OCR Interpretation

Vicksburg weekly herald. (Vicksburg, Miss.) 1868-1883, October 08, 1870, Image 1

Image and text provided by Mississippi Department of Archives and History

Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn87090488/1870-10-08/ed-1/seq-1/

What is OCR?

Thumbnail for

1 J
JAS. H. IWDRIM, PaklUhtr.
Win. B. iPEAnd, E4ltr.
OuTur.lt A4TUO. l
8 I Vrnitl-.. m Advunre, 1 "
Oo Month, la Adiuct, I
On Year, Id Ailunn fl '
Bis Monlht. to A(Iwmj 1 0
SATURDAY, OCT. 1, 1870.
Thii man was to have been hung
to-day, but the execution of hi
sentence has been delayed by the
Governor until the 21st Inst There
waa an error In the Executive or
der, but we prcsuujo the Sheriff
will comply with the order without
regard to the error. Taylor was
sentenced to be banged on the 1st
day of October, which is to-day,
Satutday. The stay of execution
made by the Governor applies to a
Creed Taylor, who was sentenced
to be hanged on Friday, the 30ih
of September. We are aware that
a strong effort was being inado to
secure a commutation of punish
ment for this man. Interested no
groes have been industriously ri
ding over the county, for a week or
two, to secuiTsiguaturcs to a peti
tion to Governor Alcorn, praying
that Taylor might uot be executed.
Maqy names were apponded lo this
petition but they were all ill-goes
except here and there an office seek
ing carpel-bugger or scalawag.
tarly last spring, Taylor was em
ployed as a laborer ou the planta
tion of Mr. George Markhaiu, ol
this county, and while so employed
viciously murdered a son of Mr.
Markham, a child (Midyears of age.
He was arraigned, tried before an
impartial jury ami sentenced to be
hung on this day and the sentence
would have been executed but that
the Governor hus seen lit to post
pone the execution until tho 2lst
Inst. This action was gcncrttlly uu
ticipatcd and the probabilities are
that he will never come to the gal
lows. We have yet to record the
faithful carrying out of a death
sentence agaiusta negro iu this sec
tion of the State.
JJueino the Into war in the
United States much feeling
was manifested and entertained
in the South towards General
Bragg for tho stern discipline
which he maintained in the army,
and he was subject to much severe
criticism because he found it nee
essary occasionally to order i
military execution. Tho number
of these executions were, however,
greatly exaggerated, as shown in
tho statement which obtained soon
after General Bragg was super
ceded by General Joseph . John
ston, which was that Gen. John
ston had caused more men to bo
shot the first week that he was in
command than General Bragg had
during the wliolo timo he was in
full command. We present here
a characteristic story of this al
leged merciless and general exe
cution by Gen. Bragg.
Ou one of his forced marches
Gen. Bragg aud stall" espied a rag
ged, barefooted tattordermalioii,
with cob pipe alight iu his mouth,
astride a sorry specimen of a
horse, upon which was neither sad
die nor bridle, but which was
guided by the nondescript soldier,
with his canteen strap, one end of
which was tied around the lower
jaw of the horse. General Bragg
accosted him with: "What is your
name, sir'!1" "Peter Jones," was
the nonchalant reply. "Where are
you going?" "Along this road."
"To whose cavalry command are
you attached?" "What cavalry?"
"Why the cavalry of the army."
"What army?" "Mine ; Bragg's
army. What other do you sup
pose?" In open-eyed astonish
ment, the soldier said : "Brngg's
army! Bragg's army! Why!
Bragg has no army! One half was
killed at Perryville the other day,
and he had tho remainder shot yes
tcrday morning before breakfast"
Now the telegraph Informs us
that Trochu has caused two hun
dred of the Oarde Mobile to be
shot in Paris for insubordination
This number, we venture the as
sertion, is greatly in excess of all
the military executions known in
the Southern army during the en
tire war, notwithstanding General
Bragg had such reputation as a
heartless, terrible, moody and
. bloodthirsty man, who caused his
soldiers to be shot upon the most
f.rolona pretexts.
The history of tbo American
slave-holders' rebellion and the
history of Xaioleon's war against
Prussia arc singularly sim ilar
in their origin, incidents aud re
sults. The slave holders declared war
without a reasonable excuse or a
justifiable provocation. Napoleon
did tho same.
The object of the slave-holder's
was to rescue their "peculiar in
stitution" from apprehended over
throw, and to perpetuate its exist
ence. Napoleon's object was to
strengthen his tottering Empire,
and perpetuate his family dynasty.
The failure in the one case was as
complete and disastrous as in the
other. Tho slave-holders' darling
"institution" was overthrown ;
Napoleon's Empire has been de
The rebels in our country ex
pected to make the enemy's terri
tory tho scene of the war's blood
shed and desolation. Napoleou
expected the same. Both were
sadly and terribly disappointed,
the war in cacti vase Having
been pushed into nnd confined to
the territory of the beginner of
the war.
To complete tho analogy, both
the leaders of the two unfor
tutiato powers were captured, the
one at tho head of his army the
other iu the net of running away
in his wife's gown. It remains to
be seen, however, whether the
Prussians will let otf their distin
guished captive as lightly as we
did ours.
"There is a divinity that shapes
our pnds, rough hew them as we
will." The war that was inaugii
rated in this country to save slave
ry proved to be the mcuns, in the
bunds of Providence, of its de
struction mid the establishment of
universal liberty throughout the
nation. The war inaugurated in
Europe to save and perpetuate the
iniquitous French Empire has
proved, in the hands of Provi
ileiu'i', the means of the Empire's
overthrow, and the establishment
of a free Republic in its stead.
Verily, "man proposes, but God
disposes." Chicago Journal.
Now it would bo decidedly too
great a compliment to the author
of the above to say that he is
mistaken both in his premises and
his deductions, therefore, we
shall, on this occasion, borrow
languago . from Uie Honoiiule
Horace Greeley, and say that the
''Knave lies, wilfully and inali
ciously lies."
There is no kind of similarity
whatever between the two wars,
and there is no "coincidence of
either "strange" or other
The "slave-holders" never "de
clared war" with or ''without a
reasonable excuse or justifiable
provocation." They simply do
fended themselves against a war,
which was never "declared" on
either side, out which was man
gurated by the North when it sent
its armies on to Southern soil and
made tho first light at Bethel.
The "object of the slave-holder
was not "to rescue their peculiar
institution," but it was to become
separated from an aggressive, inter
meddling, dishonest and untruth
ful people, who were not satisfied
to attend to their own legitimate
affairs, but must be continually
thrusting their blue noses, imri
tanical cant and peculating lingers
into affairs which in no way con
cerned them.
"The rebels in our country ex
petted to make the enemy's terri
tory the scene of the war's blood
bed an I desolation." They ex
pected to do nothing of the kind.
The policy of the Confederate
Government was always averse to
it, and only twice during the whole
war was the ''enemy's territory
invaded," aud that was towards
the close. Opportunity was of
ten recurring but it was reprobated
at the South since we simply de
sired to "be let alone."
The "analogy is" not "com
plete," because tho Southern Chief
was not captured "in the act (of
running away in his wife's gown."
General Wilson, whose command
captured President Davis, has
timo and again made public de
nial of this atrocious slander of a
great, good, pure and brave man,
One who, under the Sag of the
United States hod shed imperish
able renown upon the arms of the
common country ; one who in the
Senate Chamber of the United
States, was the peer of the bright
est statesmen of the day; one
who was never known to Indulge
in a little or dishonorable transac
tion of any grade, and who on ev
ery occasion and under all circum
stances, bos tbrra recognized by
all classes of people of all sec- hos. william l. ihiiieti
, . 1 , , . LKTTEB TO THE OLD WHIfil
tions, as being oi the purest of, or maki.
the pure. "
"The war that was inaugurated,1"8 VIEWS " "o A wnio
in this country to save slavery,
proved to be the means, in the
hands of Providence, of its de
struction and the establishment of
universal liberty throughout the
nation." It did nothing of the
kind. It destroyed the lost ves
tige of true liberty ; it saddled an
enormous and consuming debt
upon tho people, and turned the
forms of government, with unbri
dled power, over to a set of the
grandest scoundrels, thieves, per
jurers and villains who ever dis
graced a nation.
"It remains to bo seen whether
the Prussians will let off their
distinguished captive as lightly as
wo did ours." Here also the an
alogy ceases. The Radical, Yan
kee government seized President
Davis, anil rnanuclcU turn like a
common felon ; immured him in n
miserable prison, and kept him
there for months, that their cow
ardly eyes might gloat upon the
sufferings which he was forced to
endure, with the hope, doubtless,
that his proud, pure spirit would
break and topple 'as were breaking
his physical powers. Indignities of
every character were showered up
on him, and the miserable, petty,
tyrannical vengeance of a corrupt
Government was wreaked upon
one poor disarmed, defenceless
old man, for acts which had been
committed by a whole people. Na
poleon, ou the other hand, is given
luxurious home at Wilhcluiso-
hoe. the Queen of Prussia detach-
ng her own chef de ntuine from
her royal household to attend up
on him ; while upon nil sides, from
the highest to tho lowest, he re-
cives naught but marks of respect
and sympathy, and tokens of kind
The scribble for the Chicago
Journal, not salislled with the
butchery and annihilation of truth,
udulgcs in horrible mutilation of
Ins quotations. Imagine the hor
ror depicted in the countenance
of the author, should he see his
lines renuercu ttius: "lucre is a
divinity that shapes our ends,
rough hew them as we irill,"
TiiKiiK is a vacancy on the Su
preme Bench of the United States,
iccasioned by the death of
Justice uricr. ow we presume
His Excellency, Incompetency I.
nppoiuted the Hon. Amos Acker-
man, Attorney General, that the
South might be represented in the
Cabinet (and an horrible rcprc
sentalivc it has too.) The next
luty which His Excellency owes
to mankind is to give the "man
and brother a representative on
the Supreme Bench. Fred Doug
as won't do because he is an aspi
rant for the Vice-Presidency and
Revels is certain to receive the
Radical nomination for President.
Therefore, we know of no one more
fitted for, or moro entitled to the
position than the Hon. A. Alpeo
ria Bradley. It is said he has
served a term in the penitentiary
and is therefore eminently fitted to
receive nomination and ollice
at the hands of the Radicals. "By
their works shall yc know them"
and for their works, if sulllciently
villainous, is Radicalism certain to
reward them.
- -
Elections occur on the 11th
iust., iu the following States: In
diona, Iowa, Nebraska, Ohio and
Pennsylvania. In Indiana in
18G8, tho Radical majority for
Governor Baker was 961, while in
November the majority for Grant
was 9,572. In Iowa the Radical
majority the same year for Gov
ernor, was 39,1 15. In Nebraska,
in 18C8, the Radical majority for
Governor, was 2,491. and Grant'
majority in the November succeed
ing was 4,290. In Ohio, for the
same year the Radical majority for
Governor was 7,518. And in
Pennsylvania the aggregate Radi
cal majority for Congressmen in
18G8, was 6,803. An election oc
curs on tho 27th tost, in West
Virginia, which in 1868 gave
Radical majority for Governor
Stevenson, of 4,717, and elected
three Radical Congressmen, Na
than Goff, Jr., Jomck C McCrew
and John S. Wilcher, with an ag
gregate majority of 4,830.
Biuhoon, Miss., Sept. 14, 70.
Hon. H'wi. L. Sharkey
Dear Sib: The undersigned,
among your old personal kiid po
litical friends, would be pleased to
learn your views on the political
situation, and particularly on the
proposition "for a meeting of Old
Line Whigs, at Jackson, for con
sultation." Very respectfully,
Your obedient servants,
Jno. S. Hobson, Joseph Hudnall,
w.D.Bibb, Thos. S. White,
A. G. Mayers, A. Harpers
w A. J. frantz. J
Jackson, Sept. 20, 187Q.
To Messrs. Joseph Hudnall, Thos.
b. u lii to, A. Harper, John 8.
Hobson, Wm. D. Bibb, A. G.
Mayers nnd A. J. Frantz.
Gentlemen: By your favor of
the 1 lib inst. you ask my views
on the political situation, hut par
ticularly on the proposition "for
meeting of Old Lino Whigs, at
Jackson, for consultation."
1 he call for such a convention
was to me matter of surprise, as I
could notuee how it could result
in any good to Whigs or to the
country. The criticisms which
tho proposition drew from the
public press, I had supposed, had
put an eud to the project. ' In this,
however, I may be mistaken, and
as you ask for my "views on the
propriety of the proposition, I
proceed to give them. But my
opinions, without reasons to sup
port them, would probably be of
little value ; I must, therefore, to
some extent, give you'the reasons
ou which my opinions are found
ed. The call professed to be for a
meeting of the Whigs of the State
for consultation." The folly of
such a meeting, merely for such a
purpose, is so main lest that we
must conclude there was some
other motive, some ulterior pur
pose other than consultation that
consultation was but preliminary
to action. Tho question naturally
presents itself, what can that motive
be? The Whigs, if they wcrccom
pletely organized as a party,
would be in a racagro minority in
the State, and, separitcd from
Democrat;, could not c.'Cct a sin
gle Suite or district officer.
They might possibly elect a few
ustices ot the peace, but consul
tation for such an insignificant
purpose cannot bo necessary, even
t an e.ection were near at hand.
Then, I repeat, what can the mat
ter be.'
There arc now but two parties
n the state, or in the United
States tho Republican or Radical
party, and the Conservative or
Democratic party. Is it content
plated by such a convention to
take the W bigs in a bodv to one
or the other ol these parties? and
f so, to which one I it cannot be
to take them to the Democratic
party; for n great majority of them,
perhaps lour-llllhs, actuated by
their deep-rooted aversion to usur
pation and mis-government, nrc
ilreadv co-operating with that
party, aud, as far as I know, are
satisfied with their alllliation.
As ue must lunge or men s
motives by their actions, and must
suppose they intended to iiccom
plish that which must necessarily
be the enect ot their actions, in
the absence of proof to tho con
trary, I must conclude that it was
contemplated by the movement to
give strength to the Radical party,
for such undoubtedly would be its
effect ; and would result in one of
three ways: first, by uniting tho
Whigs and taking them in a body
to the Kadicais; secondly, by in
ducing them to separate them
selves from the Democratic party;
and thirdly, by uniting tnem sa
body in a third party. All of these
plans would tend to tho same re
It is not likely the first would
be successful, as it is scarcely
probable the Whigs, as a body,
could be Induced to abandon the
great and distinguishing principles
of their old party, and to join a
party with doctrines antagonistic
to theirs, a.though some few
may have already done so. The
second would promise better suc
cess. If they could be induced to
separate themselves from the
Democratic party they would be
in a condition in which they could
do nothing, and would be likely.
when the trial came, to co-operate
with one of the parties. Having
just broken off from the Demo
cratio party, they would not be
likely to co back to it. and besides.
they would bs abundantly courted
by the other party, and probably
might be induced to act with it, or
at least a portion of them might
bo induced to do so, which would
be just so much strength gained
by it
The third way in which this
movement would strengthen the
Radical party ia this: unite the
n mgs as a third party, co-opera
ting with neither of the others, and
of course it vould be just so much
strength with Irawn from the op
position 'rati y, nnd by Just so
much would the other party be
in any point of view, then, me
Radicals would be the gainers.
This Is simply my view as to what
would be the result of such a con
vention as that contemplated, if it
should take any action at all, as it
was no doubt expected it would. I
do not charge the gentlemen who
made the call with designs like
these, yet I have no doubt such
would be the consequences of their
action if carried out. They may
have acted, unwittingly, as the In
nocent instruments of others, for I
am strongly inclined to believe the
scheme bad its origin iu the hot
bed of Wew England Radicalism.
But why should the Whigs be
unwilling to act in unison with the
Democratio party? There, are
now but two parties, and but a sin
gle issue before the country: that
issue In, I tha Constitution para
mount to the will of Congress ? or
is the will of Congress paramount
to the Constitution? The party
questions on which the Whigs and
Democrats formerly divided are
ttcrly obliterated, and if tliey for
merly engendered animosities there
is no scsse or propriety in keep
ing these animosities alive when
the causes which produced them
nave ceased to exist The party
now known as the Democratio par
ty is an opposition party, a new
party of Whigs and Democrats
uniicu for the purpose of restoring
the Constitution to its primitive
vigor by utterly abrogating every
innovation that has been made up
on it. This is the high, the chief
purpose of the Democratic party,
all other questions being subordi-
UUUl VI wis.
What is the Republican or Radi
cal party? The doctrines or prin
ciples which had originally distin
guished that party from others.
ended with the war. They were
then exhausted, but very soon it
began a new system or tactics. It
commenced by denying represen
tation to the Southern States, al
though tho people had established
for themselves State governments.
as they had a right to do, which
governments were in successful
operation, senators and Repre
sentatives wero elected, who went
to Washington and claimed their
seats, which wero denied them in
direct violation of tho Constitu
tion. The next step was to tax
tho Southern people heavily with
out representation the -very
grievance that brought on the
American Revolution. Congress
next assumed unlimited power
over the stale governments, abol
ished them aud substituted mill
tary despotisms over the people,
witu unlimited power in the mill
tary commanders over the lives,
liberties aud property of the peo
ple, in utter disregard of the most
sacred guarantees of the Constitu
tion. But this is not all; State
Constitutions and amendments to
tho Constitution of the United
States were dictated to and forced
upon the people. The validity
and propriety of these measures
now constitute the cardinal prin
ciples of the party; all other ques
tions which may be put in plat
forms arc but side issues intended
to divert attention from the main
issue. Of course, all who belong
to the party must believe all these
reconstruction measures to be
valid and within the constitutional
power of Congress. Any one who
does not so believe should prompt
ly abandon tho party, for it Is said
to bo hypocrisy to belong to a
church and disbelieve its creed. I
not only believe these measures
flagrant violations of the constitu
tion, but utterly destructive of the
foundation and superstructure of
tho government; hence, as be
tween these parties, the path of
duty seems plain to me.
But, at the cost of being some
what prolix, I propose to extend
my remarks on this question some
what further: Is it supposed that
the Whigs throughout the United
States will rally and unite nt the
call of a little band in Mississippi
break up their party alllliations
and organizations which have ex
isted for over three years, and thus
abandon all prospect, all hope of
defeating the Radical party, which
is now, and has been their cher
ished object, and for which pur
pose they first united with the
Democrats? Will they thus
strengthen the partj they have
oevu bu ti-ueuieuuy upposuig, anu
insure its success? Will they
abandon all hope of restoring
constitutional liberty as guaran
teed to them by their fathers?
They will be guilty of no such
folly; and therefore, a Whig con
vention in Mississippi would be
an object of ridicule, and nothing
better if all the Whigs of the
Southern States were to unite.
The Whigs, even if united as a na
tlonol party, could do nothing,
and our Northern mends see this,
and will not place themselves in
such a condition. In view of the
former course of Mississippi they
will not bo very likely to follow iu
lead. Mlssissippians had better
follow wan attempt to lead : this
should be our policy.
If any one should entertain
such deep-rooted prejudice against
the name Democrat that he cannot
enter into that psrty f ? tha ac
compHshmentof even a good pur
pose, he is not governed by iirin-
oiple, but by passion: he sinks bis
principles under his iwludice. lie
should remember that the former
difference between Wbiga and
Democrats was a question of de
gree rather than of principle.
And how can he go to a party
whose excesses as tar surpass
those of the Democratio party as
the rays of the sua surpass in
brightness the mild beams of the
moon. I nave no such prejudice,
nor can I forget that opposition
to the usurpations or Cougresi
opposition to its oppression of
the south opposition to its arbi
trary exercise ot despotic power
over the southern people oppo
sition to its utter disregard of all
the reserved rights or the States,
wss first commenced by the
Northern Democracy, though then
greatly in a minority. Their no
ble efforts deserve the .Lirliost
commendation, and I shad not
abandon them to join the party
that has oppressed ns. 1 am not
particular about names, but look
to principles and purposes.
There may be some who reason
in this way: "The Radical party is
in power. It will pursue and carry
out its policy at any rate, and why
oppose it ? It is better to go with
it." Those who thus reason com
mit a great error, an error fatal to
tho perpetuity of any free govern
ment It was once said by an
eminent man that, "for a people to
do nee, it is out ror them to will
it.". With for more truth may it be
said, that for a people to be slaves
it is but for them to assent to it, or
to acquiesce in the abuse of power
The people ought to know that
their liberty is protected only by
their Constitution unimpaired and
held mviolate.and that it will fail to
protect them against the encroach
ing spirit of power when they pas
sively submit to its violation.
Their only hope lies in a deter
mined, persevering resistance,' to
every infraction, by all the means
ln.thelr power. A bad precedent
tolerated becomes law, and is sure
to be followed by others still more
aggravated- Thus their Constitu
tion soon becomes an obsolete
form, observed by none, respect
ed by none. To this end is the
policy of the Radical party rapid
ly tending; and for this reason
to arrest such a calimity the
Whigs aud Democrats have united
as a party 4o.HH them -r. .
In view of the adverse policy of
lisli history will at once see the
resemblance which they respec
tively bear to tho two parties in
England, the Democrats to the
Whigs and the Radicals to the
Tories, under the reign of the
stunrts. Alien the Tories sus
tained the monarch in the almost
unlimited claims to enlarged pre
rogative, which he set up under
the new theory of the divine right
or Kings; whilst the Whigs op
posed the theory of divine right
as well as the excesses to which it
led. For their opposition to tbo
Tory doctrine and its destructive
consequences to the British Con
stitution, the higs were perse
cuted iu every variety of form, as
well with as without the semblance
of law. They were charged
with disloyalty, even with trea
son, on frivolous grounds;
and It was then an easy matter
to obtain convictions on any
charge, as the judges and juries
were out the sen ile instruments of
tho Tory party. Sidney wos
charged with treason, and suffered
on the scaffold, without any proof
ol guilt except that he bail written
essays against the Tory theory ot
the Divine Right. The Radicals
or Tories here seem to exhibit a
similar spirit of vindictiveness;
loyalty now means fidelity to the
part)', as in England. Theyos
traeise all who do not give in their
adhesion to the party ; they usurp
the power of disfranchisement.
and even to resort to military pow
er to carry out their purposes.
lo loin the lory party in h.ngland
worked immediate absolution, and
was generally rewarded, as I bo
lieve is done here, even in the case
of prominent rebels. It is to be
hoped the time is not distant
when the noble example of Hali
fax, who, becoming disgusted
with the Tory party, left it, will
be more generally followed here.
You also, gentlemen, ask my
views of tho political situation.
Perhaps to some extent I have
already given them to you. I will
only add, in the language of Ju
miu$, to the English people, "Let
me exhort and conjure you
never to suffer an Invasion of your
political constitution, however
minute the Instance may appear,
to pass by without a determined,
persevering resistance. One pre
cedent creaks another. They
soon accumulate aud constitute
law. What yesterday was fact to
day is doctrine. Examples are
supposed to lustify the most dan
gerous measures, and when they
do not suit exactly, tho defect Is
supplied by analogy," These
words constltuto the very essence
or wisaom with reference to gov
ernment ;wltu constitutional linn
tations Uke ours. Yourconstlto
tion bus been vto!-.':1., f
violated, ia tho
have n i , .
deut 1 is ! ,
and further Vi.,,..
colly tor It t
tion. Never submit to
submit yon mur.t, l
quieiM o iu tl. n t ,
or tacil'y, but iri'ii t
determined, perci.
tion to them ly nil I e I
means In your po r. I,'
not have your Coml.t .
paired, yon canuotLi
government; and jou i !
it uniinp.iirei so lon !H '
construction n' n1") . r
a silent reco -m- m. 'I
be blotted out, d.-t ' I
and if this cannot! u
the judiciary, the peo .j i
it through tLo lio'oth '
is the only nay to r
Constitution. Any o" r
teilipi.i!-. r j;
leaves 'tto'
hcrcn ' r m '
In tii v it x i ,
tho Whigi U .is f o '
of meeting iu co-,-..
it I am, f '
-Youro' ' t -V
. L.
Tm biau'y of . i
slon, of time i fry- ( f
of principle to j '',(. '
established in 2.V v L
New York Wc 'lh : ; ,
theories, and ii c '
cious advieo t t - :
created and i u t t : i
combination kaov 1 1
Democracy." TI a 1; i
very surcw y i
sentiments oi t' i .
8un being al . -t
in" praise ,of . iu 'i
ganization ba3 I f
Creation nn1. r t' '
O'Brien, Led? ' , ' ,
Morrlssey, aud
Star' say?, IU
This insignifu.. v..
called Demociiiti, L i
ardice and titiu s w i
so corrupted by Vac ji
adulation of the i' '. a'.;
has formally decl.u l 1 h
Stewart L. Wc ir,, I, ;:. "
candidate fir C- - , .
Mississippi had a u
this kind lust year, and y t v
i men here who are not .. ;
to be taught by it, and who w !l
to revive another time-sen" v,
milk and water affair in whit L 1 1
wreck the few remaining i' ;
and privileges with which the peo
ple are vested.
It Is thus the FhiladeliiLU In
quirer, Radical, arraigns and lec
tures its party for its shameful
corruption and outrage:
"Men are taxed, but ore not per
mitted representation; they arc
made subject to lows, but are not
allowed to assist in framing thvm ;
they work in field or shop,
aiding the prosperity of the ?.!.!..
country, yet in the country, evcsi
their own State, they have no
Injustice can go no further than
this, and the sooner an nnli;rli"n
ed public sentiment enfranchises
the whole Southern people, t:
better for the peace and prcj- :
of the entire Union."
The yellow fever is on t'i in
crease In both Mobile and 2. ;
Thi Mtstebt or Euww Dkood;
by Charles Dickens. II.. t 1 ...
Brothers, Franklin S'ltinn.
York, Publishes. 1 or t,,ua I
IL C Clarke, bookseller ax i '
tloner, Washington stroot, i
burg, Miss.
It waa upon this work &r.t !'
life of the great novelist was clo ;
For years he had been a welcome
visitor at every fire side almost ht
the civilized world; be was t: ;
cherished, honored aud loved
of all, and now none of earth V
him In the body save th
This, his last effort, will ts r;ui I;
all with deeper and mora s'
Ing interest than has ever i-"-
aroused by any of bis prcr"-
works. In reading It we f-J -most
as if we were com!;. -'
with the dead, and It stiir.u'.,.... ,
mellowness unaccountable. "
peculiar sensation is Inter, T I :
melancholy speculation of "
that great brain,, now dead i '
ert, would have wrought,
have pulsed on for but a '
months more. It Is ti".--.:
that he should thus I -
his life, clothed I
harness of his .'u t.,
end to the love w!.: h U 1
as there Is no e..d to Cm 1
for good Is L..t s.v i
atlon, so tiiiuo t'toi.' 1 1 i
bis last lubor. ' 1
book, so Is Lumi-i S. .
the labors cf (
i3tv-tt r

xml | txt