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The Tupelo journal. (Tupelo, Miss.) 1876-1924, December 05, 1913, Image 2

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Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn87065632/1913-12-05/ed-1/seq-2/

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President Says in Message Pres
tige of Dictator Is Crumbling
and End Is Near.
Urges Enactment of Legislation
to Make Farming a More
Efficient Business.
Primary Elections for Selection of
Candidates for Presidency Urged—
Ultimate Independence of Phil
ippines an Obligation—Dou
ble Duty Toward Alaska
—Employers' Liability.
Washington, Dec. 2.—The following
1b President Wilson's complete mes
sage delivered to congress today:
In pursuance of my constitutional
duty to "give to the congress informa·
IIUU U1 lue σιαιυ ut. i·"^ w ». - —
the liberty of addressing you on sev
eral matters which ought, as it seems
to me, particularly to engage the at
tention of your honorable bodies, as
of all who study the welfare of the
I shall ask your indulgence if I ven
ture to depart in some degree from
the usual custom of setting before you
in formal review the many matters
■which have engaged the attention and
called for the action of the several
departments of the government or
which look to them for early treat
ment in the future, because the list
is long, very long, and would suffer
in the abbreviation to which I should
have to subject it. I shall submit to
you {.he reports of the heads of the
several departments, in which these
subjects are set forth in careful de
tail, and beg that they may receive the
thoughtful attention of your commit
tees and of all members of the con
gress who may have the leisure to
study them. Their obvious importance,
as constituting the very substance of
the business o' the goWJ^v^ont, makes
coninient*eD^paasis on my part un»
necessary./ /
Juritry le at Peace.
The co/1*1^· 1 am thankful to say,
is at ρ' "C® th® world, and
many *l?Py manifestations multiply
of a growing cordiality and
of community of interest among
tiie nations, foreshadowing an age of
settled peace and good will. More and
more readily each decade do the na
tions manifest, their willingness to
bind themselves by solemn treaty to
the processes of peace, the processes
of frankness and fair concession. So
far the United States has stood at the
front of such negotiations. She will,
I earnestly hope and confidently be
lieve, give fresh proof of her sincere
adherence to the cause of interna
tional friendship by ratifying the sev
eral treaties of arbitration awaiting
these, it has been the privilege of the
department of state to gain the as
sent, in principle, of no less than 31
nations, representing four-fifths of
the population of the world, to the ne
gotiation of treaties by which it shall
be agreed that whenever differences
of interest or of policy'arise which
cannot be resolved by the ordinary
processes of diplomacy they shall be
publicly analyzed, discussed, and re
ported upon by a tribunal chosen by
the parties before either nation deter
mines its course of action.
There is only one possible standard
by which to determine controversies
between tire United States and other
nations, and that Is compounded of
these two elements: Our own honor
and our obligations to the peace of
the world. A test so compounded
ought easily to be made to govern both
the establishment of new treaty obli
gations and the interpretation of those
already assumed.
Huerta Must Let Go.
There is but one cloud upon our ho
rizon. That has shown Itself to the
south of us, and hangs over Mexico.
There can be no certain prospect of
peace in America until General Huerta
has surrendered his usurped authority
In Mexico; until it is understood or
all hands, indeed, that such pretended
governments will not be countenanced
or dealt with by the government of
the United States. We are the
friends of constitutional government
In America; we are more than its
friends, we are its champions; because
in no other way can our neighbors, to
whom we would wish in every way to
make proof of our friendship, work
eut their own development in peace
and liberty. Mexico has no govern
ment. The attempt to maintain one
at the City of Mexico has broken
down, and a mere military despotism
has been set up which has hardly nyjre
than the semblance of national author
ity. It originated in the usurpation
of Victoriano Huerta, who, after a
brief attempt to play the part of con
stitutional president, has at last cast
aside even the pretense of legal right
and declared himself dictator. As a
elementary and fundamental rights
Hther of her own people or of the
itizens cf other countries resident
vithin her territory can long be suc
cessfully safeguarded, and which
hreatens. If long continued, to im
)eril the interests of peace, order and
tolerable life in the lands immedi
ately to the south of us. Even if the
usurper had succeeded in his purposes,
in despite of the constitution of the
republic and the rights of its people,
he would have set up nothing but a
precarious and hateful power, which
could have lasted but a little while,
and whose eyentful downfall would
have left the country ir« a more de
plorable condition than ever. But h?
has not succeeded. He has forfeited
the respect and the moral support
j even of those who were at one time j
willing to see him succeed. Little by
little he has been completely isolated. !
By a little every day his power and
prestige are crumbling and the col
lapse is not far away. We shall not,
I believe, be obliged to alter our pol
icy of watchful waiting. And then, j
when the end comes, we shall hope to
see constitutional order restored in :
i listressed Mexico by the concert and
! energy of such of her leaders as pre
! ter the liberty of their people to their
' own ambitions.
Currency Reform.
I turn to matters of domestic con
cern. You already have under con
sideration a bill for the reform of our
system of banking and currency, for ι
which the country waits with impati- ι
ence, as for something fundamental
to its whole business life and neces
sary to set credit free from arbitrary
and artificial restraints. I need not say
how earnestly I hope for its early en
actment into law. I take leave to beg
that the whole energy and attention 1
of the senate be concentrated upon it
till the matter is successfully disposed
of. And yet I feel that the request is
not needed—that the members of that
great house need no urging In this
service to the country.
I present to you, In addition, the
urgent necessity that special provision
be made also for facilitating the cred
its needed by the farmers of the coun- ;
try. The pending currency bill does
the farmers a great service. It puts
them upon an equal footing with oth
er business men and masters of en
terprise, as it should; and upon its
passage they will find themselves quit
of many of the difficulties which now
hamper them in the field of credit
The farmers, of course, ask and
should be given no special privilege,
such as extending to them the credit
of the government itself. What they
need and should obtain Is legislation
which will make their own abundant
and substantial credit resources avail
able as a foundation for joint, con
certed local action In their own be
half-ii\ getting the capital they must
use. It is to this we should now ad
dress ourselves.
Allowed to Lag.
It has, singularly enough, come to
pass that we have allowed the indus
try of our farms to lag behind the
other activities of the country in its
development. I need not stop, to tell
you how fundamental to the life of
the Nation is the production of its
food. Our thoughts may ordinarily
be concentrated upon the cities and
the hives of industry, upon the cries
of the crowded market place and the
clangor of the factory, but it is from
the quiet interspaces of the open val
leys and the free hillsides that we
draw the sources of life and of pros
perity, from the farm and the ranch,
from the forest and the mine. With
out these every street would be si
lent, every office deserted, every fac
tory fallen into disrepair. And yet
UiC iαϊ UlUX UUCO iiv I# w M·· v>
same footing with the forester and the j
miner in the market of credit. He is
the servant of the seasons. Nature
determines how long he must wait for
his crops, and will not be hurried in
her processes. He may give his note,
but the season of its maturity depends
upon the season when his crop ma
tures, lies at the gates of the market
where his products are sold. And the
security he gives Is of a character not
known in the broker's office or as fa
miliarly as it might be pn the counter
of the banker.
Efficiency in Farming.
The agricultural department of the
government 1b seeking to assist as
never before to make farming an effi
cient business, of wide co-operative ef
fort, in quick touch with the markets
for foodstuffs. The farmers and the
government will henceforth work to
gether as real partners In this field,
where we now begin to see our way
very clearly and where many intelli
gent plans are already being put into
execution. The treasury of the Uni
ted States has, by a timely and well
considered distribution of its depos
its, facilitated the moving of the crops
in the present eeason and prevented
the scarcity of available funds too oft
en experienced at such times. But
we must not allow ourselves to de
pend upon extraordinary expedients.
We must add the means by which the
farmer may make his credit constant
ly and easily available and command
when he will the capital by which to
support and expand his business. We
lag behind many other great countries
of the modern world in attempting to
do this. Systems of rural credit have
been studied and developed on the
other side of the water while we left
our farmers to shift for themselves in
the ordinary money market. You
have but to look about you In any
rural district to see the result, the
handicap and embarrassment which
have been put upon those who pro
duce our food.
Study Rural Credit.
Conscious of this backwardness and
neglect on our part, the congress.re
cently authorised the creation of a
' -r?/ Υ*· ι j ^ à "> ! **?' ξ
- ν
have been put into operation In Eur
ope, and this commission is already
prepared to report. Its report ought
to make it easier for us to jdetermine
what methods will be best euited to
our own farmers. I hope and believe
that the committees of the senate and
house will address themselves to this
matter with the most fruitful results,
and I believe that the studies and re
cently formed plans of the depart
ment of agriculture may be made to
serve them very greatly in their work
of framing appropriate and adequate
legislation. It would be indiscreet
and presumptuous in anyone to dog
matize upon so great and many-sided
a question, but I feel confident that
common counsel will produce the re
sults we must all desire.
Let Sherman Law Stand.
Turn from the farm to the world of
business which centers in the city and
in the factory, and I think that all
thoughtful observers will agree that
the immediate service we owe the
business communities'of the country
is to prevent private monopoly more
effectually than it has yet been pre
vented. I think it will be easily agreed
that we should let the Sherman anti
trust law stand, unaltered, as it is,
with its debatable ground about it,
but that we should as much as possi
ble reduce the area of that debatable
ground by further and more explicit
legislation; and should also supple
ment that great act by legislation
which will not only clarify it but also
facilitate Its administration and make
it fairer to all concerned, no ooudi
we shall all wish, and the country will
expect, this to be the central subject
of our deliberations during the pres
ent session; but it is a subject so
many-sided and so deserving of care
ful and discriminating discussion that
I shall take the liberty of addressing
you upon it in a special message at a
later date than this. It is of capital
Importance that the business men of
this country should be relieved of all
uncertainties of law with regard to
their enterprises and investments and
a clear path Indicated which they can
travel without anxiety. It is as Im
portant that they should be relieved
of embarrassment and set free to
prosper as that private monopoly
ehould be destroyed. The ways of
action should be thrown wide open.
I turn to a subject which I hope
can be handled promptly and with
out serious controversy of any kind.
I mean the method of selecting nomi
nees for the presidency of the United
States. I feel confident that I
do not misinterpret the wishes
or the expectations of the
country when I urge the prompt
enactment of legislation which will
provide for primary elections through
out the country at which the voters of
the several parties may choose their
nominees for the presidency without
the intervention of nominating con
ventions. I venture the suggestion
that this legislation should provide
for the retention of party conventions,
but only for the purpose of declaring
and accepting the verdict of the pri
maries and formulating the platforms
of the parties; and I suggest that
these conventions should consist not
of delegates chosen for this single pur
pose, but of the nominees for con
gress, the nominees for vacant seats
In t^e senate of the United States, the
senators whose terms have not yet
closed, the national committees,
and the candidates for the presidency
themselves, in order that platforms
may be framed by those responsible to
the people for carrying them into ef
Independence for Philippines.
These are all matters of vital do
mestic concern, and besides them, out
side the charmed circle of our own
national life in which our affections
command us, as well as our con
sciences, there stand out our obliga
tions toward our territories over sea.
Here we are trustees. Porto Rico,
Hawaii, the Philippines, are ours, once
regarded as mere possessions, are no
longer to be selfishly exploited; they
are part of the domain of public con
science and of serviceable and enlight
ened statesmanship. We must admin
ister them for the people who live In
them and with the same sense of re
snonsihilltv to them as toward our
own people in our domestic affairs. No
doubt we shall successfully enough
bind Porto Rico and the Hawaiian is
lands to ourselves by ties of justce
and affection, but the performance of
our duty toward the Philippines is a
more difficult and debatable matter.
We can satisfy the obligations of gen
erous Justice toward the people of
Porto Rico by giving them the ample
and familiar rights and privileges ac
corded our own citizens In our own
territory and our obligations toward
the people of Hawaii by perfecting the
provisions of self-government already
granted them, but In the philippines
we must go further. We must hold
steadily in view their ultimate inde
pendence, and we must move toward
the time of that independence as
steadily as the way can be clea jd and
the foundations thoughtfully and per
manently laid.
Test of Responsibility.
Acting under the authority con
ferred upon the president by congress,
I have already accorded the people of
the islands a majority in both houses
of their legislative body by appointing
five Instead of four native citizens to
the membership of the commission. I
believe that In this way we shall
make proof of their capacity in coun
sel and their sense of the responsibil
ity in the exercise of political power,
and that the success of this step will
be sure to clear our view for the steps
which are to follow. Step by atep
we should extend and perfect the sys
tem of self-government in the islands,
making .test of them and modifying
should more and more put under the
control of the native citizens of the
archipelago the essential instruments
of their life, their local instrumentali
ties of government, their schools, all
the common interests of their commu
nltles, and so by counsel and expert
ence set up a government which all
the world will see to be suitable to a
people whose affairs are under their
own control. At last, I hope and be
lieve, we are beginning to gain the
confidence of the Filipino peoples. By
their counsel and experience, rather
than by our own, we shall learn how
best to serve them and how soon it
will be possible and wise to withdraw
our supervision. Let us once find the
path and set out with firm and confi
dent tread upon it and we shall not
wander from it or linger upon it.
Double Duty Toward Alaska.
A duty faces us with regard to Alas
ka which seems to me very pressing
and very imperative; perhaps I should
say a double duty, for it concerns both
the political and the material develop
ment of the territory. The people of
Alaska should be given the full terri
torial form of government, and Alas
ka, as a storehouse, should be un
locked. One key to it is a system of
railways These the government
should itself build and administer, and
the ports and terminals it should itself
control in the interest of all who wish
to use them for the service and de
velopment of the country and its peo
But the construction of railways is
only the first step; Is only thrusting
in the key to the storehouse and
throwing back the lock and opening
the door. How the tempting resources
of the country are to be exploited is
another matter, to which I shall take
the liberty of from time to time call
ing your attention, for it is a policy
which must be worked out by well
considered stages, not upon theory,
but upon lines of practical expediency.
It is part of our general problem of
conservation. We have a freer hand
in working out the problem in Alaska
than in .the states of the Union; and
yet the principle and object are the
same, wherever we touch it. We must
use the resources of the country, not
lock them up. There need be no con
flict or jealousy as between state and
federal authorities, for there can be
no essential difference of purpose be- .
tween them. The resources in ques
tion must be used, but not destroyed |
or wasted; used, but not monopolized
upon any narrow idea of individual
rights as against the abiding interests ■
of communities. That a policy can be ;
worked out by conference and conces- |
sion which will release these resources
and yet not jeopard or dissipate
them, I for one have no doubt; and it ;
can be done on lines of regulation
which need be no less acceptable to
the people and goyernments of the
states concerned than to the people
and government of the nation at large,
whose heritage these resources are.
We must bend our counsels to this
end. A common purpose ought to
make agreement easy.
Specially Important.
Three or four matters of special Im
portance and significance I beg that
you will permit me to mention in clos
Our bureau of mines ought to be
equipped and empowered to render
even more effectual service than it
renders now in improving the condi- j
tlons of mine labor and making the j
mines more economically productive
as well as more safe. This is an all
important part of the work of con
servation; and the conservation of
human life and energy lies even near
er to our interest than the preserva
tion from waste of our material re
We owe it, in mere Justice to the
railway employes of the country, to
provide for them a fair and effective
employers' liability act; and a law
that we can stand by in this matter
will be no less to the advantage of
those who administer the railroads of
the country than to the advantage of
those whom they employ. The experi
ence of a large number of the etatee
abundantly proves that.
We ought to devote ourselves to
meeting pressing demands of plain
Justice like this as earnestly as to
the accomplishment of political and
economic reforms. Social justice
comes first. Law is the machinery for
its realization and is vital only as It
expresses and embodies It.
Safety at Sea.
An International congress for the
discussion of all questions ^hat affect
safety at sea Is now sitting in London
at the suggestion of our own govern
ment, bo hooii aa liio uuiitiuoiuun ui
that congress can be learned and con
sidered we ought to address ourselves,
among other things, to the prompt
alleviation of the very unsafe, unjust,
and burdensome conditions which now
surround the employment of sailors
and render it extremely difficult to
obtain the services of spirited and
competent men such as every ship
needs if it is to be safely handled
and brought to port.
May I not express the very real
pleasure I have experienced in co
operating with this congress and shar
ing with it the labors of common
service to which it has devoted itself
so unreservedly during the past seven
months of uncomplaining concentra
tion upon the business of legislation?
Surely it is a proper and pertinent
part of my report on "the state of the
Union" to express my admiration for
the diligence, the good temper, and
the full comprehension of public duty
which has already been manifested
by both the houses; and I hope that
it nay not be deemed an impertinent
Intf^sion of myself into the picture If
I say with how much and how con
stant satisfaction I have availed my
self Of the privilege Of putting my
tlnie and energy at their disposal
Have You Ever Worn a Pair
of Goodbar Shoes? ? ? ?
If you have not, then you have no idea how
stylish, easy, long wearing and dressy Good
bar Shoes really are. They protect your
feet; too, keep them worm and dry.
They are worth the money—every pair of
You should ask the Goodbar dealer near
you to show you the different styles of Good
bar Shoes.
He will be pleased to do so.
Wholesale Only. Memphis, Tenn.
Since 1860 The South's Leading Shoe House
Low Rates
turn limit of January 6th, 1914.
For full Particulars call on your
nearest ticket agent.
G. E. ALLEN, T. P. Agt.
Mobile & Ohio Railroad
Christmas and New Year y
Dates of Sale r'ec· J/,th to,?5îh' ISf,usivej
also Dec. 31st, 1913 and
January 1st, 1914. All tickets to bear final re
fnvr> limit r»f Jannarv fifh 1914. f
Direction·—We recommend that you m
French Market Coffee in your usual w
If you find it too strong reduce quantity uj
strength and flavor are satisfactory. Fref
Market makes more cups of good coffee tu ι
pound than other brands, thereby reducn
your coffee bill. 0
PI 11%ft and hides
Β Η Η Wool on Commlttlon. Writ· for price· ^i
™ ™ list mentioning thlt ad.
1 .■*·- ' "?*.'· " : j
This Coffee is ι
Never Sold in Bulk!
You buy coffee for its flavor—itsaro
matic stimulation—which is so largely due to its flavcf
The old secret blend—the genuine French Market Coffee -
is a combination of many different coffees that are grow:
in different countries, hence that peculiar delicious flavo
cannot be imitated.
If you would have the genuine French Market Coffee ask for *t by name;,
see that you are given French Market—not the ordinary kind of coffee.1
The picture of the old French Market on the label assures you of the!
genuine French Market Coffee—accept no other.
Let French Market Coffee tell its own story. Serve it several days!
With your every meal—then see if anyone in your family wants to gof
back to the ordinary kind of coffee/
Remember, Madame, that the Oa·
vor of coffee is everything.
French Market Mi
(New Orleans Coffee Company, Ltd., Proprietors

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