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REPUBLICAN PARTY AND RE80URCEJDJSERVATI0N Present Administration Origin ated Policy Destined to Be Productive of Great Good to Country's Home y Builders. MR. TAFT IN FULL SYMPATHY lie Is the Great American Who Typi fies the Independence nnd the Constructive Genius of American Home Owners Future Potent Willi Still Grander Undertakings if Republicans Can Continue Their Constructive Regime. An extremely important feature of the constructive Republican policy Is the national move for the conserva tion of the natural resources of tho country. This measure has been originated by tho present Republican Administration and, like the Home stead law. the National Irrigation act. and other measures for the benefit of :he whole people. Its Influence Is des tined to be far reaching and produc tive of great good to the home build ers of the country. The National Conservailon Com mission as It exists to-day is an out growth of the Inland Waterways Commission this commission was appointed by President Roosevelt in March, 1007. In his letter creating the Waterways Commission the Pres ident uses this language: "That the Inland Waterways Commission shall ponsider tho relations of the streams to the use of all the permanent nat ural resources and their conservation for the making and maintenance of prosperous homes." Home Building For the People. The inquiries of the commission along the lines Indicated led to the proposal of th' President on October .T that lie call a conference on the general pnbiect of the conservation of the nationn I resources of the nation. Among olh-r reasons mentioned for this movement their letter to tho President stated: "Hitherto our na tional polhv has been one of almost unrestricted disposal of natural re sources, ami this in more lavish meas ure than in any other nation in the world's M-.tn:y. and this policy of the Federal Government has been shared by the constituent States. Three consonuojipop have ensued: First, un precedented eoniuniption of natural resources; second, exhaustion 01 these lesources to the extent that a largo part of our a-ailable public lands have passed into great estates or corporate interests, our forests are fo far depleted as to multiply the post of forest products, and our sup JTplies of coal mid:' iron ore are so far reduced as to enhance prices, and, third, unequalled opportunity for private monopoly, to the extent that both the Federal and State sovereign ties have" "been compelled to enact laws for the protection of the people. "We are of opinion that tho time has come for considering the policy of conserving these material resources on which the permanent prosperity of our country and the equal opportu nity of all our people must depend; we are also of opinion that the policy of conservation is so marked an ad vance on that policy adopted at the outset of our national career as to demand the consideration of both Federal and State sponsors for the welfare of the people. The Constructive Lcaveii-nt Work, In his address before the Lakes-to- the-Gulf Deep Waterways Association at Memphis President Roosevelt an- , nounccd his intention of calling such a conference, and on November 13 he .issued invitations to the Governors of all States and Territories to meet at tho White House May 13-15, 190S. In this letter he said: "Recently I declared there is no other question now before the nation of equal grav Ity with the question of tho conserva tion of our natural resources, and I added that it is the plain duty of us who fos the moment are responsible to take inventory of the natural re sources which have been handed down to us to forecast tho needs of the future and so handle the great sources of our prosperity as not to de stroy in advance all hope of the pros perity ol our descendants. t. This conference was held, Presi Ment Roosevelt presided and the practical conservation work was properly launched, Taft to Direct the Work. Mr. Taft is in thorough symnathv with this movement to build more homes for the people and to make them more attractive. He is the great American who typifies the inde pendence ana the constructive genius of the American home builder. There is an Innate desire in the heart of the Anglo-Saxon American to own home. Mr. Taft recognizes the inher ent yearning of the common people apparent on every page of history to own In fee simple some portion of the earth. The desire is as keen to-day as It ever was. Of all our wealth producing class the farmer needs a home most. He must have land. He should by all means own it. His tarm need not bo so large as some luppose, but it should belong to the 'armer, not to someone else. This is lot only self-evldtnt because of the idvantage to the armer, but because af Its advantages to the nation at large. It Is tho cornerstone of our natlona llfe 11 lles at the root of all true patriotism and all social Im provement and content. Give a man a home upon the soil and you have made him a patriot who will defend your institutions at tho ballot box or on tho battlefield. Mr. Taft proposes to open the door to our vast natural resources with tho Republican key of national conserva tion. This is a most hopeful augury of the future. When Unpeople have easy access to tho land wid can fully utilize our groat natural resources most of our other troubles will settle themselves. The property ownor Is a conservative man who loves his fam ily and his country. Let tho property owners he as numerous as possible. Lot the good work of home making continue under Taft and Sherman. The Future Growing (brighter. Wo are entering upon a new nnd momentous era that culls for the highest qualities of constructive statesmanship such as Taft has fo impressively demonstrated he pos sesses. This revelation to otir people of the wealth at their very doors Is characteristic of the watchfulness of the Republican party, and the work must be firmly and Intelligently di rected to reach Its hlchett possibili ties to the citizen. e are planning not only for ourselves but for future generations. We are the forefathers of a mighty future in a mighty land, if we are canal to our duties and op- portunltles wo will make homes west 01 uic .Mississippi mver lor a nun- dred million of the freest men nnd women who ever walked tho earth. Wo are living In an age of mighty achievements. The great projects and constructive work for irrigation in the arid regipn. the Panama Canal, the New York subway and the other mammoth projects will soon stand as completed monuments to the con- j structivo genius of our peoplo and i this age. The future Is potent with still grander undertakings, which will in a few brief years, under Re publican direction, stand as accom plished facts. BRYAN WAS TOO MODEST. In the course of his address before the Lakes-to-Gulf Waterway Associa tion in Chicago, October 8, Mr. Bryan, while heartily approving the project under consideration, stated that he had no plan to offer by which to raise the money required for the construction of the proposed canal. On this occasion as on so many oth ers Mr. Bryan again displayed the extreme modesty and lack of self confidence which have characterized his public utterances. It would be a ridiculous and inex cusable blunder to assume that, be cause he offered no plan for financing the canal project, therefore Mr. Bryan had no plan or that he could devise none. As a matter ot lact plans are Mr. Bryan's specialty. He can supply them in bulk on an hour's" notice, and if there is anything, from exterminating potato bugs to amend ing the Federal Constitution, for which he hasn't a neat hand-made plan ready in stock, it is simply be cause the matter has never been brought to his attention. Mr. Bryan proposed no canal plan solely for tho reason that he was not asked to do so. If he had been he could have pulled a plan out of his coattail pocket in full view of tho au dience aud without the aid of a con federate. Mr. Bryan holds that money Is created by law. Therefore, accord ing to his philosophy, if $500,000, 000 is needed to construct a canal between tho great lakes and the Gulf all that is required is merely an act of Congress creating that amount of additional money and turning it over to the canal builders. Tho thing is as easy as rolling off a log. Mr. Bryan in 1S9G wanted the Government to go Into tho business of creating money by flat. He ear nestly assured the peoplo that Con gress, by a single brier enactment, could make silver bullion worth $1.29 an ounce everywhere in tho world and maintain the price at that level ' forever. He has never quite understood why the peoplo rejected his plan to make them and the Gov ernment rich merely by an exercise of legislative authority. If Mr. Bryan wero President and the canal builders needed money he could show them how to get it. He might, however, take a short cut and propose to build the canal itself by flat instead of building It with flat made money, Mr. Bryan's plans are marvelously flexible, and he controls more than fifty per cent, of the entire output. FROM SECRETARY ROOT'S SAR ATOGA SPEECH. The proposition of the Democratic platform to require all national banks to guarantee the payment of deposits by all other national banks is another patent financial nostrum, advertised to catch the fancy of the multitude, and it should be suppressed under the pure food law until It Is correctly labeled "a measure to compel legiti mate business to bear the risks of speculation." WATTERSON'STRIBUTETOBRYAN Colonel Henry Watterson's speech hi Louisville on the night of October S. which he announces will bo his only public utterance during the cam paign, Is interesting for two particu lar reasons. The first Is its scant ref erence to William Jennings Bryan, nnd the second its abundant assur ance that Colonel Watterson's heart still beats warmly for his native land. Try a sample of bin rhetoric: "31 y fsllh Is et strong in the free. born snirlt of American manhood. I believe that the American voters will rise in defense of American principles and precedents, Hint they will udmln- ister overwhelming rebuke to these perversions of their institutional sys- lem After that Inspiring utterance there can be no doubt as to where the griz zled DcmosthPiies of the Blue Grass stands. He Is solid for the old flag and an appropriation, .If eeded. Moreover, in spite of his omission of any extensive mention of William Jennings Bryan, his estimate of that gentleman Is known of all men and Is on record in plnin black and white. Tho general character of Colonel Wat terson's estimate cf the Nebraska politic -,n may be snfllclently indi cated by a few selected phrases: Hryan is a boy orator, lie is a dis- THE TAFT RECORD, tinguished dodger. .He is a daring adventurer. He is a political fakir. Bryan is only Tillman in better English. He is nothing but a Popu list in doctrine and practice. It is Bryan and Populism, Bryan nnd Repudiation, Bryan and Riot, Bryan and Ruin. The throe IPs of Bryan's campaign seem to be Repu diation, Riot and Ruin. The flag that flonts over the name of Bryan is the flag of pirates. It is the flag of Socialists and Anarchists rather than the flag of Democrats. There is nothing equivocal about that testimony. It is as plain as a pink wart on a pale face. There is more of it, lots more, in the editorial columns of Colonel Watterson's great newspaper, but this is one of those cases in which quite enough is en tirely sufficient. Colonel Watterson is supporting Mr. Bryan this year more or less fer vidly. But in a spirit of selfishness most unusual with him he refuses to explain whether he is doing so be cause of his estimate of Mr. Bryan or in spite of it. HELPS THE WAGE Ef RNER The Republican party has created labor bureaus in twenty-six Republi can States; has created factory in spection services in twenty-three Re publican States; has provided free employment bureaus in thirteen Re publican States; has provided boards of conciliation and arbitration in eighteen Republican States; has pro hibited the employment of children under fourteen years in twenty-three Republican States; has limited hours of work for children in twenty-four Republican States; has restricted em ployment of children of school age in twenty-six Republican States; has prohibited night work for children in eighteen Republican States; has pro hibited dangerous employment for children in twelve Republican States. It has also limited tho laboring hours of women in fifteen States; reg ulated sweatshops in ten States; re quired wages to bo paid weekly, fort nightly or monthly In seventeen States; protected members of labor organizations in fourteen States, and protected the union label in twenty eight States. Any party that has done as much as that deserves the worklngmen's votes and we therefore urgo our coun trymen to vote for Taft and Sherman, tho Republican candidates for Presi dent and Vice-President! who are pledged to continue tho work of .the party which has been so well main tained. Not many men have a chance to decline a seat on the Supreme Court bench. Mr. Taft did it twice. It was when he was' Governor of tho Philip pines. President Roosevelt insisted. Mr. Taft pleaded that tho Filipinos needed him more than ho did tho Supremo Court Justiceship, and that his departure from tho islands might bring a revolt. Tho President let him have his way. r There Is so much music in the air that you can't hear the Democratic harmony. MR. TAFT'S ENTRY INTO POLITICS it Inhered in Mr. Taft thnt ho should not shrink even the less at- tractive, to mm, duties or citizensnip. Jennings Bryan said: He was in politics in Cincinnati be- I "I desire to express to the orgnn fore ho had finished his law course. , Izcd labor of this city my grateful np The Mount Auburn districts were the i prcrlatioii of the gift which they have lists In which he first broki a lance presented. It Is n gold pen with n for clean politics and good govern- silver holder, and If I shall be elected ment, for the preservation of tho In-. to In Chief Executive of this Nation togrity of tho ballot and for the en- that pen nnd holder shull be used to forcement of tho election laws. He i sign h. five coinage bill at the earliest went lino it neart anu soui, aim ne bruised knuckles and lost his temper in fighting for the cause. He went. about It in this way, to quote from a lecture he delivered at Vale: "The j graduate will spend as .n ;ch time as ho can in learning the local situation, in becoming acquainted with the pre cinct and ward leaders, in consulting them as far as he can, in making him self acquainted, not only with the well to do and well educated persons In his precinct and ward, but also with the laborers, the artisans, tho storekeepers, the saloonkeepers, in order, that lie may understand the controlling influences in the primaries and elections of that precinct and ward." Mr. Taft's bulk and strength made him an impressive and a useful figure as a watclier at the polling places overseen by certain gentlemen who did not scruple to bring tin? tally to measure up to their notions of what they thought it should be, either by force of arms or taking liberties with the ballot box. A blacksmith, as big as Mr. Taft, was complained against during a cer tain election for his bullying tactics in behalf of tho gangsters. Mr. Taft had the man pointed out to him. He strode to meet the fellow, who will ingly enough advanced half way. Taft's right fist was abruptly removed from where it was hanging by his side to a point directly under the blacksmith's left ear. The black smith immediately sought a reclin ing posture on the ground, and as his friends dragged him away, Mr. Taft dusted off his hands and remarked: "Now, let's see what the trouble is here!" Two or three little instances of this sort of militant good citizen ship brought a measure of prestige to him and aided In inculcating the lesson in good government which the young law student was zealously try ing to teach. MR. TAFT AS A NEWSPAPER MAN When he left Yale there were still steps to be taken to complete tho mental equipment of Mr. Taft with that education which, as he has said of a student, should be "as thorough and as useful as he himself wishes to make it." Judge Taft, his father, notwithstanding his commanding so cial and professional position, was not a man of large means. William had to go to work. It was rather necessary that ho should in order to foot tho cost of his legal training, which he began immediately in the Cincinnati Law School. To quote him again there was "that spur of necessity to enter upon a life of work without the temptation to lack of ef fort and idleness which a competency always creates." With his disposition there was no risk that however amply endowed with wealth Mr. Taft would ever have been a dawdler, a waster of time and opportunity. But he had to go to work, he needed tho money. So he got a job as reporter on the Times Star, of Cincinnati. Tho courts was his assignment. He went tho rounds for the Times-Star for nearly a year. Ho-was a good reporter, too; so good, in fact, that his work at tracted tho attention of Murat Hal stead, then editor of the Commercial Gazette, who dangled a lure before his eyes in the shape of an offer of $25 a week. William tools it. Tho chance this experience gave him to study and understand the psychology of a newspaper man's mind and tho fundamentals of the profession of collecting, writing and printing news accounts in good part for tho excellent terms upon which Mr. Taft, tho public officer, and news paper men always have stood. Ho understands them. He tells them no lies, deals out no evasions. Ho trusts them and they know they can trust him Implicitly. It was not necessary for the Presi dent to go on the stump to put ginger Into the campaign, 4 ,k MR. BRYAN'S UNUSED PEN. Addressing a political meeting In St. Paul October 10, 189G, William possmir- moment." When Mr. Bryan made that remark whether it was a promise or n threat does not matter the country was suffering from the greatest in dustrlal depression it has ever known. Hundreds of mills nnd factories were idle, a still larger number were run ning on half or quarter time, hun dreds of thousands of employes were idle, and those still employed wero working for starvation wages'. The pirture is not overdrawn. Mr. Bryan himself will admit- its general accuracy, and his friend, Mr. Samuel Gompers, president of the American Federation of Labor, stated at tho time that there were then more than 3,000,000 idle workmen in the Uni ted States. To these suffering toilers and their less uniortunate nretiiren still em ployed, but at niggardly wages, Mr, Bryan appeared with what he de scribed as a sure .cure for their dis tress. But he made an entirely erro neous diagnosis of the case. He asked the people to believe that their hardships were all duo to our mone tary system, and that if they would allow him to tinker it after his own notions the mills would resume, there would be plenty of work and high pay and the country would fairly wallow in prosperity. Some of the people but fortunately only a few, comparatively speaking believed him, and it was that belief which prompted the presentation to him of the bimetallic pen in St. Paul. Thanks to the saving common senso of the people, that pen remains unusued to this day. Had Mr. Bryan been entirely frank in 1896 he would have explained to the workingmen that the grinding hardship which then beset them was due, not to anything whatever in our monetary system, but entirely and directly to the iniquitous Wilson Gorman tariff act which he himself had helped to place on the statute books two years before. His pre tense that tho industrial distress which overspread the country at that time was due to tho gold standard was the shifty attempt of a political trickster to dodge tho responsibility for the effects of a law which he helped to enact. The people saw through it, and the trickster was in gloriously defeated. Tho principle of free trade which Mr. Bryan was instrumental in plac ing in operation by means of the Wilson-Gorman act of 1894 is one of the bases of the Bryan campaign of 1908. He misrepresents conditions and their causes now just as he did twelve years ago, and brazenly pro poses as a cure for existing ills the very nostrum which produced them in aggravated form when his party was last in power. That his campaign of falso pretense should succeed is possible only on tho Insolent assump tion that public intelligence 1ms moved backward, not forward, since his last attempt to fool tho people. WOMEN VOTERS FOR TAFT. Tho women in the States where women vote do not have a party of tneir own, with a Joseph's coat plat form of everything all the nice worn. en think ought to go in it not at all, lhoy line up on tho RepuDlican and tho Democratic sides and. fight fair in the regular way. The third parties do not appeal much to wom en somehow. Even the Prohibition party Js not strong in the woman suf frage States as compared to others and considering tho fact that women do voto. Tho State committees of both great parties have their women chairmen and committees and all work together with great ease. Tho Republicans will get the major part of tho woman voto this year. One woman gavo a reason the other day perhaps it wasn't a good reason, but it may have some weight, too. She said: "Bryan Is too great an usurper of woman's great privilege . to talk all the time we don't like it." OLD BILL TAFT. lly REV. 111. J. .BOATMAN. (Tune: America.) For leader strong and (treat To man the ship of State Both fore nnd nft; , .To guide where breakers roar, To safely land our store, To quiet nil upro.ir. There's Old Bill Taft. To White House there to stay And Bryan send nway Upon n raft; To do an Teddy did, What all our people bid, For mun upon the lid, There's Old Bill Taft. To do what's good nnd just, Kit ike down the evil trust, And all of graft; To keen our money pure And plenty, too, and sure, The hard. times only cure. There's Old Bill Taft. Jleform his flag unfurls, Againstjall evil hurls Unerring sl'aft; Then let our trumpets blare "He's alupys on the square At home and everywhere, Ik Old Bill taft." Fullcrton, Cal September, 190S. Copyright applied lor. xxxxxxx-x xxxxxxx A Labor Leader Writes a Remarkable Letter to His Brother Workers,Stat-ingWithConvincing'Frank-ness How Injudicious It is For the Head of a Union to Give Advice Along Poli tical Lines. Onicinl Circulnr.l Indianapolis, Ind., Oct. 7, 1008. lo I he Ollicurs and Members United Mine Workers of America: Greeting We nre In the midst of a political campaign. Ever' method known to political man agers will be used to secure votes for their respective candi dates. Tills is especially true In the attempt to obtain expres sions from those holding ollicial positions in labor unions. 1 am in receipt of hundreds of letters from men 6f all shades of political beliefs and from all parts of the United States ask ing for my .opinion of the differ ent candidates or my views upon the issues involved in the po litical campaign. The United Mine Workers did X not elect me international presi dent to influence your political preferences or how you should cast your vote on election day. You. have elected me to direct tlie affairs of tlie United Mine Workers. The success of the United Mine Workers and the welfare of its members have and X X will receive njy ilrst and only consideration us long as 1 have x the honor of representing you. x I nni not responsible for in x tervlews appearing in the news- fc. papers, alleged. to be from me, y thnt 1 favor any particular can didatc. 1 have declined to ex press or to give nny statement politically for or against any x candidate or issue, nor do I in- tend to do so. This letter will be my answer to all who ask me for any advice along po x liticnl lines. I have the honor to represent an organization of nearly 300,- x x OOO members of every known x nationality and different polit- x x leal views. Wo have among x x our members Prohibitionists, x x Populists, Independents, So x ciallsts, Democrats and Repub x Ucans. From what I know of x our members you arc fully com x petent to decide for yourselves x how yon will vote on election x day. x All my time is required to x look after the interests of tlie x United Mine Workers. Those x interested in the subject mutter x of this letter will please refrain x from writing me in connection x with politics if they hope to get x an answer. x The United Mine Workers as x an organization has been in cx x istence for many years before x this political campaign, and we x nil wish that it may live many x years after the present cam x 1'iiign has passed into history x anu until ever' wrong of which x tho miner complains is honor x ably adjusted. Yours fraternal x ly and for harmony, x T. L. LEWIS, x President U. M. W. of A. xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx WHY MR. TAFT FOUGHT. Old-time friends of Mr. Taft sfcy that as a boy he was a boy all over. Zestful for play, he was no less faith ful to work when It had to be done. He worked hard and played hard. Blessed with a brain as big and ca pable as the huge, but not clumsy, body thnt serves him so well, ho took to books with tho same quality of en thusiasm as that with which ho de ployed bis forces in a stone or applo fight with the Taylortown gang boys who lived in a section adjoining Mount Auburn in Cincinnati or bent his footsteps toward tho swim ming hole when school was out and tasks were done. Those fights with the Taylortown gang were pretty strenuous for ama teur affairs, too. They were a legiti mate heritage handed down to Will and his contemporaries from the boya who had preceded them. Judgo Taft called Will in one day and began a cross-examination into the reasons why the Mount Auburn boys and tho Taylortown gang periodically "rocked" each other. "What is all this fighting about?" ho asked. "Oh," replied Will, "I don't know exactly, only wo'vo always fought those fellowR." "But why?" persisted tho Judge. "What reason havo you for fighting them?" "I don't know," was the response, "only wo'vo got to, that's all. Char ley und Peter (his half brothers) al ways did, and somehow it seemB natural."