
more destructive to national welfare,
than sectional, race or religious animos
ity. We can get good government only
upon condition that we keep true to the
principles upon which this nation was
founded, and judge each man not as a
part of a class, but upon his individual
merits. All that we have a right to ask
of any man. rich or poor, whatever his
creed, his occupation, his birthplace, or
his residence, is that he shall act well
and honorably by his neighbor and bv
his country. We are neither for the rich
man as such nor for the poor man as
such; we are for the upright man. rich
or poor. So far as the constitutional
powers of the national government touch
these matters of general and vital mo
ment to the nation, they should be exer
cised in conformity with the principles
above set forth.
Recommends Department of Com
merce.
It is earnestly hoped that a secretary of
commerce may be created, with a seat in
the cabinet. The rapid multiplication of
questions affecting labor and capital, the
growth and complexity of the organizations
through which both labor and capital now
find expression, the steady tendency to
ward the employment of capital in.'huge
corporations, and the wonderful strides of
this country toward leadership in the in
take advantage of the machinery al
ready in existence at The Hague.
I commend to the favorable considera
tion of the congress the Hawaiian fire
claims, which were the subject of care
ful Investigation during the last session.
THE PANAMA CANAL.
French Company Offers a Good Title
to Its Property.
The congress has wisely provided that
we shall build at once an Isthmian canal,
If possible at Panama. The attorney gen
eral reports that we can undoubtedly ac
quire good title from the French Panama
Canal company. Negotiations are now
pending with Colombia to secure her assent
to our building the canal. This canal will
be one of the greatest engineering feats of
the twentieth century; a greater engineer
ing feat than has yet been accomplished
during the history of mankind. The work
should be carried out as a continuing policy
without regard to change of administra
tion; and It should be begun under circum
stances Which will make It a matter of
pride for all administrations to continue
the policy.
The canal will be of great benefit to Amer
ica, and of Importance to all the world. It
will be of advantage to us Industrially and
also as improving our military position. It
will be of advantage to the countries of
tropical America. It Is earnestly to be
hoped that all of these countries will do as
some of them have already done with sig
nal success, and will invite to tnelr shores
commerce and Improve their material con
ditions by recognizing that stability and
order are the prerequisites of successful
development. No independent nation In
America need have the slightest fear of
aggression from the United States. It be
hooves each one to maintain order within
*ts own borders and to discharge Its just
obligations to foreigners. When this Is
done, they can rest assured that, be they
strong or weak, they have nothing to dread
from outside Interference. More and more
the increasing Interdependence and com
plexity of international political and eco
nomlc relations render It Incumbent on all
civilized and orderly powers to Insist on
the proper policing of the world.
The Pacific Cable.
During the fall of 1901 a communication
was addressed to the secretary of state,
asking whether permission would be
granted by the president to a corpora
fj°n t° lay a cable from a point on the
California coast to the Philippine islands
by way of Hawaii. A statement of con
ditions or terms upon which such cor
poration would undertake to lay and
operate a cable was volunteered.
Inasmuch as the congress was shortly
to convene, and Pacific cable legislation
had been the subject of consideration by
the congress for several years, It seemed
to me wise to defer action upon the ap
plication until the congress had first an
opportunity to act. The congress ad
journed without taking any action, leav
ing the matter in exactly the same con
dition In which it stood when the con
gress convened.
Meanwhile It appears that the Com
mercial Pacific Cable company had
promptly proceeded with preparations for
laying its cable. It also made applica
tion to the president for access to and
use of soundings taken by the U. S. S.
Nero, for the purpose of discovering a
practicable route for a trans-Pacific
cable, the company urging that with ac
cess to these soundings it could complete
its cable much sooner than if it were
required to take soundings upon Its own
account. Pending consideration of this
subject, It appeared important and de
sirable to attach certain conditions to
the permission to examine and use the
soundings, if it should be granted.
In consequence of this solicitation of
the cable company, certain conditions
were formulated, upon which the nr^sl
PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT.
ternattonal business world justify an ur
gent demand for the creation of such a po
sition. Substantially all the leading com
mercial bodies in. this country have united
in, requesting its creation. It is desirable
that some such measure as that which has
already passed the senate be enacted Into
law. The creation of such a department
would in itself be an advance toward deal
ing with and exercising supervision over
the whole subject of the great corporations
doing an Interstate business; and with this
end in view, the congress should endow
the department with large powers, which
could be increased as experience might
show the need.
CUBAN RECIPROCITY.
President Insists the Island Should
Have Consideration.
I hope soon to submit to the senate a
reciprocity treaty with Cuba. On May 20
last the United States kept its promise to
the island by formally vacating Cuban soil
and turning Cuba over to those whom her
own people had chosen as the first officials
of the new republic.
Cuba lies at our doors, and whatever af
fects her for good or for ill affects, us also.
So much have our people felt this that in
the Platt amendment we definitely took the
ground that Cuba must hereafter have
closer political relations with us than with
any other power. Thus in a sense Cuba
has become a part of our international po
litical system. This makes it necessary
that in return she should be given some of
the benefits of becoming part of our eco
nomic system. It is, from our own stand
point, a short-sighted and mischievous pol
icy to fail to recognize this need. More
over, it is unworthy of a mighty and gen
erous nation, itself the greatest and most
successful republic in history, to refuse to
stretch out a helping hand to a young and
weak sister republic Just entering upon its
career of Independence. We should al
ways fearlessly insist upon our rights in
the face of the strong, and we should with
ungrudging hand do ou£,generou9 duty by
the wealc. 1 urge the adoption, of reciprocity
vuua iivi umj' uci^tuse 11 id cuuiicjm^
for our own interests to control the Cuban
market and by every means to foster our
supremacy in the tropical lands and waters
south of us, but aleo because we, of the
giant republic of the north, should make
all our sister nations of the American con
tinent feel that whenever they will permit
it we desire to show ourselves disinterest
edly and. effectively their friend.
International Arbitration.
As civilization grows warfare becomes
less and less the normal condition of
foreign relations. The last century has
seen a marked diminution of wars be
tween civilized powers; wars with unciv
ilized powers are largely mere matters of
international police duty, essential for
the welfare of the world. Wherever pos
sible, arbitration or some similar method
Ehould be employed in lieu of war to settle
difficulties between civilized nations, al
though as yet the world has not progressed
sufficiently to render It possible, or neces
sarily desirable, to invoke arbitration in
every case. The formation of the inter
national tribunal which sdts at The
Hague is an event of good omen from
which great consequences for the wel
fare of all mankind may flow. It is far
better, where poestble, to Invoke such a
permanent tribunal than to create spe
cial arbitrators for a giyen purpose.
It is a matter of sincere congratulation
to our country that the United States
and Mexico should have been the first to
use the good offices of The Hague court.
This was done last summer with most
satisfactory results in the case of a
claim at issue between us and our sister
republic. It is earnestly to be hoped
that this first case will serve as a prece
dent for others, in which not only the
United States, but foreign nations may
dent was willing to allow access to these
soundings and to consent to the landing
and laying of the cable, subject to any
alterations or additions thereto imposed
by the congress. This was deemed prop
er, especially as it was clear that a cable
connection of some kind with China, a
foreign country, was a part of the com
pany's plan. This course was, moreover,
in accordance with a line of precedents,
including President Grant's action in the
case of the first French cable, explained
to the congress in his annual message of
December, 1875, and the instance occur
ring in 1879 of the second French cable
from Brest to St. Pierre, with a branch
to Cape Cod.
These conditions prescribed, among
other things, a maximum rate for com
mercial messages and that the company
should construct a line from the Philip
pine islands to China, tjhere being at
present, as is well known, a British line
from Manila to Hong-Kong.
The representatives of the cable com
pany kept these conditions long under
consideration, continuing, in the mean
time. to prepare for laying the cable.
They have, however, at length acceded
to them, and an all-American line be
tween our Pacific coast and the Chinese
empire, by way of Honolulu and the
Philippine islands, is thus provided for,
and is expected within a few months to
be ready for business.
PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
The Policy of Holding Them itai
Been Vindicated.
On July 4 last, on the one hundred and
twenty-sixth anniversary of the declara
tion of our independence, peace and am
nesty were promulgated in the Philip
pine islands. Some trouble has since
from time to time threatened with
the Mohammedan Moros, but with the
late insurrectionary Filipinos the war
has entirely ceased. Civil government
has now been introduced. Not only does
suui iiguia iu me,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness as
he has never before known during the
recorded history of the islands, but the
people taken as a whole now enjoy a
measure of self-government greater than
that granted to any other orientals by
any foreign power and greater than that
enjoyed by any other orientals under
their own governments, save the Japan
ese alone. We have not gone too far in
granting these rights of liberty and self
government; but we have certainly gone
to the limit that in the Interests of the
Philippine people themselves it was wise
or just to go. To hurry matters, to go
faster than we are now going, would en
tail calamity on the people of the is
lands. No policy ever entered into by
the American people has vindicated it
self in more signal manner than the pol
icy of holding the Philippines. The tri
umph of our arms, above all the tri
umph of our laws and principles has
come sooner than we had any right to
expect. Too much praise cannot be
given to the army for what it has done
in the Philippines, both in warfare and
from an administrative standpoint in
preparing the way for civil government:
and similar credit belongs to the civil
authorities for the way in which they
have planted the seeds of self-govern
ment in the ground thus made ready for
them. The courage, the unflinching en
durance, the high soldierly efficiency,
and the general kind-heartedness and
humanity of our troops have been strik
ingly manifested. There now remain only
some 15,000 troops in the islands. All told,
over 100,000 have been sent there. Of
course, there have been individual in
stances of wrongdoing among them.
They warred under fearful difficulties of
climate and surroundings; and under the j
strain of the terrible provocations which
they continually receive from their foes,
occasional instances of cruel retaliation
occurred. Every effort has been made
to prevent such cruelties, and Anally
these efforts h ve been completely suc
cessful. Every effort has also been made
to detect and punish the wrongdoers.
After making all allowance for these
misdeeds, it remains true that few In
deed have been the Instances In which
war has been waged by a civilized power
agai 1st seml-civilized and barbarous
forces where there has been so little
wrongdoing by the victors as In the Phil
ippine islands. On the other hand, the
amount of difficult. Important, and be
neAcent work which has been done la
well-nigh Incalculable.
Taking the work of the army and the
civil authorities together, It may be ques
tioned whether anywhere else In modern
times the world has seen a better exam
ple of real constructive statesmanship
than our people have given In the Phil
ippine Islands. High praise should also
be given those Filipinos, In the aggre
gate very numerous, who have accepted
the new conditions and joined with our
representatives to work with hearty
good will for the welfare of the Islands.
I urgently call your attention to the need
of passing a bill providing for a general
staff and for the reorganization of the sup
ply departments on the lines of the bill
proposed by the secretary of war last year.
When the young officers enter the army
from West Point they probably stard
above their compeers In any other military
service. Every effort should be made, by
training, by reward of merit, by scrutiny
Into their careers and capacity, to keep
them of the same high relative excellence
throughout their careers.
The National Guard.
The measure providing for the reorgani
zation of the militia system and for secur
ing the highest efficiency In the national
guard, which has already passed thehouse,
should receive prompt attention and ac
tion. It Is of great Importance that the re
lation of the national guard to the militia
and volunteer forces of the United States
s.wu.u ut uciincu, ana ion in place or our
present obsolete laws a practical and ef
ficient system should be adopted.
NEEDS OF THE NAVY.
More Ships and Men Needed to Keep
Pace with the Times.
For the first time in our history naval
maneuvers on a large scale are being held
under the Immediate command of the ad
miral of the navy. Constantly Increasing
attention Is being paid to the gunnery of
the navy, but it is yet far from what It
should be. I earnestly urge that the in
crease asked for by the secretary of the
navy in the appropriation for Improving
the marksmanship be granted. In battle
the only shots that count aj-e the shots that
hit. It is necessary to provide ample
funds for practice with the great guns in
time of peace. These funds must provide
not only for the purchase of projectiles, but
for allowances for prizes to encourage the
gun crews, and especially the gun pointers,
and for perfecting an intelligent system
under which alone it is possible to get good
praotice.
There should be no halt in the work of
building up the navy, providing every year
additional fighting craft. We are a very
rich country, vast in extent of territory and
great in population; a country, moreover,
which has an. army diminutive indeed when
compared with that of any other first-class
power. We have deliberately made our
own certain foreign policies which demand
the possession of a first-class r.avy. The
isthmian canal will greatly increase the
efficiency of our navy if the navy is of suf
ficient size; but if we have an inadequate
navy, then the bufiding of the canal would
be merely giving a hostage to any power
of superior strength. The Monroe doctrine
should be treated as the cardinal feature of
American foreign policy; but it would be
worse than Idle to assert it unless we In
tended to back it up, and It can be backed
up only by a thoroughly*ood navy. A good
navy Is not a provocative of war. It is the
surest guaranty of peace.
Each individual unit of our navy should
be the most efficient of its kind as regards
both material and personnel that is to be
found in the world. I call your special at
tention to the need of providing for the
manning of the ships. Serious trouble
threatens us if we cannot do better than
we are now doing as regards securing the
services of a sufficient number of the high
est type of sailormen, of sea mechanics.
The veteran seamen of our warships are
of as high a type as can be found in any
navy which rides the waters of the world >
they are unsurpassed in daring, In resolu
tion. in readiness, in thorough knowledge
of their profession. They deserve every
consideration that can be shown them.
But there are not enough of them. It is
no more possible to improvise a crew than
It is possible to improvise warship. To
build the finest ship, with the deadliest
battery, and to send It afloat with a raw
crew, r.o matter how brave they were in
dividually, would be to insure disaster if
a foe of average capacity were encountered
Neither ships nor men can be Improvised
when war has begun.
We need a thousand additional officers in
order to properly man the ships now pro
vided for and under construction. The
classes at the naval school at Annapolis
should be greatly epjarged. At the same
time that we thus add the officers where
we need them, we should facilitate the re
tirement of those at the head of the list
whose usefulness has become impaired.
Promotion must be fostered if the serv
ice is to be kept efficient.
There Is not a cloud on the horizon at
present. There seems not the slightest
chance of trouble w*ith a foreign power,
we most earnestly hope that this state
of things may continue; and the way to
insure its continuance is to provide for
a thoroughly efficient navy. The refusal
to maintain such a navy would invite
trouble, and if trouble came would insure
disaster. Fatuous self-complacency or
vanity, or short-sightedness in refusing
to prepare for danger, is both foolish and
wicked in such a nation as ours; and
past experience has shown that such
fatuity in refusing to recognize or pre
pare for any crisis in advance is usually
succeeded by a mad panic of hysterical
fear once the crisis has actually arrived.
Rural Free Delivery.
The striking Increase in the revenues
of the post office department shows clear
ly the prosperity of our people and the
increasing activity of the business of the
country.
The receipts of the post office depart
ment for the nscal year ending June 30
last amounted to $121,848,047.26, an Increase
of $10,216,853.87 over the preceding year,
the largest increase known in the history
of the postal service. The magnitude of
this increase will best appear from the
fact that the entire postal receipts for
the year 1860 amounted to but $8,518,067.
Rural free delivery service is no longer
in the experimental stage; it has become
a fixed policy. The results following its
Introduction have fully justified the con
gress In the large appropriations made
for its establishment and extension. The
average yearly increase in post office re
ceipts in the rural districts of the coun
j “wuuv mu j/ct tcuu m* ary now
able, by actual results, to show that
where rural free delivery service has
been established to such an extent as to
enable us to make comparisons the yearly
Increase has been upward of ten per
cent.
On November 1, 1902, 11,650 rural free
delivery routes had been established and
were in operation, covering about one
third of the territory of the United States
available for rural free delivery service
There are now awaiting the action of the
department petitions and applications for
the establishment of 10,748 additional
routes. This shows conclusively the want
which the establishment of the service
has met and the need of further extend
ing it as rapidly as possible. It Is Justi
fied both by the financial results and by
the practical benefits to our rural pop
ulation; it brings the men who live on
the soil Into close relations with the ac
tive business world; It keeps the farmer
in daily touch with the markets; It Is a
potential educational force; it enhances
the value of farm property, makes farm
life far pleasanter and less Isolated and
will do much to check the undesirable
current from country to city.
It is to be hoped that the congress will
make liberal appropriations for the con
tinuance of the service already estab
lished and for its further extension.
ProgreH of Irrigation.
Few subjects of more importance have
been taken up by the congress in recent
years than the Inauguration of the sys
tem of nationally aided Irrigation for the
arid regions of the far west. A good be
ginning therein has been made. Now
that this policy of national irrigation has
been adopted, the need of thorough
and scientific forest protection will grow
more rapidly than ever throughout the
public-land states.
So far as they are available for agri
culture, and to whatever extent they
may be reclaimed under the national ir
rigation law, the remaining public lands
should be held rigidly for the home
builder, the settler who lives on his land,
and for no one else. In their actual use
the desert-land law, the timber and stone
law, and the commutation clause of the
homestead law have been so perverted
from the intention with which they were
enacted as to permit the acquisition of
large areas of the public domain for oth
er than actual settlers and the conse
quent prevention of settlement. More
over, the approaching exhaustion of the
Subtle ranges has of late led to much
iscussion as to the best manner of using
these public lands In the west which are
suitable chiefly or only for grazing. The
sound and steady development of the
west depends upon the bulKling up of
homes therein. Much of oui prosperity
as a nation has heen due t<* the opera
tion of the homestead law. Cf» the other
hand, we should recognize tl® fact that
In the grazing region the mail who cor
responds to the homesteader «iay be un
able to settle permanently If ofcly allowed
> to use the same amount of Mature laud I
i '
' •
that his brother, the homesteader, Is al
lowed to use of arable land. One hun
dred and sixty acres of fairly rich and
well watered soil, or a much smaller
amount of Irrigated land, may keep &
family In plenty, whereas no one could
get a living from 160 acres of dry pasture
land capable of supporting at the out
side only one head of cattle to every ten
acre*. In the past great tracts of the
public domain have Deen fenced in by
persons having no title thereto, In direct
defiance of the law forbidding the main
tenance or construction of any such un
lawful Inclosure of public land. For va
rious reasons there has been little inter
ference with such inclosures In the past,
but ample notice has now been given
the trespassers, and all the resources at
the command of the government will
hereafter be Used to put a stop to such
trespassing.
Alaska Legislation Asked For.
I especially urge upon the congress the
need of wise legislation for Alaska. It
Is not to our credit as a nation that
Alaska, which has been ours for 36 years,
should still have as poor a system of
laws as is the case. No country has a
more valuable i possession—in mineral
wealth, in fisheries, furs, forests, and
also In land available for certain kinds
of farming and stock growing. It is a
territory of great size and varied re
sources, well fitted to support a large
permanent population. Alaska needs a
good land law and such provisions for
homesteads and preemptions as will en
courage permanent settlement. We
should shape legislation with a view not
to the exploiting and abandoning of the
territory, but to the building up of homes
therein. The land laws should be liberal
In type, so as to hold out inducements
to the actual settler whom we most de
sire to see take possession of the coun
try. The forests of Alaska should be
protected, and, as a secondary but still
important matter, the game also, and at
the same time it Is imperative that the
settlers should be allowed to cut tim
be, under proper regulations, for their
own use. Laws should be enacted to
protect the Alaskan salmon fisheries
against the greed which would destroy
them. They should be preserved as a
permanent industry and food supply.
■iiieir management ana control snoulcl be
turned over to the commission of fish
and fisheries. Alaska should have a dele
gate In the congress. It would be well
if a congressional committee could visit
Alaska and Investigate its needs on the
ground.
The Indiana.
In dealing with the Indians our aim
should be their ultimate absorption into
the body of our people. But in many
cases this absorption must and should
be very slow. In portions of the Indian
territory the mixture of blood has gone
on at the same time with progress in
wealth and education, so that there are
plenty of men with varying degrees of
fiurity of Indian blood who are abso
utely indistinguishable in point of social,
political and economical ability from
their white associates. There are other
tribes which have as yet made no per
ceptible advance toward such equality.
To try to force such tribes too fast is to
prevent their going forward at all. More
over, the tribes live under widely differ
ent conditions. Where a tribe has made
considerable advance and lives on fertile
farming soil it is possible to allot the
members lands in severalty much as is
the case with the white settlers. There
are other tribes where such course is not
desirable. On the arid prairie lands the
effort should be to induce the Indians to
lead pastoral rather than agricultural
lives, and to permit them to settle in
villages rather than to force them into
Isolation.
The large Indian schools situated remote
from any Indian reservation do a special
and peculiar work of great importance.
But, excellent though these are, an Im
mense amount of additional work must be
done on the reservations themselves among
the old, and above all among the young,
Indians.
The first and most Important step toward
the absorption of the Indian is to teach
him to earn his living; yet it is not neces
sarily to be assumed that in each commun
ity all Indians must become either tillers
of the soil or stock raisers. Their industries
may properly be diversified, and those who
show special desire or adaptability for in
dustrial or even commercial pursuits
should be encouraged so far as practicable
to follow out each his own bent.
Every effort should be made to develop
the Indian along the lines of natural apti
tude, and to encourage the existing native
Industries peculiar to certain- tribes, such
as the various kinds of basket weaving,
canoe building, smith work, and blanket
work. Above all, the Indian hoys and girls
should be given confident command ot cqi»
loquial English, and should ordinarily be
prepared fox a vigorous struggle with the
conditions under which their people live,
rather than, for immediate absorption into
some more highly devolped community.
The officials who represent the govern
ment in dealing with the Indians work un
der hard conditions, and also under condi
tions which render it easy to do wrong and
very difficult to detect wrong. Consequent
ly they should be amply paid on the one
hand, and on the other hand a particularly
high standard of conduct should be de
manded from them, anti where misconduct
can be proved the punishment should be
exemplary.
Scientific Aid to Parraeri.
In no department of governmental work
in recent years has there been greater suc
cess than dn that of giving scientific aid to
the farming population, thereby showing
them how most efficiently to help them
selves. There is no need of insisting upon
its importance, for the welfare of the
farmer is fundamentally necessary to tho
welfare of the republic as a whole. In ad
dition to such work as quarantine against
animal and vegetable plagues, ar.d war
ring against them when here introduced,
much efficient help has been, rendered! to the
farmer by the Introduction of new plants
specially fitted for cultivation under the
peculiar conditions existing in different
portions of the country. New cereals have
been established in the semi-arid west.
For instance, the practicability of produc
ing the best types of macaroni wheats in
regions of an annual rainfall of only ten
Inches or thereabouts has beti^concluslve
ly demonstrated. Through the introduc
tion of new rices in Louisiana and Texas
the production ot rice in this country has
been made to about equal the home de
mand. In the southwest the possibility of
regrassing overstocked range lands has
been demonstrated; in the north many new
forage crops have been introduced, while
in the east it has been shown that s-ojne of
our choicest fruits can be stur.d and
shipped in such a way as to find a profitable
market abroad.
The District of Columbia is the only part
of our territory in which the national gov
ernment exercises local or municipal func
tions, and where in consequence the gov
ernment has a free hand in reference to
certain types of social and economic legis
lation which must be essentially local or
municipal in their character. The govern
ment should see to it, for instance, that the
hygienic and sanitary legislation affecting
Washington is of a high character. The
evils of slum dwellings, whether in the
shape of crowded and congested tenement
house districts or of the bacg-alley type,
should never be permitted to grow up in
Washington. The city should be a model
in every respect for all the cities of the
country. The charitable and correctional
systems of the district should receive con
sideration at the hands of the congress to
the end that they may embody the results
of the most advanced thought in these
fields. Moreover, while Washington is not
a great Industrial cify, there is some indus
trialism here, and our labor legislation,
while it would not be important in- itself,
might be made a model for the rest of the
nation. We should pass, for instance, a
wise employer’s-liability act for the Dis
trict of Columbia, and we need such an act
in our navy-yards. Railroad companies in
the district ought to be required by law to
block their frogs.
Protection for Railway Employee.
The safety-appliance law, for the better
protection of the lives and limbs of rail
way employes, which was passed in 1S93,
went into full effect on August 1, 1901. It
has resulted in averting thousands of
casualties. Experience shows, however, the
necessity of additional legislation to per
fect this Law. A bill to provide for this
passed the senate at the last session. It is
to be hoped that some such measure may
now be enacted into law.
Gratifying progress has been made dur
ing the year in the extension of the
merit system of making appointments
in the government service. It should be
extended by law to the District of Co
lumbia. It is much to be desired that
our consular system be established by
law on a basis providing for appointment
and promotion only in consequence of
proved fitness.
The X'ew White House.
Through a wise provision of the con
gress at its last session the white house,
which has become disfigured by incon
gruous additions and changes, has now
been restored to what it was planned to
be by Washington. In making the restor
ations the utmost care has been exer
cised to come as near as possible to the
early plans and to supplement these plans
by a careful study of such buildings as
that of the University of Virginia, which
was built by Jefferson. The white house
is the property of the nation, and so far
as is compatible with living therein it j
should be kept as it originally was, for '
the same reasons that we keep Mount |
Vernon as it originally was. The state- !
ly simplicity of its architecture Is an '
expression of the character of the period
in which it was built, and is in accord
with the purposes it was designed to
serve. It is a good thing to preserve
such buildings as historic monuments
which keep alive our sense of contin
uity with the nation's past.
The reports of the several executive
departments are submitted to the con
gress with this communication.
THEODORE ROOSEVELT,
White House, December J, 1902.
CATARRH OF LUNGS.
A Prominent Chicago Lady Ci’~ed
by Pe-ru-na.
Miss Maggie Welch, secretary of
the Betsey Boss Educational and
Benevolent Society, writes from 328
North State street, Chicago, 111., the
following glowing words concerning
Peruna:
“Last fall I caught the most severe
cold I ever had in my life. I coughed
night snd day, and my lungs and
throat became so sore that I was in
great distress. All cough remedies
Miss Maggie Welch.
nauseated me, and nothing afforded
me relief until my doctor said rather
in a joke, ‘I guess Peruna is the only
medicine that will cure you.’
“I told him that I would certainly
try it and immediately sent for a
bottle. I found that relief came the
first day, and as I kept taking it i
faithfully the cough gradually dimin
ished, and the soreness left me. It is
fine.”—Maggie 'Welch.
Address the Peruna Medicine Co.,
Columbus, Ohio, for free literature
on catarrh.
ABSOLUTE
SECURITY.
Genuine
Carter’s
Little Liver Pills.
Must Boar Signature of
See Fac-SImilj Wrapper Below.
(Very amall oad aa auf
to take as sugar.
FOR HEADACHE,
FOB DIZZINESS.
FOB BIUttlSNESS.
FOB TORPID LIVER.
FOB CONSTIPATION.
FOR SALLOW SKIN.
FOR THE COMPLEXION
I - . | CFKPfUSMJI MUSTNAVK UOMATUffS^___
| te csfltt I Purely T(fMalle./(wiw^^
— " uwum'LarBBTiMi’ J
CURE 8ICK HEADACHE.
I McGEB’S BABY ELIXIR If
1 Hake* Usn Bskis* Fat. S«k Babies Will H
a P°r Teething. Diarrhoea, Summer Com- .
a plaint, etc. Contains no Poisons In any ts.
Is form. Is pleasant to take. Si'
1 GUARANTEED TO CURE 'M
■ Pries, 25c aatf (Sc. Fer Sals by all Druggists
» The Mayfield Medicine Mtg. Co.,
p St. Louis. Mo.
Which ? I
A lean and potash-hungry soil, if
wasted seed, wasted labor and idle ,'T'i
gins—A MORTGAGE. Or, plenty of
Potash I
in the fertilizer, many bales and a ^B
busy gin—-A BANK ACCOUNT. S
Write us for ^B
our books. all
They are :%■(
meuey win. ^B
ners. We send »
them frt* to
farmers.
GERMAN -J
kali m
WORKS V
08 Nassau St. W
New York
Choctaw
Flyer!
FffUB HOURS ( SSL
MX HOUIS ‘Sl&'BKS (
Double Dally Service to
Arkansas, Oklahoma &, Indian Territory.
i FRU RCCLIMRO CHAIR CARS THROUGH
TO ALL IMPORT AMT TEXAS POINTS !
lie Traeater at Msmpbli!
1 - , ,—orRUapltuy Oar. and Free Heclln
S2J2d^8^Jk8smarGuL Uo*ulr
Msmphti Ttskst Mss, *47 Main St.
pms&sm.
W hEN WRITING TO ADTXRTIIERI
please state that gran saw tbe Ailtsrtli a
■sent In tpu paper.

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