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WARREN G. HARDING CALVIN COOLIDGE~ By WRIGHT A. PATTERSON. For President—Warren G. Harding of Ohio. For Vice President—Calvin Coolidge of Massachusetts. Convention Hall, Chicago.—The nomination for president was made on the tenth ballot. The vote on that ballot for the men who had been the leading candidates was: Harding, 04712 Wood, 157^ Lowden, 12 Johnson, SO 4-5. After it is all over, that Is the news It took five strenuous days to produce. That is all that the great mass of the public will remember. But for those who had a part in the contest it will be an experience to be remembered for a lifetime, and the convention of 1920 will go down in the history of the He publican party as one of the hardest waged battles of the party's existence. It was a battle of which the audience .saw but little that was spectacular, a show that did not measure up to the expectations of the thousands who had begged and fought for and purchased tickets, and who had jammed them selves into the great building session after session, sweltering and roasting, and always anticipating something worth while. The public did not see the real fight, as they were not admined to the coun cil rooms whore the differences of con testing candidates were ironed out, or where the varying opinions of dif fernt factions were being reconciled so that a platform that would fit all elements might be produced. The unusual conditions of the times had produced a wide range of ideas. Men differed radically on important points upon which the party must go to the public as a unit if it is to have a chance of being successful in November, and it was not a* easy task to find the common ground upon which all were willing to stand. Every day of the five brought its threat of a bolt on the pan of some faction, and these threats brought adjustment after adjustment, afier sessions lasting from but a few minutes to an hour so. in order that new conferences might be held and new efforts might be made to sat isfy opposing elements. League of Nations Fight. Tt was the League of Nations plank that proved the greatest stumbling block. The irreconcilables of the sen ate, led by Senator Johnson, would not listen to anything that savored of an indorsement of the League of Na tions, with or without rescrvaiions. .Another element, led by Nicholas Murray Butler of New York, insisted upon an indorsement of the League with the Lodge reservations, and on "Wednesday morning it semed that nothing could prevent a split on this piank. It was at this time that the politi cal genius of Eiihu Ilo«t was called upon. The cables carried the troubles of the contestants to Europe where Root is assisting in the organization of an international court, and the cables brought back a solution that satisfied Senator Johnson and his fol lowers, and which the others were willing to accept in the interests of party harmony. There was difficulty again over the labor plank, and again compromise •was resorted to to prevent a split. Much the same thing was true of ihe plank on Mexico and a plank on Ire land. In the end the Irish were over looked entirely, as nothing the leaders •were willing to do was satisfactory to that element that was demanding strong resolution acknowledging the freedom of the Irish "republic." Many Hours of Waiting. For hours the resolutions commit icelmss: HARDING AND C00LID6E ARE THE BEPIIBIICAW NOMINEES Naming of Ticket Closes Five Days of Strenuous Po litical Battling at the Party Convention in the Coliseum at Chicago. tee, headed by Senator Watson of In diana, fought back and forth. Ap pointed at the session of Tuesday, it was expected to report at 11 o'clock Wednesday morning, and the Coliseum was packed to capacity at that hour. A few other formalities were com pleted, and an adjournment taken to 11 o'clock of Thursday. Again the crowd came hack. The convention convened, Cardinal Gibbons offered an invocation, and the convention ad journed to four o'clock. With a never ending interest the crowd was again back at four o'clock only to wait for two long sweltering hours for the fight on the platform which they were anticipating, but which did not materi alize. The fight had all been made behind the closed doors of the council rooms, and with the exception of the presentation of a minority report by a member of the committee from Wis consin, to which no particular atten tion was paid, there was no evidence that there had ever been a disagree ment, and the platform was adopted with less than half a dozen dissenting votes. A Day of Oratory. Friday gave promise of being a red letter day for the audience and the fight for the coveted bits of beautiful ly engraved cardboard waxed hot and heavy. At nine thirty in the morn ing. when the session opened, every seat was filled, every aisle was jammed with an expectant multitude. It was to be a day of oratory, and it was. The first order of business was the call of the states for the naming of candidates for the nomina tion for the presidency. Arizona yield ed to Kansas and Governor Allen took the platform to name General Wood. The audience heard what Governor Allen had to say, and attention was given to the seconding speeches and to the speech of Congressman Roden berg on behalf of Governor Lowden. When Judge Wheeler of California, started to present the name of Sena tor Johnson the audience bad had enough of oratory. The distinguished Californian referred to the League of Nations plank as Senator Johnson's plank, and both delegates and the au dience objected. He referred to the campaign funds of other candidates and there was a roar of disapproval. ITe fought back, and the audience and the delegates fought with him. From that rime to the close of the long seven hours and more of nominating speeches the orators might quite a« well have said nothing,as the audience heard nothing of what they said. De spite the efforts of Chairman Lodge tiir commotion continued until the hi*? orator had named the last of tle eleven candidates whose names wers placed before the convention. A feature of the nominating and seconding speeches was introduced iiV Mrs. Robinson of New York, a sistrr of the late Theodore Roosevelt. Jn seconding the nomination of General Wood she referred to him as a frier.d of her brother, and from that time on practically each candidate was ic ferred to as a friend and heir of tie departed ex-president. Battle of Ballots. The balloting began on Friday niiht and four ballots were taken at that time. On these ballots General Wood was the leader, with Governor Lowden a fairly close second. After the first ballot a motion to adjourn was made, but was promptly voted down by a combination of the Wood and Lowden delegates who felt that their only chance to win lay in preventing further conferences on the part of the leaders. Another effort to adjourn was made after the second ballot and a roll call of the states demanded. It, too, was voted down by the swne combination of delegates. At the close of the fourth ballot Senator Smoot advanced to the front of the speaker's stand and moved an adjournment. A roll call was again demanded, but the demand was ignored and an aye and no vote called for. Both sides In the controversy exerted all their lung power In an effort to en force their will on the chairman, but after a conference of senate leaders on the speaker's stand, the chair ruled an adjournment had been voted. Back to the council rooms went the leaders, and to these rooms were sum moned the men who were directing the fights of the candidates. Efforts were made to bring about some sort of a compromise that would result In a nomination on Saturday morning. But threats, promises and appeals in the interests of party harmony were all in vain. The three candidates. Wood, Lowden and Johnson, who wore leaders in the voting, refused to' give place to any one on whom the senatorial leaders could agree. They wanted to let the delegates fight It out on the tloor' of the convention and continue the balloting until the dele gates had expressed their choice for the first place on the ticket withcwt any influence being exerted on the part of the party leaders, anil tempo rarily they won. When the first b&ilot was taken at the session ot Saturday morning it showed but little change from those of Friday night. Through the first four ballots of Saturday General Wood and Governor Lowden were running neck and neck and on one ballot were tied with SllVa votes each. Again there came a demand for ad journment and again the Wood and Lowden forces combined to prevent It, but without result. After another consultation at the back of the speaker's stand between half a dozen senatorial leaders the session was ad journed despite the protests of a large part of the delegates. Leaders Take Control. Almost instantly there flashed through the great building the rumor that the leaders had decided on Sen ator Harding as the man if they could force his nomination, and they were going to try. Could they do it? Did the leaders control enough delegates to name the leader of the party ticket? The gen eral verdict was that they could that the unlnstructed delegates would do their bidding. Senator Johnson and General Wood refused to release their instructed delegates, and on the ninth ballot the Illinois delegation stayed with Governor Lowden. the Pennsylvania delegation stayed with Governor Sproul, and the New York delegation continued to split among several candidates. At the end of that ballot Senator Harding lacked 120 votes of enough to nominate him and it was thought for a time the leaders were going to fail, until Gov ernor Sproul was known to have re leased the Pennsylvania delegation to Harding, and with that the effort to climb into the Harding wagon started on the tenth and final ballot. In the end all Instructed delegations were released, but many of them de clined to change their last registered vote, and the final ballot was an nounced as given at the head of this account. All through the balloting 24 Wisconsin delegates had persistently registered their votes for Senator La Follette. and when, after the last bal lot had been announced it was moved to make the nomination unanimous these 24 delegates voted against the motion. It took but a short time to select Governor Harding's running mate. Governor Coolidge. Senator Lenroot of Wisconsin, Senator Gronna of North Dakota, 3overnor Allen of Kan sas, and Colonel Anderson of Rich mond, Va., were named as candidates for the place. There was but one ballot. Governor Coolidge receiving 07G votes, and the ticket was com plete. The Republican convention of 1020 was a thing of the past Part Played by Women. One of the features for which the convention just closed will long be remembered was the participation of the women. It is doubtful if they had any decisive part in the actual naming of the candidate, other than the few who were present as delegates. But women figured prominently on the min or committees, and they figured prom inently in the oratorical efforts, and very, much to their credit. At least one woman seconded the nomination of each of the candidates for the nom ination for the presidency, and their speeches appealed to the audience be cause they, were short and to the point. Women were active as workers around the headquarters of every candidate. They gave out VeO, blue and green feathers for General Wood, badges and pennants for Governor Lowden, served tea and cakes for Herbert Hoover, and did something of a ljjve service for each of the candidates. At General Wood's headquarters Mrs. Wood and her daughter had a handshake and a gracious word for every caller, but they refused at all times to talk politics. On the other hand the daughter of Nicholas Mur ray Butler was the real manager of her father's campaign. Herbert Hoover at no time showed any strength in the balloting. For the first nine ballots his total vote was from four to six. and on the tenth bal lot be polled nine votes. When hi* name was presented to the convention on Friday by Judge Miller of Syra cuse, New York, a delegate from that state, he received a demonstration from the audience that -s one of the marked and unusual features of the convention, but it was not joined in by any of the delegations. It was very evident that Hoover had no place ill Republican politics. THE HOPE PIONEER PROBLEMS FACING STRICKEN WOULD Shall Chaos or Reconstruction in Europe Follow the Great World War? RUSSIANS MISLED BY LENINE Claim That Bolshevik Government Es tablishes Equality Palpably False— Despotic Power Put in Office holders' Hands. Article XXII. By FRANK COMERFORD. The first great hypocrisy of the bol shevik government was its pretense at establishing equality. Caste and class reminded the Russians of suffering. The soviet government, through the people's commissars, issued the follow ing decree: "All designations, such as merchant, nobleman, burgher, peasant titles, such as prince, count, etc., and distinc tions of civil ranks, privy, state and other councilors, are abolished, and one designation is established for all the population of Russia—Citizen of the Russian Republic. Article 4 of tlie constitution makes bare the insincerity of the decree. It does more. It gives evidence of the great felony committed against the freedom of the Russian people by Le nine. These three classes shall have the right to hold office and to vote. They are made citizens of Russia by the constitution: First. All Russians that are eighteen years of age and who have acquired the means of living, through labor that is productive and useful to society, and also persons engaged in house keeping for the former. Second. Soldiers of the army and navy. Third. Members of the former two classes, when incapacitated. But the constitution goes further it tells who shall not hold office and shall not vote: First. Persons who employ hired la bor in order to obtain profit. Second. Persons who have an in come, such as interest in capital, rents, receipts from property, etc. Third. Private merchants, trade and commercial brokers. Fourth. Monks and clergy of all denominations. Fifth. Employees and agents of the former police, the gendarmery, and the czar's secret service alsc mem bers of the former reigning dynasty. Sixth. The demented or mentally de ficient. Seventh. Persons who have been de prived by a soviet of their rights of citizenship, because of selfishness, or dishonorable offenses, for the period fixed by the sentence. Makes Officeholders Despots. Section 7 affords great opportunity for construction the Soviets are given power to disfranchise citizens, because of "selfishness or dishonorable of fenses." Who is to say what shall con stitute these offenses? The courts? No. The people? No. The political office holders? Yes. When we remember that the first thing that the bolsheviks did when they came into power was to drive from the soviets every one who disagreed with the bolshevik plan of communism, at once and by force, it is easy to understand the terrible pow er given in this phrase and the tyran nical use that may be made of it. Every difference of opinion with their meth ods or plans would be a selfish and dishonorable offense in the eyes of the bolshevik rulers, and the foolhardy dis senter could be stripped of his citizen ship, and, no doubt, would be. This section writes the death warrant of freedom of opinion it gives to the so viets a bludgeon with which to beat a man out of citizenship who ventures an opinion at variance with the im posed order. It makes the citizen the servant, the officeholder the master it is government upside down. In a note to Section 64 of Article 4 of the constitution, we learn the local soviets may, with the consent of the people's commissars, "lower the age qualification for voters." What a splendid opportunity this joker in the constitution offers for political jockeying. If the central pow er discovers it is about to lose con trol of a village or rural soviet, it has the power to nip the uprising in rlie bud. The people's commissars can ar range with the minority in the soviet in question to reduce the age limit and give the vote to young boys and girls. When it is remembered that the con stitution directs the people's commis sar of education to introduce in all schools and educational institutions of Russia the stujdy and explanation and justification of the bolshevik constitu tion, it is not hard to understand that young people into whose minds have been driven and drilled a reverence for bolshevism and its methods, could be expected to vote for and support the bolshevik program. Best Citizens Disfranchised. Three groups of people classified by their occupations are permitted citi zenship. They are the members of the army and navy, the working men and women, and the peasants who do not hire labor. Every one else is made an outcast. The man who has saved a little money, earned In the sweat of bis face, and Invested it, is not per mitted to become a citizen the man who has a little shop—It may repre sent the sacrifices and savings of Ills whole life—conies under the ban, he is unfit for free citizenship in bolshe vik Russia the farmer who hires help, and almost every farmer is com pelled to employ help in the harvest time, is a criminal exploiter and he is denied the right to vote or hold an office. The man who devotes his life to religion, who comforts the poor, visits the sick, the servant of God, Is driven from the political house he Is denied the right to vote. It is dangerous to give the thrifty, the industrious, the vote. The fact that they were born in Russia, that their parents and grandparents were uatives to the soil for centuries, means nothing. These disfranchised ones speak the Russian language it is their only tongue. Their blood has had a part in Russian suffering. The bolshevik constitution exiles them. They are natives without a country and why? Because by hon esty and industry they have saved a little because they have tried to get on. Lenine says such people are filled with dangerous ambition they are climbing the ladder of capitalism they are dangerous to the* proletariat. The soldier is not an employer of labor he cannot be he is given a vote. The sailor is not an employer of labor he cannot be he is given a vote. The constitutional provision defining citizenship puts a premium on indo lence, a penalty on industry It encour ages waste it punishes economy it makes the successful an outcast it makes of the ne'er-do-well a citizen frugality, thrift and industry are crimes those who possess these qual ities are branded as. undesirables they are denied citizenship. No Possible Justification. Lenine tries to justify all of this by saying that in the transition from capitalism to socialism it is necessary to rule with an iron hand. Capitalism must be destroyed. The system must be uprooted. Even so, what right has Lenine, without the consent of the majority, to take citizenship from na tive Russians? What is his excuse for it? Where is the force of his argu ment? Even admitting, for the sake of argument, that communism, Bolshe vism, is a panacea for all the ills of the human race, what right has Lenine and his minority to force it on the people of Russian Conceding his creed is for the common good, is it not his first duty to make the people see and understand its virtues, and then, by and with the majority consent, put the creed to the test? To assert that his program is. economic does not change the fact that his methods are not dem ocratic. The Lenine system of dis franchising the people is bound to de moralize them. How can a people be free without learning self-reliance, without trying self-government? Proclaiming people free does not make them free. Free dom is action. It is thinking. It is the ability to govern one's self. It comes from experience and exercise in gov erning one's self. The definition of freedom is self-determination, and the word "self" is an important part of the definition. Admitting for the mo ment that Lenine is trying to govern the people for their benefit, although he is not giving them a thinking part in the government, does it not follow that his methods incapacitr.'e the people for self-government? Hew can a child learn to walk except by try ing, and even though the child ntum hles_and falls, is bruised and \iurt, these experiences are part of the edu cation in walking. Real Test of Freedom. The right to vote is the test of free dom. Rob a free man of his voting right and you make of him something less than a free man. It does not mat ter whether you treat him well or not, if you rule him without giving h-'oi a say in his own government, yor de stroy liis independence. Suppose the constitution of a debating society, a lodge, a farmer's grange, a lr-bor union, declared that some meint'ers could hold ofiice and vote, while others were not eligible for office and i.-.ntld not vote. What would be the position in the body of those who were dciied all light of participation in its affairs? They would be compelled to obej the rules, do the bidding and bow the wish of those who had the right to vote. What would be the effect" upon the voteless ones? They would be de moralized they would becoi.n? non entities. Those possessing tlitf voting power would grow arrogant, arbitrary and autocratic. The war of tie ages, the struggle of all history, lu*s been the fight of men for equality in gov ernment. The right to vote is the test. (Copyright, 1920. Western Newspaprf Union) World in Danger From Pls-gue. Danger from plague-infectcfi ports in the Mediterranean is pointed out by Doctor Keaumetz of the I'ns.teur in stitute. who says that reports /show a recrudescence of the plague, especially in Syria. Saloniki, Alexandria oad Con stantinople, where energetic measures are being taken, especially for the pro tection of allied troops. Doctor Beau metz expresses the opinion that the plague will not become general, but urges strict sanitary measures at French ports. "Same Insolent Germany" At the annual public meeting of the French Academy of Science Pres ident Guignard tokl of the part play ed by science In the victory of the Allies, and explained the inventions produced to oppose the devices used by the enemy. M. Guignard declared that Germany today was the same as before, with the same insolent scorn for promises made and the same hope for aii op portune return of her strength. NERVOUS PROSTRATION Mrs. J. Christman Proved That Lydia E. Pinkham's Vegetable Compound is a Remedy for this Trouble. Binghamton, N. Y.—"I was in a very nervous condition for over a year, my Tiind was gloomy, ould see no lighten lything, could not ork and could not ave anyone to see ie. Doctor's med icine did not help me id Lydia E. Pink anrs Vegetable Compound was re commended. I took |it and am now well. 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