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i SUPPLEMENT TO The Citizen, . HONESDALK, BRYAN AND LINCOLN. While the grotesque something styled "Imperialism" lg Included In the rich and varied assortment of freak Issues which Mr. Bryan offers to his countrymen this year, he Is not urging It quite so vehemently as ho did In 1D0O. In the campaign of that year he cheerfully assured his hear ers that It was actually a live Issue, a menace to free Institutions, and could bo overcome only by electing him to the Presidency. Ho declared, more over, that If Jefferson, Jackson and Lincoln were living they would rec ognize the acquisition of the Philip pines by the United States ns a step toward "Imperialism" and would op pose it with all their energy. Jn his reckless zeal Mr. Bryan tried to make It appear that Jefferson was opposed to the very princlplo which found expression in the Louisiana Purchase.. Ho perverted the utter ances of Jackson in a tricky attempt to show that "Old Hickory" resisted tho policy that led to the acquisition of Florida. And finally ho deliber ately misinterpreted the State papers T""'Of Lincoln In an endeavor to show that the Emancipator upheld the doc trino that flip American Government has no right to suppress a revolt against Its own authority, and if he were President at that tlnlc 1900 he would either withdraw tho United States troops from the Philippines or order them to surrender to Agulnnl do, tho leader of tho Filipino insur rection. Mr. Bryan's attempt to misrepre sent the principles and purposes of Lincoln wns tho prlzo blunder of the ludicrous campaign of 1900. There was ..then, and happily still Is, a living son of Lincoln who, In distin guished positions both public and private, has disclosed many of the rugged attributes of his martyred sire. Mr. Bryan's perversions of Lin coln's State papers were so flagrant and so frequently repeated that Hon. Robert T. Lincoln finally protested. He publicly and with great Indigna tion denounced "tho uses, inventions and distortions" to which his father's language had been subjected by the Democratic nominee, and expressed tho confident belief that the people would judge them as they deserved. How completely that belief was justi fied at the polls is a matter of history. To a man of fine sensibilities a re buke liko that from such a source vould have been a staggering blow right hctwcpn tho eyes. Its effect upon Mr. Bryan was far less impres sive. Tho only lesson ho drew from It 'was even if a man knows history ho Is a fool to misquote it. BRYAN AND PENSIONS. f " In denying what he declares to be certain erroneous statements with re spect to his attitude on the question of pensions for veteran soldiers and sailor, and their survivors, William Jennings Bryan defines his position in these general terms: "I favor a liberal pension policy." It Is needless to refer to Mr. Bryan's record on the pension ques tion. On this as on other issues free trade alone excepted his record is purely negative. His zealous sup port of the Wilson-Gorman tariff was in fact the only positive, aggressive act of his career in Congress, and in the history of the frightful industrial ruin which that measure caused Mr. Bryan's act is designated by a broad, indelible mark iu black. Nevertheless, while Mr. Bryan's record on pensions is Insignificant and negligible, the record of his party is properly a matter for careful ex amination. It may be outlined and its tendency accurately indicated by a few facts derived from official sources. During a single period of two years under the administration of President Cleveland 8694 pensioners were stricken from the rolls and 23,702 pensions were reduced. In the course of his two terms President Cleveland vetoed 524 pension bills, while Presi dent Grant during his two terms ve toed only five. Lincoln never vetoed one', nor did Haes, Garfield, Arthur, Harrison or McKlnley. It is worth while to carry the in quiry a step further. The record in Congress on fourteen important pen sion measures prior to 1900 shows that 417 Democrats voted for thoso measures, while G4S Democrats voted against them. On tho other hand, 10G8 Republicans supported them, and not a single Republican was re corded against them! With thoso facts to guide them the old soldiers will have no troublo whatever In determining where their interests lie in tho present campaign. The Republican party, faithful to tho nation's defenders in time of war, has been their steadfast friend, and protector in time of peace. As against its honorable record in that respect wo place tho reproachful fact that the only Democrat to occupy the White House since the Civil War ve toed 624 pension bills while his seven Republican predecessors vetoed only five. TAFT SPEECHES INSPIRE COXFI. DENCE. (From tho Brooklyn Eagle.) Tho aggressive tone of Mr. Taft's speeches will soon put Mr. Bryan either upon a falling defensive or will drive htm to an outburst of rad icalism that will still further challenge the apprehension and affright the judgment of tho country. Tho thoughtful jurist is playing tho mis chief with the mercurial Bohemian, and the man of Ohio who Inspires confidence Is destroying tho vogue of tho man of Nebraska, who inspires only the reverse. It is tho public interest, not tho in terest of any single or separate "In terest," that demands tho election of Taft and Sherman, as well as. of a Republican .Congress. BILLY BRYAN. By REV. 1IY. J. BOATMAN. (No tunc.) Billy Brynn. Billy Brynn, Still n-tryin', mill n-tryin', , Vainly tryin'; Thrice before us like a chorus, Jackass chorus most uproarious, Tried to floor us. Billy Bryan, Billy Bryan. Tar too high your kite a a-flyin' Wind's n-layin'; Cease to mouth us, cease to mouth us, Jackass discords don't affright us Only rouse us. Billy Bryan, Billy Bryan. Vttinly cryin' like one dyin' Calf a-flyin'; Once you'd give us halves for whole una bilver dollars them sixteen una lor .our gold uns. ' Billy Bryan, Billy Bryan, Give up tryin', quit your tryin, Call your Cry" in; Once you hitched the ass and monkey. Iov you d rule that poor old donkey-Played-out donkey. Billy Bryan, Billv Brvan, l'orecs routed, forces llyiti', Still you're tryin,; Ptill you re plcadin' like a lover, OR rejected for another, Better brother. Billy Bryan, Billy Ilrvan. lourc n pood un, you're a lion (Little chained un); But your roariu' sounds too chaffy 'Deed it's dnflV-give us Tnft-v, (ive us Tu:':.v T.-A.-F.-..C Pullcrton, Cnl.. Scomber, 1903. Copyright applied for. MR. TAFT AftD THE EDITOR. When Mr. Taft was a young man there was a scalawag of the name of Rose running a miasmlc weekly paper In Cincinnati. It was an unhealthy sheet, given over to personal attacks, the printing of scandalous gossip and thinly veiled innuendo. Rose was a fighting editor. Ho really could fight, and he stood ready to back up his articles with his fists. Also he con sorted with bruisers, who constituted a bodyguard. Thc town was lntim idatedn His victims squirmed, but none of them cared to join issue with Rose. Mr. Taft did it. Rose would have been all right had he possessed suf ficient wisdom to keep tho point of his pen away from Judge Taft. But he did not. So he was forced to take tho consequences, which came In a hurry in the shape of a substantial apparition of 250 pounds, white-mad, with locked jaws and a shimmer Hke that of cold steel flashing from his blue eyes. Rose weighed nearly as much as Taft, so no advantage wns taken of him. "Are you Rose?" demanded Mr. Taft. Rose barely had time to wag his head affirmatively and insolently when he was jolted severely on tho Jaw, hurled fo the street, and, over borne by the weight of tho Nemesis from Mount Auburn, was forced to submit to having his face literally ground into the dirt. "If you'll leave town to-night I'll let o up," offered Mr. Taft, when the grinding process had proceeded as far as. he deemed it should. Rose promised. "Mind," cautioned Taft, "I am coming down town again to-night, and if you're still here you'll think that this thing has only just begun." Rose did leave that night, and Cin cinnati saw him no more for a term. He went somewhere to lead a better life, and did it, so much so that when he finally did return to the city he felt impelled to hunt up Mr. Taft and assure him that he harbored no animosity. He also explained one or two things. "I knew there was trouble coming my way when you asked me my name," said Rose, "and I thought I was ready for you. I was waiting for you to hit, and then I was going to eat you up because, you know, I could fight some myself. But you fooled me. You hit out with your left hand, An amateur always strikes with his right first, and I'd figured that you wouldn't do anything different. But over camo that left of yours and caught mo." They say that Mr. Taft's roars of laughter as Rose offered this explana tion could bo heard over half of Cin cinnati. BRYAN CAN'T GET AWAY FROM HIS SHADOW. There is a famous story about- a man who sold his shadow to the devil, and was haunted through life by the fact that he was different from all others of human kind in being without a shadow Bryan is quite different from thd hero, or victim, of that story. He wants to get away from his shadow the shadow of tho record he has made as a champion of free sliver and a fifty-cent dollar, of free trade and abandonment of the Philippines, of Government ownership of the rail ways and other more or less disor dered fads and fancies, which have accumulated from campaign to cam paign, until now they loom up as the most remarkable aggregation of po litical monstrosities that ever amazed and appalled the American people. Bryan cannot get away from the shadow of his past, beat tho air as he may. It Is part of him, and ho must be judged by it as well, as by the later vagaries which he would fain have considered as his sole political outfit. There is only one Bryrfn, and his shadow will not be burled out of sight until both Bryan and his past shall be snowed under in November by tho ballots of American freemen electing Taft and Sherman President and Vice-President of tho United States. . FROM SECRETARY ROOT'S SAR. ATOGA SPEECH. Mr. Bryan charges that tho Repub lican party is responsible for tho abuses of corporate wealth. As well might ho charge that tho man who plants cotton is responsible for tho boll weevil, or that the man who plants fruit trees is responsible for tho San Jose scale. Until the millennium has brought the eradication of human selfishness and greed, social abuses will come ac cording to the shifting conditions of the times. Perhaps Senator Ballev could cast a little oil on the troubled waters. A JESTER WHO WOULD BE KING "" Jim,i.M..,.wm,ii..t,.ii,n7 ...- ggtjgtiiiimrfr'"H""""iiif "' 1 I LABOR MOVEMENT ' Daniel J. Keefe, Sixth Vice-President or the A. F, of L., Insists That President Gompers Has Been Mis represented, and Denies That Any Attempt Has Been Made to Swing Labor Vote to Bryan. TAFT A FRIEND New York, October. "We insist that the labor movement shall remain as free and independent from political domination ns it has over been in its history." - That sentence is the keynote to a statement made by Daniel J. Kcefc, of Detroit, Mich'., president of the International Longshore men, Marine and Transport Workers' Association, and sixth vice president of the American Federation of Labor. In his statement, which he made in answer to a query from the editor of tho Buffalo Republic, Mr. Kecfc says: "I desire to sny that the American Federation of Labor is not committed to any political party, nor has any candidate for Presi dent been indorsed by the executive council. "I am of the belief that the general public does not fully un derstand the position of the executive council of the American Fed eration of Labor in the present campaign. The policy of the labor movement is non-partisan, and is as follows: " 'Wo desire to refute hero the aspersions that have been cast upon the executive council, and particularly one of its members, President Gompers, that it is our purpose, or his, to dictate to tho working people of our country how they shall cast their votes in the coming election, nor has any one promised the vote of tho working people to any particular party. AVo have strongly, clearly and em phatically, as it was our duty, presented tho situation in which the working people of the country find themselves, the demands which labor lias made upon both political parties as to necessary action, which they should take, tho treatment they have received, and hnvo appealed to the judgment nnd patriotism of the working people and tho friends of labor throughout tho country, since both political parties have spoken, to. make their choice as their conscience may dictate. " 'The misrepresentation of newspapers and others to the con trary notwithstanding, we repeat and insist, and we have so con ducted nnd propose to so conduct our course that the labor move ment shnll remain as free, nnd independent from political domina tion as it has ever been in its history.' "Tlie foregoing docs not commit the American Federation of Labor to nny political party, and is non-partisan, which permits union men to vote for whom they may please for President nnd other officers, without fear of criticism. All of which I heartily In dorse. "Some of the members of the executive council of the Ameri can Federation of Labor no doubt will support and vote for Mr. Brynn, which is their individual right, I shall support and vote for Mr. Taft, who was admitted to membership in tho International Brotherhood of Steam Shovel and Dredge Men on acconnt of his strong advocacy of the enforcement of the eight-hour luw on all Government work coming under tho jurisdiction of the War De partment, nnd if the eight-hour day did not become an established fact in connection with dredge work it wns the fault of tho work men, nnd not the fault of tho Secretary of War. "I might add further that Mr. Tuft, as Secretary of War, has done more to enforce laws in favor of organized Inbor than all Ills predecessors. SBOI ase WHEN THE ACTORS CAME TO YALE During tho last reunion of Mr. Taft's class In Yale some ono recalled the advent into New Haven of "Count" George Johannes, hlstrlon, and his leading lady, "Virginia, so tall and so fair." Tho Count was re puted to bo an actor. Ho was strong in Richard HI. Tho class of '78 took him to its collective heart In tho role, witnessing tho performance from a block of reserved seats In tho front of tho house. Thoy liked tho show, particularly becauso tho Count's tin armor provided a surpassing target for beanBhooters. The '78 nion were good shots, and tho Count that night S NON-PASTISAN OF LABORING MAN. 9S0SI IGOB9 read his lines to tho nccompanlmont of beans Impinging ugaimit his hel met nnd cuirass hntil It sounded like a professional rlflo shot ringing a continuous tattoo of bull's-eyes. But when tho boys carried their appre ciation of artistic worth so far as to endeavor to draw tho fair Virginia to her lodgings in hor carrlago it re quired tho arguments of the consta bles to dissuade them. Mr. Taft Is first, last and all tho time a Yale man. His father lis four brothers, himself and his bo i Robert nro all Yale men and his' oungest rnn f li '1 r Inn Tj I la , ' . unnries J'., Jr., is go when bo gets big enough. WILLIAM H. TAFT'S FATHER. Admirable Traits in the Parent of the Republican Standard Bearer Which Descended to Son. Persistence, industry, justice, clear slghtedness, all the inestimable lega cies of birth handed down by Judge Alphonso Taft to his son William, wore dominant and determining qual ities in the older Taft's own career. Tho place of his natvity was a farm near Townshend, Vt. The aus tere, delving round of farm life of move than a generation aso was his portion until the voico within him, tho innate hunger for knowledge, for a progression, spoke and stirred him to ambitions for an education, to a fut ure living to be earned with his head, rather than his hands. Tho Tafts were folk In only moderate circum stances. So Alphonso taught school In winter, worked in the fields in summer and saved up his money un til he had enough to bridgo the hia tus 'twixt income and outgo during a course at Amherst. His plans were deflected for some reason, and he chose Yale for his alma mater in stead. He was graduated in 1S33. Another season of toll and saving and he was financially equipped for the course that turned him out a fin ished lawyer in 1S38. Cincinnati, a raw, unshaped town, with a problem atical future, needed men like Al phonso Taft in the fourth decade of the last century. He settled there, and his law office speedily became a centre of legal and civic interests, in which Judgo Taft invariably took a commanding part. An Intensely human man ho was. "of imposing presence, dignity and refinement," as has been written of him," unostentatious, kindly and gentle, yet of a strong and forcible character, which won for him re spect, confidence and love." Almost Identically the same enumeration of traits would serve for tho son. He zealously championed the cause of education, especially tho common school system. A pioneer In his sensing of what means of land transportation meant to Cincinnati, he strove to encourage the building of railroads as a comple ment to tho advantages of Cincin nati. It wns ho who successfully ar gued before the Supremo Court of the United States tho claim of tho city for the estate of Charles Mc Micken, which was tho start of tho endowment fund for tho University of Cincinnati. Ho was Judge of tho Superior Court of Ohio, as his son was after him. and like him was also Secretary of War and Attorney-General of the United States under Pres ident Grant. Later ho represented nis country as and Russia. Minister to Austria MR. TAFT REGISTERS. The Republican Presidential candi date shows ho is a good citizen by going homo to register. Tho regis tration place was In a plumbing shop. Ho was catechised thus by the reg istry clerk: "How old are you?" "Fifty-one." "How many years have you lived In the State of Ohio?" "Fifty-one." "How many In tho country?" "Fifty-one." "How many years In tho precinct?" "Twelve." "Married?" "Yes." Tho distinguished oitlzcn then signed the registry book "Wm. How ard Taft." It is apparent that tho private cor respondence of Judge Taft can stand the sunlight of publicity. Every subsequent fact las refuted every economic theory ever advocated by Bryan. MR. TAFT AND THE , ROOSEVELT POLICIES President Roosevelt's Battle Won, His Policies Have Reached the Constructive Stage. NO BACKWARD STEP POSSIBLE President Mr. Tnft Will Re as Loyal to the Roosevelt 10110108 ns the Noodle is to tho Polo Under His Regime Will no Har mony, Prosperity nnd n Long Period of Development of En terprise and of Xntionnl and In dividual Progress. When Washington gave up com mand of tho army because there was no more fighting to do, and turned over, to others '.he continuance along penceful lines of tho work which ho had carried on amid the thunder of cannon and by bayonet charges, it was not pretended that there was any change In tho purposes which actu ated the American people or their leaders. The aim of all was to es tablish on an Indestructible footing the Independence of the United States and to make tho Republic united and respected abroad and at home. When hostilities ceased methods were changed, but the policies were the same, although they now assumed a constructive form. When President Roosevelt took the stand that no person, no corporation, was above tho laws of tho United Stntcs, he aroused an opposition hard ly less formidable than war with a foreign enemy, and he had to tako measures to compel obedience to law which seemed more strenuous and aggressive than they really were be cause of tho clamor raised by thoso who were forced to take their cholco between surrender to the require- s ments of law or legal punishment for disobedience. It is a well known fact that a wrong long perpetrated with Impunity comes to be regarded, by tho offender at least, as a right, and disturbance in his lawbreaklng Is, In his view, the greater wrong. Such was tho attitude not only of powerful wrongdoers, but also of a largo part of the public who had so long endured fraud, extortion and oppression at tho hands of law-defying corporations that thoy had learned to accept these evils as mat tors of course, out of tho reach of legal processes that applied to or dinary lawbreakers. To change all this required supremo courage, a firm resolve, and an Indifference to un just criticism and studied misrepre sentation. Present conditions more than jus tify tho so-called Roosevelt policies. It can be said without fear of re sponsible contradiction that there Is not in the United States to-day a cor poration of importance enough to bo within public view that openly defies the law. Ueimtiug lb unknown, or where carried on, is conducted with the same secrecy as counterfeiting, or any other crime, the perpetrators of which look for prompt punishment to follow detection. The orders of the Interstate Commerce Commission are obeyed, where not suspended by appeals to the courts. There Is evi dence that former offenders have gen erally come to the conclusion that it is best for them, from every point o view, to be in the right, so far as com pliance with the law Is concerned, and most Important of all tlvo public have been fully aroused from apa thetic indifference to lively Interest in the enforcement of law against "malefactors of great wealth." Mr. Taft will face an entirely dif ferent situation from that which con fronted President Roosevelt. Tho Roosevelt policies are now In tffo constructive stage, and Mr. Taft, a3 he has shown In the Philippines and at Panama,, and in his varied duties as Secretary of War, is eminently a constructive statesman. There will ba no going backward; no reaction to ward the toleration of offenses which President Roosevelt has justly made odious; but there will probably bo little occasion for severity now that those who defied the lawj have been, chastened into the conviction that It does not pay, that neither tho Gov ernment nor tho people will stand for unlawful methods in business, and that, as the old saying has It, honesty is the best policy. Mr. Taft, as President, will be as loyal to tho Roosevelt policies as the needle to tho pole, but he will not have the same problems to confront, or rather, not the same phase of tho same problems. He will bo In a po sition not dissimilar from that which ho took when ho went to administer the Philippines, after tho hard fight ing had boon done, and tho battle won. But If any corporation, or in dividual, however powerful and wealthy, should dare to raiso his hand in tho same spirit of defiance that once prevailed, against tho laws of tho United State3, that corporation or Individual would find In Taft another Roosevelt. Indications all point, however, to harmony and prosperity under the Taft regime, to a long period of de velopment, of enterprise and of na tional and individual progress. The "Roosevelt policies" will bear rich fruit- In tlio nphlnvnmnnto roanltlno. ffrom tho impulse given to individual effort and fair competition by tho proof that thoso policies were not merely for a day but for all time, and that every citizen is to have equnl opportunity In tho pursuit of wealth and happiness. Tho election of Mr. Tnft will give assurance and stimulus to every form of legitimate business, because everyone will feel secure in the possession of those legal rights which President Roosevelt has striven so manfully to vindicate, and which President Taft will not less manfully defend. Mr. Roosevelt caused It it to ba denied that ho would go on tho ctump. 4ut ha spoko to the cntlro Nation, Just tho 3ume! Experience and association ure tho first-class qualifications of Judgo Taft for popular promotion to the Presidency.