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FORMALLY NOTIFIED Democratic Lead= er Accepts Nom ination. PLEASED WITH PLATFORM PROMISES IN THE FUTURE TC DEAL WITH THE PLANKS IN DETAIL. •oiicies of the Republicans Come In for Bitter Criticism in the Speech of Acceptance—Declares Country Needs Change in Ruling Party Publicity for Campaign Contribu tions, He Says, Is Democratic Idea —Not a Foe to Wealth Honestly Acquired —If Elected, Promises Justice to All. Lincoln, Nob.—William Jennings Bryan was formally notified of his nomination by the Democratic party for the presidency of the United States. Henry D. Clayton of Alabama was ihe spokesman of Hie notification committee. Mr. Bryan's speech of ac ceptance follows: Mr. Clayton and Gentlemen of the No tification (ommittee: 1 can not accept the nomination which you officially ten der. without first acknowledging my deep indebtedness to the Democratic patty for the extraordinary honor which .1 coi.ierreu upon mo. Having twice before been a candidate for the presiden cy. in i arnpaigns which ended in defeat, a third nomination, the result of the free and voluntary act of the voters of the party, can only be explained by a sub stantial and undisputed growth in the principles and policies for which I. with a multitude of others, have contended. As these principles and policies have given me whatever political strength I possess, the action of the convention not only renews my faith In them, but strengthens my attachment to them. A Platform Is Binding. I shall. In the near future, prepare a more formal reply to your notification, and. in that letter of acceptance, will deal with the platform In detail. It Is sufficient, at this time, to assure you that I am in hearty accord with botli tlie let ter and the spirit of the platform. T in dorse it in whole and in part, and shall, if elected, regard its declarations as bind ing upon me. And, 1 may add, a plat form is binding as to what it omits as well as to what it contains. According to the Democratic idea, the people think for themselves and select officials to car ry out tHeir wishes. The voters are the sovereigns; the officials are the servants, employed for a fixed time and at a stated salary to do what the sovereigns want done, and to do it in the way the sov ereigns want it done. Platforms are entirely In harmony with this Democratic idea A platform announces the party's position on questions which are at issue; and an official is not at liberty to use the authority vested in him to urge personal views which have not been submitted to the voters for their approval. If one is nominated upon a platform which Is not satisfactory to him, tie must, if candid, either decline the nomination, or, in ac cepting it. propose an amended platform In lieu of the one adopted by the con vention. No such situation, however, confronts your candidate, for the plat form upon which I was nominated not only contains nothing from which I dis sent, hut it specifically outlines all the remedial legislation which we can hope to secure during ttie next four years. Republican Challenge Accepted. The distinguished statesman who re ceived the Republican nomination for president said, in his notification speech: "The strength of the Republican cause in the campaign at hand is the fact that we represent the policies essential to the reform of known abuses, to the contin uance of liberty and true prosperity, and that we are determined, as our plat form unequivocally declares, to maintain them and carry them on.” In the name of the Democratic party, T accept the challenge, and (barge that the Republican party is responsible for all the abuses which now exist in the federal government, and that it is impo tent to accomplish the reforms which not concur in the statement that the Re publican platform unequivocally declares for tlie reforms that are necessary; on the contrary, I affirm that it openly and notoriously disappoints the hopes and ex pectations of reformers, whether those reformers be Republicans or Democrats. So far did the Republican convention fall short of its duty that the Republi can candidate felt it necessary to add to his platform in several important par ticulars. thus rebuking the leaders of the party, upon whose co-operation he must rely for the enactment of remedial legis lation. As I shall, in separate speeches, discuss the leading questions at issue, I shall at this time confine myself to the paramount question, and to the far-reaching pur pose of our party, as that purpose is set fortli in the platform. Shall the People Rule? Our platform dei lares that the over shadowing Issue which manifests itself in all the questions now under discussion, is "Shall the people rule?” No matter which way we turn; no matter to what subject we address ourselves, the same question confronts us: Shall the people control I heir own government, and use that government for the protection of their rights and for the promotion of their welfare? or shall the representa tives of predatory wealth prey upon a defenseless public, while the offenders secure Immunity from subservient offi cials whom they raise to power by un scrupulous methods? This is the issue raised by the "known abuses” to which Mr. Taft refers. The President’s Indictment Against the Party. In a message sent to congress last Jan uary, President Roosevelt said: "The at tacks by these great corporations on the administration's actions have been given & wide circulation throughout the coun try, in the newspapers and otherwise, by those writers and speakers who, con sciously or unconsciously, act as the rep resentatives of predatory wealth— of the wealth accumulated on a giant scale by Manual Training. Manual training Is no small part of public education and should be given precedence over many of the latter day frills and furbelows introduced in the free schools.—Memphis Com mercial-Appeal. Learn for Yourself. It is a most beautiful and salutary order of things that you should first bear the burden you place on others and learn from yourself how men should be ruled.—St. Bernard of Chair vaui. I all forms of Iniquity, ranging from the oppression of wage earners to unfair and unwholesome methods of crushing out competition, and to defrauding the public by stock-jobbing and the manipu lation of securities. Certain wealthy men of Ibis stamp, whose conduct should be abhorrent to every man of ordinarily de cent conscience, and who commit the hldo | ous wrong of teaching our young men that phenomenal business success must ordinarily be based on dishonesty, have, during the last few months, made It ap parent that they have banded together to work for a reaction. Their endeavor Is to overthrow and discredit all who hon estly administer the law. to prevent any additional legislation which would check and restrain them, and to secure, if pos sible, a freedom from all restraint which will permit every unscrupulous wrong doer to do what he wishes unchecked, provided ho has enough money."—What an arraignment of the predatory in terest s! Is the president's Indictment true? And If true, against whom was the Indict ment directed? Not against the Demo cratic party. Mr. Taft Indorses the Indictment. Jlr. Tuft says that these evils have crept in during the last ten years. He declares that, during this time, some "prominent and influential members of the community, spurred by financial suc cess ami in their hurry for greater wealth, became unmindful of the com mon rules of business honesty and fidel ity. and of the limitations imposed by law upon their actions"; and that “the revelations of the breaches of trusts, the disclosures as to rebates and discrimina tions by railroads, the accumulating evi dence of the violations of the anti-trust laws, by a number of corporations, and the over-issue of stocks and bonds of in terslate railroads for the unlawful en riching of directors and for the purpose of concentrating the control of the rail roads under one management,”—all these, he charges, "quickened ^hn conscience of the people and brought on a moral awakening.” During all this time. T beg to remind you. Republican officials presided in the executive department, tilled the cabinet, dominated the senate, controlled the house of representatives and occupied most of tiie federal Judgeships. Four years ago the Republican platform boast fully declared that since lS'JO—with the exception of two years—the Republican party had been in control of part or of all the branches of the federal govern ment; that for two years only was the Democratic party In a position to eitlmr enact or repeal a law. Having drawn the salaries: having enjoyed the honors; having secured the prestige, let the Re fr/uuiiidu puny arrppi me responsioimy: Republican Party Responsible. Why wore those "known abuses" per mitted to develop? Why have they not been corrected? If existing laws are sufficient, why have they not been en forced.’ All of the executive machinery of the federal government is in the hands of the Republican party. Are new law's necessary? Why have they not been enacted? With a Republican president to recommend, with a Republican senate and house to carry out ids recommenda tions, why does tiie Republican candi date plead for further time in which to do what should have been done long ago? Ran Mr. Taft promise to be more strenuous in the prosecution of wrong doers than the present executive? Run he ask for a larger majority in tiie sen ate than his party now has? Does he need more Republicans in tiie house of representatives or a speaker with more unlimited authority? Why No Tariff Reform? Tiie president’s close friends have been promising for several years that he would attack the iniquities of the tariff. We have had intimation that Mr. Taft was restive under the demands of the highly protected industries. And yet the influ ence of the manufacturers, who have for -“> years contributed to the Republican campaign fund, and who in return have framed tiie tariff schedules, has been sufficient to prevent tariff reform. As the present campaign approached, both tiie president and Mr. Taft declared in favor of tariff revision, but set the date of revision after tiie election. But ttie pres sure brought to bear by the protected interests lias been great enough to pre vent any attempt at tariff reform before tiie election: and the reduction prom ised after tiie election is so hedged about with qualifying phrases, that no one can estimate with accuracy tiie sum total of tariff reform to be expected in case of Republican success. If ttie past can be taken as a guide, the Republican party will be so obligated by campaign con tributions from tiie beneficiaries of pro tection. as to make that party powerless to bring to the country any material re lief from the present tariff burdens. Why No Anti-Trust Legislation? A f ;w years ago the Republican lead ers in tiie house of representatives were coerced by public opinion into the sup port of an anti-trust law' which had the indorsement of tiie president, but the senate refused even to consider the meas ure. and since that time no effort lias been made by the dominant party to se cure remedial legislation upon lids sub ject. Why No Railroad Legislation? For ten years the Interstate Rommerce Commission lias been asking for an en largement of its powers, that it might prevent rebates and discriminations, tint a Republican senate and a Republican house of representatives were unmoved by its entreaties. In 1900 the Republican national convention was urged to indorse ttie demand for railway legislation, but its platform was silent on the subject. '' •' • • *•* ‘cvi, iuc < uiivcimuii gave no pledge to remedy these abuses. When the president Anally asked for legislation, he drew Ids inspiration from three Demo cratic national platforms and he received more cordial support from the Democrats than from the Republicans. The Republi cans in the senate deliberately defeated several amendments offered by Senator I.aFollette and supported by the Demo crats—amendments embodying legislation asked by the Interstate Commerce Com mission. One of these amendments au thorized the ascertainment of the val ue of railroads. This amendment was not only defeated by the senate, but It was overwhelmingly rejected by the recent Republican national convention and the Republican candidate has sought to res cue Ins party from the disastrous results of this act by expressing himself, in a qualiAed way, in favor of ascertaining the value of the railroads. Over-Issue of Stocks and Bonds. Mr. Taft complains of the over-issue of stocks and bonds of railroads, ‘'for the unlawful enriching of directors and for the purpose of concentrating the control of the railroads under one man agement,” and the complaint is well founded. But, with a president to point out the evil, and a Republican congress to correct it, we And nothing done for the protection of the public. Why? My honorable opponent has, by his confes sion, relieved me of the necessity of fur nishing proof; he admits the condition and he can not avoid the logical conclusion that must be drawn from the admission. There is no doubt whatever that a large majority of the voters of the Republi can party recognize the deplorable situ ation which Mr. Taft describes; they rec ognize that the masses have had but lit tle inAuence upon legislation or upon the administration of the government, and they are beginning to understand the cause. For a generation, the Republi can party has drawn its campaign funds from the beneAclaries of special legisla tion. Privileges have been pledged and “Thank God” for FaultsI Thank God we do not live with saints! We live with people full of faults, aud It Is excellent, for the faults of others serve us either by imposing a salutary constraint or by the lesson that they give.—Paris Fi garo. Learn This To-Day. The courtesy with which I receive a stranger, and the civility I show him. form the background on which he paints my portrait.—John Paul Rich ter. granted In return for money contribut ed to debauch elections. What can be expected when official authority Is turned over to the representatives of those who first furnish the sinews of war and then reimburse themselves out of tlie pockets of tlie taxpayers? Fasting in Wilderness Necessary. So long as the Republican party re mains In power. It Is powerless to re generate itself. It can not attack wrong doing in high places without disgracing many of its prominent members, and if, therefore, uses opiates Instead of the surgeon’s knife. Its malefactors coi.strue eadi Republican victory as an indorse ment of their conduct and threaten the party with defeat If they are Interfered with. Not until that party passes through a period of fasting in the wilderness, will tlie Republican leaders learn to study public questions from the stand point of the masses. Just as wtth in dividuals, "tlie cares of tills world and tlie deceitfulness of riches choke tlie truth," so ih politics, when party lead ers serve far away from home and are not in constant contact witli the voters, continued party success blinds their eyes to tlie needs of the people and makes them deaf to tlie cry of distress. Publicity as to Campaign Contribu tions. . An effort lias been made to secure legis lation requiring publicity as to campaign contributions and expenditures; but tlie Republican leaders, even in the face of an indignant public, refused to consent to a law which would compel honesty in elections. When the matter was brought up in tlie recent Republican national convention, tiie plank was repudiated by a vote of SSO to 94. Here. too. Mr. Taft lias been driven to apologize for his con vention and to declare himself in favor of a publicity law; and yet. if you will read wliat lie says upon this subject, you will find that his promise falls far short trust magnate contributes $100,000 to elect political friends to office, with a view to preventing hostile legislation, why should that fact he concealed until his friends are securely seated in their official posi tions? Tills is not a new question; it is a ques tion which has been agitated—a question which tlis Republican leaders fully under stand—a question which the Republican candidate lias studied, and yet lie re fuses to declare himself in favor of the legislation absolutely necessary, name ly, legislation requiring publication before the election. How cun the people hope to rule, if they are not able to learn until after tlie elec 'tlon what the predatory Interests are do ing? The Democratic party meets tlte Issue honestly and courageously. It says: "We pledge the Democratic party to the enactment of a law prohibiting any corporation from contributing to a cam paign fund, and any individual from con tributing an amount above a reasonable maximum, and providing for the publi cation, before election, of all such con tributions above a reasonable minimum.” The Democratic national committee im mediately proceeded to interpret and ap ply this plunk, announcing that no con tributions would be received from cor porations, that no individual would be al lowed to contribute more than $10,000, and that all contributions above $100 would be made public before the election—those received before October 15 to be made public on or before that day. those re ceived afterward to be made public on t lie day when received, and no such con tributions to be accepted within three days of the election. The expenditures are to be published after tlie election. Here is a plan which is complete and effective. Popular Election of Senators. Next to th corrupt use of money, the present method of electing United States WILLIAM JENNINGS HPYAN *r ’ *’s •-.Vv'-i Vi i of the requirements of the situation. He says; ‘‘If I am elected president, T shall urge upon congress, with every hope of suc cess, that a law be passed requiring the filing, in a federal office, of a statement of the contributions received by com mittees and candidates In elections for members of congress, and in such other elections as are constitutionally within the control of congress.” I shall not embarrass him by asking him upon what he bases his hope of suc cess; it is certainly not on any encour agement he has received from Republican leaders. It is sufficient to say that if his hopes were realized—if, in spite of the adverse action of his convention, he should succeed in securing the enactment of the very law which lie favors, it would give but partial relief. He lias read the Democratic platform; not only his lan guage, but his evddent alarm indicates that lie lias read it carefully. He even had before him the action of tlie Demo cratic national committee in interpreting and applying that platform; and yet, lie fails to say that he favors the publication of the contributions before the election. Of course, it satisfies a natural curios ity to find out how an election has been purchased, even when the knowledge comes too late to be of service, but why should the people be kept in darkness until tlie election is past? Why should the locking of the door be delayed until the horse is gone? An Election a Public Affair. An election is a public affair. The peo ple, exercising the right to select their omcmia ana 10 aeciuc upon me policies to be pursued, proceed to tlieir several polling places on election day and reg ister their will. What excuse can be giv en for secrecy as to the Influences at work? If a man, pecuniarily interested in "concentrating the control of the rail roads in one management,” subscribes a large sum to aid in carrying the elec tion, why should Ills part in the cam paign be concealed until he. has put the officials under obligation to him? If a The Open Window. The best part of a modern house is its windows. To keep these open day and night and to make the air Inside approach as nearly as possible the air outside should be the first busi ness of the housekeeper.—Good Health. Best Part of It. A New York woman fired at a burg lar who was entering her window. Of course, she missed him, but the best part of it is that she did not kill an innocent passer by. senators ts most responsible for the ob struction of reforms. For 100 years after the adoption of the constitution, the de mand for the popular election of senators, while finding increased expression, did not become a dominant sentiment. A constitutional amendment had from time to time been suggested and tlie matter had been more or less discussed in a few of tlie states, but the movement had not reached a point where it manifested it self through congressional action. In the Fifty-second congress, however, a reso lution was reported from a house com mittee proposing tlie necessary constitu tional amendment, and tills resolution passed the house of representatives by a vote which was practically unanimous. In the Fifty-third congress a similar res olution was reported to, and adopted by tlie house of representatives. Both tlie Fifty-second and Fifty-third congresses were Democratic. The Republicans gained control of the house as a result of the election of 1S94 and in tlie Fifty-fourth congress tlie proposition died in commit tee. As time went on, however, the sen timent grew among the people, until it forced a Republican congress to follow tlie example set by the Democrats, and tiien another and another Republican congress acted favorably. State after state has Indorsed ttiis reform, until near ly two-tliirds of the states have recorded themselves in its favor. The United estates senate, nowever, impudent sy and arrogantly obstructs the passage of the resolution, notwithstanding the fact that the voters of the United States, by an overwhelming majority, demand It. And this refusal is the more significant when it is remembered that a number of sen ators owe their elections to great corpor ate interests. Three Democratic nation al platforms—the platforms of 1900, 1904 and 190S—specifically call for a change in the constitution which will put the elec tion of senators in the hands of the vo ters, and the proposition has been in dorsed by a number of the smaller par ties, but no Republican national con vention has been willing to champion Recipe for a Long Life. He who would live long, healthfully and happily in the land should avoid all anger, hatred, jealousy, revenge, fear, anxiety and worry. He should earnestly cultivate those two great virtues, calmness and kindliness. For calmness and kindliness are not only moral virtues, but are the most valu able of all hygienic influences. Mother of Hard Work. Necessity i« the mother of hard work with most of us.—Atlanta Georgian. the cause of the people on this subject. The subject was Ignored by the Republi can national convention In 1900; It was ig nored in 1904 and the proposition was explicitly repudiated In 1908, for the re cent Republican national convention, by a vote of S«« to 114, rejected the plank Indorsing the popular election of sen ators—and tills was done In tiie conven tion which nominated Mr. Taft, few dele gates from ids own state voting for the plank. Personal Inclination Not Sufficient. In his notilleation speech, tiie Repub lican candidate, speaking of the elec tion of senators by tiie people, says: "Personally. I am inclined to favor it. but it Is hardly a party question." What is necessary to make tlds a party ques tion? When tiie Democratic convention vote, and tiie Republican convention re jects tiie proposition l>y a vote of seven indorses a proposition by a unanimous to one, does it not become an Issue be tween the parties? Mr. Taft ran not re move tiie question from the arena of pol itics by expressing a personal inclination toward tiie Democratic position. For several years be has been connected witti the administration. What lias he ever said or done to bring this question before tiie public? What enthusiasm lias lie shown in the reformation of the sen ate? What influence could lie exert in behalf of a reform whicli his party has openly and notoriously condemned in its convention, and to which he is attached only by a belated expression of personal inclination? The Gateway to Other Reforms. "Shall the people rule?" Every remedial measure of a national character must run the gauntlet of tiie senate. Tiie presi dent may personally incline toward a reform; the house may consent to It; but as long as the senate obstructs tiie reform, the people must wait. Tiie pres ident may heed a popular demand: tiie house may yield to public opinion: but as long as the senate Is defiant, tiie rule of the people is defeated. Tiie Democratic platform very properly describes the pop ular election of senators as "the gate way to other national reforms." Shall we open tiie gate, or shall we allow the ex ploiting interests to liar the way by tiie control of this branch of the federal leg islature Through a Democratic victory can the people sef”fe iue popular elec tion of senators. The smaller parties jare Unable to secure this reform; the Repub lican party, under its present leadership, Is resolutely opposed to it ; the Democrat ic party stands for it and has boldly de manded it. If l am elected to the presi dency, those who are elected upon the ticket with me will be, like myself, pledged to this reform, and I shall con vene congress in extraordinary session immediately after inauguration, and ask. among other things, for the fulfillment of this platform pledge. House Rules Despotic. The third instrumentality employed to defeat the will of the people is found In the rules of the house of representatives. Our platform points out that “the house of representatives was designed by the fathers of tlie constitution, to he the pop ular branch of our government, respon sive to the public will," and adds: “The house of representatives, as con trolled in recent years by the Republican party, has ceased to be a deliberative and legislative body, responsive to the will of a majority of the members, but has come under the absolute domination of the speaker, who has entire control of its deliberations, and powers of legis lation. *W'e have observed with amazement the popular branch of our federal gov ernment helpless to obtain either the consideration or enactment of measures desired bv a majority of its members.” This arraignment is fully ju. tilled. The reform Republicans in the house of rep resentatives, when in the minority in their own party, are as helpless to ob tain a hearing or to secure a vote upon a measure as are the Democrats. In the recent session of the present congress, there was a considerable element in the Republican party favorable to remedial legislation; but a few leaders, in con trol of the organization, despotically sup pressed these members, and thus forced a real majority in the house to submit to a well organized minority. The Re publican national convention, instead of rebuking this attack upon popular gov ernment, eulogized congress and nomin ated as the Republican candidate for vice-president one of the men who shared in the responsibility for the coercion of the house. Our party de mands that “the house of representatives shall again become a deliberative body, controlled by a majority of the people's representatives, and not by the speaker,” and is pledged to adopt “such rules and regulations to govern the house of rep *' ° «. niajuniy of its members to direct its deliberations and control legislation.” "Shall the people rule?” They can not do so unless they can control the house of representatives, and through their representatives in t lie house give expression to their purposes and their desires. The Republican party is committed to the methods now in vogue in the house of representatives; the Dem ocratic party is pledged to such a re vision of the rules as will bring the pop ular branch of the federal government into harmony with tlie ideas of those who framed our constitution and found ed our government. Other Issues Will Be Discussed Later. "Shall the people rule?” I repeat, is de clared by our platform to be the over shadowing question, and as the campaign progresses, I shall take occasion to dis cuss this question as it manifests itself in other issues; for whether we consider the tariff question, the trust question, the railroad question, the banking question, the labor question, the question of im perialism, the development of our water ways, or any other of the numerous prob lems which press for solution, we shall rtnd that the real question involved in each is, whether the government shall remain a mere business asset of favor seeking corporations or be an instru ment in the hands of the people for the advancement of the common weal. Democrats Have Earned Confidence. If the voters are satisfied with the record of the Republican party and with its management of public affairs we can not reasonably ask for a change in ad ministration; if, however, the voters feel that the people, as a whole, have too lit tle influence in shaping the policies of the government; if they feel that great combinations of capital have encroached upon the rights of the masses, and em ployed the instrumentalities of govern ment to secure an unfair share of the to tal wealth produced, then we have a right to expect a verdict against the Re publican party and in favor of the Demo cratic party; for our party has risked de feat—aye. suffered defeat—in its effort to arouse the conscience of the public and to bring about that very awakening to which Mr. Taft has referred. Only those are worthy to be Intrusted with leadership in a great cause who are willing to ilia for it. and the Democratic party has proven its worthiness by its refusal to purchase victory by delivering the people into the hands of those who have despoiled them. In this contest be tween Democracy on the one side and plutocracy on the other, the Democratic party has taken its position on the side of equal rights, and invites the opposi tion of those who use politics to secure special privileges and governmental fa voritism. Gauging the progress of the nation, not by the happiness or wealth or refinement of a few, but "by the pros perity and advancement of the average Keep Busy. There would be fewer empty hearts If there were more occupied minds and busier bodies. Both the body and the mind are restless when they have nothing to do. Keep busy; exer cise, stir around. Activity is the law of the universe. Even the world has to take its daily exercise and turn itself about. Flattery Overdone. That is fine, and I would have praised you more if you had praised me less.—Louis XIV. / • man,” the Democratic party charges th* Republican party with being the promo ter of present abuses, the opponent of necessary remedies and the only bulwark of private monopoly. The Democratic party affirms that In this campaign it is the only party, having a prospect of success, which stands for justice In gov ernment and for equity in the division of the fruits of Industry. Democratic Party Defend* Honest Wealth. We may expert those who have com mitted larceny by law and purchased im munity with their political influence, to attempt to raise false Issues, and to em ploy "the livery of heaven" to conceal their evil purposes, but they can no long er deceive. The Democratic party is not the enemy of any legitimate industry or of honest accumulations. It is, on the contrary, a friend of industry and the steadfast protector of that wealth which represonts a service to society. The Democratic parly docs not reek to an nihilate all corporations; it simply asserts that as the government creates corpora tions, it must retain the power to regu late and to control them, and that it should not permit any corporation to convert itself into a monopoly. Surely we should have the co-operation of all legitimate corporations In our effort to protect business and industry from the odium which lawless combinations of capital will, if unchecked, cast upon them. Only by the separation of the good from the bad cart tile good be made se cure. Not Revolution But Reformation. The Democratic party seeks not revolu tion but reformation, and 1 need hardly remind the student of history that cures are mildest when applied at once; that remedies increase In severity as their application is postponed. Blood poison ing may be stopped by the loss of a fin ger to-day; it may cost an arm to-mor row or a life tile next day. So poison in the body politic can not be removed too soon, for the evils produced by it increase with the lapse of time. That there are abuses which need to be remedied, even the Republican candidate admits; that his party is unable to remedy them, has been fully demonstrated during the last ten years. I have such confidence in the intelligence as well as the patriotism of th“ people that I can not doubt their fC-idintoo to accept tiie reasonable fnpm« wMr*h nnr narfv nrnnnisps ratlifcr than permit the continued growth of ex isting abuses to hurry the country on to remedies more radical and more drastic. Our Party’s Ideal. 'The platform of our party closes with a brief statement of the party’s ideal. It favors “such an administration of the government as will insure, as far as hu man wisdom can, that each citizen shall draw from society a reward commensu rate with his contribution to the welfare of society.” Governments are good in proportion as they assure to eaoh member of society, so far as governments can, a return com mensurate with individual merit. The Divine Law of Rewards. , There is a Divine law of rewards. When the Creator gave us the earth, with its fruitful soil, the sunshine with its warmth, and the rains with their mois ture, he proclaimed, as clearly as if his voice had thundered from the clouds: “Go work, and according to your industry and your intelligence, so shall be your reward.” Only where might has over thrown. cunning undermined or govern ment suspended this law’, has a different law prevailed. To conform the govern ment to this law ought to be the ambi tion of the .statesman; and no party can have a higher mission than to make it a reality wherever governments can legiti mately operate. Justice to All. Recognizing ttiat I am indebted for my nomination to the rank and tile of our party, and that my election must come, if it comes at ail, from the unpurchased and unpurchasable suffrages of the American people, 1 promise, if intrusted with the responsibilities of this high office, to con secrate whatever ability I have to tha one purpose of making ttiis, in fact, a government in which the people rule— a government whtch will do justice to all. and offer to every one the highest possible stimulus to great and persistent effort, by assuring to each the enjoyment of ills just share of the proceeds of his toil, no matter in what part of the vine yard he labors, or to what occupation, profession or calling he devotes himself. Fears Extermination of Seals. ’’The Alaskan fur seal herd is being rapidly exterminated by pelagic seal ing vessels, mainly Canadians,” said nui. uaviu oiurr joraan. i ness sailing vessels follow the seal herd as it moves along our Pacific coast in the spring, and enters Bering sea at the end of the close season in August, when they are free, under the inef fectual regulations adopted by the Paris tribunal, to use the spear—more deadly than the shotgun—in killing, outside of the 60-mile zone, the seals that frequent these waters in pursuit of food. As these seals are mainly females that have brought forth their young on the Pribilof islands, the kill ing of the mother seals results in the starvation of the young upon the land, and the inevitable rapid extinction ol the fur seal herd. Unless something is done for the protection of the seal herds, within five years not only the Alaskan but also the Russian seal herds will be completely exterminated and deprive this country of a valuable source of revenue and the world of a great boon."—Washington Herald. Progressive Winnipeg. Statistics show that Winnipeg is now the fourth largest manufacturing city of Canada, and those who have studied the benevolent economic con ditiorfs which must control her future see a repetition of the history of St. Louis or Chicago before the capital city of Manitoba. In 1902 the city of Winnipeg had a population of 48,411; at the opening of the present year the official figures were 118,000. In that same year five years ago the total assessable prop erty of the city amounted to $28,615, 810 and in 1907 had jumped to $106, 188,000. In the same space of time the bank clearings increased from $188,370,000 in 1902 to $599,667,000 in 1907.—Cement Age. Pronounced Bad. "I made a bad break to-day.’’ ‘‘How was that?" ‘‘There is a Chicago woman visiting Julia Dean and while I was there this afternoon she insisted upon talking «_r_i_i v._ UUUUI V J . M. • UVIJ uuuu a U.I14VU ll'-l If Gerty was her daughter. You should have seen her flare up. And then I somehow found' out she meant Goaty." “Who?” “Oh, you know—the great German author.”—Cleveland Plain Dealer. French Optimism. We are not so blind as not to see that manners are becoming more gen tie, that the number of honest peo ple increases, that morality is spread ing more and more into the social masses. If thirteenth-century people could witness our mid-Lent they would doubtless reproach us with be coming much too virtuous.—From Le Siecle, Paris. Talent and Genius. Talent creates a work; genius keepi It froni dying.—Emerson. Truth and Quality appeal to the Well-Informed in every walk of life and are essential to permanent success and creditable standing. Accor ingly, it is not claimed that Syrup of Figs ami Elixir of Senna is the only remedy ol known value, but one of many reasons why it is the best of personal and family laxatives is the fact that it cleanses, sweetens and relieves the internal organs on which it acts without any debilitating after effects and without having to increase the quantity from time to time. It acts pleasantly and naturally and truly as a laxative, and its component parts are known to and approved by physicians, as it is free from all objection able substances. To get its beneficial effects always purchase the genuine— manufactured by the California Fig Syrup Co., only, and for sale by all leading drug gists. FATIGUED EXPRESSION. | •\\’«»rly all In." '> THE TIME TEST. That Is What Proves True Merit. , 1 Doan's Kidney Pills bring the quick est of relief from backache and kid ney troubles. Is that relief lasting? Let Mrs. James M. Long, of 113 N. Augusta St., Staunton, Va., tell you. On January 31st, 1903, Mrs. Long wrote: “Doan's Kid ney Pills have cured me” (of pain in the back, urinary trou bles, bearing down sensations, etc.). On June 20th, 1907, four and one-half years later, she said: “I haven't had kidney trouble since. I repeat my testimony.” Sold by all dealers, 50 cents a box. Foster-Milburn Co., Buffalo, X. Y. One by the Colonel. Some one had been telling the colonel about weather so warm that eggs could be fried on the sidewalk. “Call that hot weather?” scoffed the colonel. “Why, that's nothing, sah.” “Think not, colonel?” “No, sah. Why, Ah have seen It so hot down south, sah, that the popcorn popped right on the stalk.” “Whew!” “And that's not all, sah. The juic» in the cane In the next field turned to molasses, ran through the fence, mixed up with the popcorn and formed the finest combination of popcorn and molasses that ever crossed your lips, sah. Talk about hot weather? Huh!” "Ladies First.” In this age of leveling up and level ing down, and of attempting to place women on the same plane as men in everything, chivalry is nearly a dead letter. Many wish it were altogether so, regarding it as a bar to the full emancipation of women. There can be no traffic here with such wrong-headed and wrong heart notions. Jn the healthy at mosphere of sport such notions wither and fade like exotics in an alien soil. “Ladies first!” is an abiding principle with all who are sportsmen.—Frye’s Magazine. Absorbing. Silas—Ha! Ha! Keuben gat bunkoed again. Cyrus—Do tell! What was it this time? Silas—Why, Reuben saw an ad that stated that for one dollar they would send him some of the most ab sorbing literature he ever read. Cyrus—And what did they send him? Silas—Why, they sent him a pam phlet entitled “How Blotters Are Made” and another entitled “Points on Turkish Towels.” SELF DELUSION Many People Deceived by Coffee. We like to defend our indulgences and habits even though we may be convinced of their actual harmful ness. A man can convince himself that whisky is good for him on a cold morn ing, or beer on a hot summer day— when he wants the whisky or beer. It’s the same with coffee. Thousands of people suffer headaches and nerv ousness year after year but try to J<viuuuuv luv-iuuviivg vuiiov. SO UUk coffee—because they like coffee. “While yet a child I commenced us ing coffee and continued it,” writes a Wis. man, “until I was a regular cof fee fiend. I drank it every morning and in consequence had a blinding headache nearly every afternoon. “My folks thought it was coffee that, ailed me, but I liked it and would not admit it was the cause of my trouble, so I stuck to coffee and the headaches stuck to me. “Finally, the folks stopped buying coffee and brought home some Posturn. They made it right (directions on pkg.) and told me to see what differ ence it would make with my head, and during the first week on Posturn my old affliction did not bother me once. From that day to this we have used nothing but Posturn in place of cof fee—headaches are a thing of the past and the whole family is in fine health.” “Posturn looks good, smells good, tastes good, is good, and does good to the whole body.” “There’s a Reason.'* Name given by Posturn Co., Battle Creek, Mich. Read “The Road to Well ville,” in pkgs. Ever read the above letter? A new one appears from time to time. They are genuine, true, and full of human Interest.