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York Convention, Mr. Smitt.
any rule by which slaves were in the N could " not to be included in the ratio of representation, the very operation of it was to give certain privileges to men who were bo wicked as to keep slaves;'* to which Mr. Hamilton replied, that " without this indulgence no union could possibly have been formed. But . . consider ing those peculiar advantages which rived from them, [the Southern States,[ it is entirely just that they should be gratified.— The Southern States possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c., which must, be capi tal objects in treaties of commerce with foreign ■nations; and the advantage . . . will be felt in all the States. to tell the de in the Pennsylvania Convention, Mr. Wil son considered that the constitution laid the foundation for abolishing Slavery out of this country," though the period was more distant than he could wish. Yet . . . will bo under the control of Congress in this ptrticular, and slavery will never be intro duced amongst them " yet the lapse of a few years, and congress will have power to ex terminate slavery from within our borders." the New States In the Virginia convention Gov. Randolph Tegarded the slave trade as " infamous" and "detestable." Slavery was one of our vul nerable points. " Are we not weakened by the population of those whom we hold in slavery"? he asked. Col. Mason thought the slave trade " diabolical in itself and disgraceful to man kind." He would not admit the Southern States [Georgia and the Carolinas] into the Union unless they agreed to the discontinu ance of this disgraceful trade." Mr. Tyler thought "nothing could justify it." Patrick Henry, who contended for Slavery, confessed " Slavery*is detested,—we teel its fatal effects, —we deplore it with all the pity of humanity." " It would rejoice my very soul that every one emancipated."— ! of er a on to of my fellow-beings Said Mr. Johnson, " Slavery has been the foun dation ol that impiety and dissipation which have been so much disseminated among our countrymen. If it were totally abolished it would do much good." In the North Carolina Convention it was found necessary to apologize for the pro-slave ry character of the Constitution. Mr. Iredell in defence said, the matter of Slavery " was regulated with much difficulty and by a spirit of concession which it would not be prudent to disturb tor a good many years, probable thaï all the members reprobated this inhuman tiaffic [in slaves], but those of South Carolina and Georgia would not consent to an immediate prohibition of it." "Were it prac %o ,-»>* «x.v ,o..a ic. importation of slaves immudia'ely, il would give him the# greatest pleasure." " When the entire aboli tion of Slavery takes place it will be an (event which must be pleasing to every generous mind and every friend of human nature." — Mr. McDowell looked upon the slave trade *' as a very objectionable part of the system." Mr. Goudy did not wish " to be represented with negroes." In the South Carolina Convention Gen. Pinck ney admitted that the Carolina» and Georgia were so weak that they union strong enough lor th tually protecting each other;" it was their policy therolore " to form a close union with the E»stern States who are strong;" the East ern States had been the greatest suffeiers in the Revolution, they had " lost everything but their country and their freedom " we," the Carolinas and Georgia, " should let them, in some measure, partake of our prosperity."— But the union could corne only from a compro we have secured an unlimited im We It is a could not form a [ purpose of effec mise ; portation of negroes for twenty years, have obtained a rigid to recover our slaves in whatever part of America they shall take refuge, which is a right we had not before."— " We have made the best terms tor the secu rity of this species of property it was in our power to make ; we would have made better if we could, but on the whole I do not think them bad." No one in South Carolina, it seems, thought Slavery an Evil. Thus the Constitution was assented to as " the result of accommodation," though con- | taining clause» confessedly " founded on un- i just principles." The North had been false to , its avowed convictions, and in retnrn " higher i tonnage duties were imposed on foreign than I on American bottoms," and goods imported in American vessels " paid ten per cent, less duty than the same good, bronchi in those o.vned | by foreigners." The " Navigation laws" and j the "Tobacco" wrought after their kind ; | South Carolina and Georgia had their way.— The North, said Gouverneur Morris, in the nationalCouventionr for the "sacrifice of eve ry principle of right, of every impulse of hu manity," had this compensation, "to bind themselves to march their militia for the de fence of the Southern States, for their defence against those very slaves of whom they com plain. Tney must supply vessels and seamen in case of foreign attack. The legislature will have indefinite power to tax them by excises and duties on imports." ► Still, with many there lingered a vague be lief that Slavery would first Congress Mr. Jackson, of Georgia, admit ted that " it was an evil habit." Mr. Gerry and Mr. Madison both thought that Congress i. had "the right to regulate this business," and " if they see proper, to make a proposal to purchase all the slaves." But the most ob vious time for ending the institution had pass ed by ; the feeling of hostility to it grew weak er and weaker and the nation became united, powerful and rich ; its " mortal wound" was fast getting healed. ( perish. In the it DELAWARE ABOLITIONIST. ED ITED BY~ A~C0MMITT EE r SATU RDAY^ DECEMB ËR 30~_1848^ TO THE PATRONS OF THE ABOLITION. 1ST.—The present number completes the first volume of this paper and closes our editorial agency. W hether the committee may decide to issue another number or two, we cannot tell ; in that they will be governed partly, in the way the funds turn out, and partly in the matter of finding some one to edit it. As for ourself we volunteered merely as a make shift,without experience or qualification, until a better could be obtained; and as we promised nothing, we make no apology, for the deficien cies, for the last six months, of the paper.— We endeavored to make it readable, and hope not without some success, and that it has been producive of good. We lake leave of our readers with the sincerest feelings of friend ship, and hope, with them, to see the good work go on until Slavery is aboiished in the State and Nation. C. We have devoted a large share of this pa per to the able letter of Theodore Parker, in which he gives a historical and statistical view of slavery ; we earnestly recommend the pe rusal of it to every class of our readers, wheth er anti-slavery or pio-slavery, believing that they cannot fail to be both interested and eu lightened, on a vitally important subject. Also a letter from Thomas Jefferson, giving his opinion on Emancipation ; though old, it is a standard article and highly appropriate to the present time of agitation. The rapid de velopement of facts, having a direct bearing on the slavery question, as shown by the va rious measures before Congress, and 6ome of the State Legislatures, are signs of the times, hopeful and cheering to the friends of freedom. We cannot begin, in our »mall monthly sheet, to keep up with the thread of their discussion: but thanks to the labor of Abolitionists, the reader will find them recorded in every respectable journal. We copy from the Penn sylvania Freeman, the following extract— which is full of meaning,—from the message of the Governor of N York. " If there be of the Governor of N Subject upon whiôh'thk'peopte of the York. If there be any Stale of New York, approach near to unanimi ty of sentiment it is in their fixed determina tion to resist the extension of slavery over ter ritory now free. With them it involves a great moial principle, and overrates all questions of a temporary or of a political expediency.— None venture to dissent ; and in the mere dif ference of degree in which the sentiment [ ceive» utterance, it has proven powerful re even ti the breaking down of the strong barrier of Un the first day of the party organization, session, a strong series ot resolutions was in troduced to the house, against the extension of slavery, and in favor of the abolition of it iu the District. It is thuught they wtll pass with gieat unanimity. We regrot not being able to speak so hopefully of our own State, but do not despair. We have yet to see whether our Legislator will brave the scorn ot the world and in defiance of the wishes of their own Editors has opinions of his own—or his pecu liarities of taste, we can sav w ith a free heart, | that he makes by far the freshest, the raciest, i .._ , . . , „ , ... , the mosl lnd . B P endBm aild 1:10 mosl readable, i daily paper in out city." I We heartily concur in the above happily ex pressed sentiment of said paper, and its gifted . . r . | td " or ; and proceed to ejetraot from Us columns j Ihe following excellent and appropriate article, | abridging it merely of one short paragraph. fellow citizens, still suffer this relic of barbar ism to disgrace our State. The Fen nay Ivan ia Freeman in speaking of the "Daily Republic," says :—" Without agreeing with, or endorsing all the views of its Editor—who unlike most C. c-i .n . __t~i H... _ „ ™E S I Al E OF THE CASE. F Slaveholders and their sympathisers, are coA staully telling us that the anti-slavery movei ment in the North has acted, in fact, adversely* to its design. They point in proof to the rapid extension of slave territory and the increased severity of the slave laws of.the Southern States, since the abolition agitation common ced. These are simple and obvious facts, and their occurrence may be ascribed in part to the indirect operation of the antagonist sentiment whose growing force and thealening aspect has put slavery upon its defence, more prompt ly and decidedly than it otherwise would have been. lyler 8 administration founded the ne cessity for the immediate annexation of Texas, upon the movement made in England to pur chase out the slave property of that little re public, and banish domestic slavery from its territory. And our war with Mexico was doubtless, designed to give a broader and safer margin to the slave region than the rightful limits of Texas would afford it. It is likely enough, that the apprehension that freedom must at an early day press its way southward and reclaim the middle and eastern .Slates, wbich slave labor can no longer cultivate with profit, prompted the slave inteiest to open a timely retreat into a new »hreatre. It this is all that is true of the anti-slavery influence in stimulating the opposite interest, it resolves itself merely into a question of time : for it is notorious that the six original is slave States had grown to thirteen, and six hundred thousand slaves had increased to two millions while the North was yet passively non-resistant. And the same causes would as certainly, though perhaps more slowly have gone on till the very same results which aie now claimed upon the provocation of the Noith, would have happened. The argument there iore is nothing but the wrong justifying its pre cipitancy and violence by the aggression of the right which it resists. In this way the law causes the outrage of the delinquent's resist an ce : and the existence of legitimate authori ty occasions the turbulence of armed rebellion, So far, we stand acquitted of all culpability in such an accident of our agency. But it is also charged that the spirit and manner of the assault upon the position of the South has been inconsiderate and indiscreet.— In this also there may be some truth ; but at the same time, it may afford the South no jus tification; for it was almost unavoidable in the circumstances of an enterprise so difficult in itself, and resisted as this has been. It is also charged with injustice to the vast pecuniary interests invested, on the guarranty of the public law, in the persons and labor of slaves. It is not pretended that the slave has in any way, either by his own or his ancestor's acts, contracted a debt or duty to his master, which forfeits his liberty and labor; but the claimant says he has a virtual contract with us for the profits of this third party's labor ; and it becomes not us to demand the recision of void in law, or contrary to the contract morals. This objection might be made perti nent and respectable, if not valid in tact, it it came as one of the conditions of a proposition to do justice to the injured party, offered in good laith, and to be adjusted equitably. If we have in any way induced them to accept a a bad title, and if they proposed to begin by surrendering what they ought not to hold against the injured party, there would be sense, justice and good conscience in demand ing from such reparation ol actual damage as have occasioned, and we ought to make it good to the last shilling. We say they have no right to the slave» ; they answer that them, and had We 6ay that we have repented, anil if they will do tho «mp, w« will HHiltle the whole ae count fairly. But settle or not'settle, the slave is entitled to his freedom. And if we do owe you anything for helping to steal him, and are liable upon our warranty of title, still, both parties are more deeply in debt to the stolen man, lor all the wrongs inflicted upon him,and that account should not be made to await the adjustment of ours. The pretense that emancipation upon the soil is impracticable is sufficiently answered by the fact that the system of slavery is intol erable—out of the harmony of things, and fit ted only to destroy and be itself destroyed.— A priori , if God made the slave a man, socie ty cannot reverse His purpose. The omnipo tent cause is in cotisant effort to achieve the design, and the whole economy of things tends constantly to its ultimatum. The same truth s demonstrated in the world's experience.— Providence has written on every feature of the system " l will overturn, overturn," and abolitionism is an inevitable fact. It may be postponed but cannot be prevented. It is unavailing to object the faults of the e mancipation movement against its essence.— The strength and wisdom of maturity will cor rect the faults and errors of infancy, and oppo sition will only discipline the agents and means into perfect adaptaion. In the meantime, however, abolitionists should look earnestly and respectfully into the argument of the enemy and learn whatever it is capable of teaching, fsr it is not enough to be right in principle and aim; we mnst also do full justice to the antagonist interest, (for^o wrong doer is wholly wrong and few reforms wholly right) and adopt the meansantV accommodate the measures to the state amft circumstances of the evil. The divine admin| istraticn is always in wise relation to its sub jects, and human intervention must adjust itself to the particular character qf the work. Daily Republic. helped them to steal share of the first profits.— Air Navigation.—T he Boston Post says that " Captain John Taggart, of Charleston, tis building a machine to navigate in the air. VV% have seen a picture of the balloon, and a mini jature of the sails and the w'ay he creates l new element with them. President Everett and Mr. Treadwell of Hartford College and Mr. Pook, the naval constructor, we under stand, have expressed favorable opinions ot the project- Capt. T. has invested $1,500, and wants to raise as much more by subscription, j n order to complete the new carriage for the upper deep hy the 4th of July." If it really be true, that the gentlemen named have ex pressed the opinion that any element, new or old, (a new element is a novelty, at least,) can be brought to drive so bulky a machine as a balloon, in the air, it only goes to show how easy it is for smart men to make very great blunders. A fifty-horse power engine could scarcely drive a body of such surface against a ten mile breeze, let alone a smart wind.— The Captain will find that his money will fly faster than his balloon, by a good many knots, __ Lowell Courier. From the Morning Star. THE PEACE MOVEMENT—ELIHU BUR RITT, The cause of Peace, which for several year* has been doing something in the United Slates and England, by means of Peace Societies amt peace publications, seems now to be making' progress on a larger scale than heretofore. It is known td our readers that Elihu Burritt, the learned Blacksmith of Massachusetts, has been in England and on the continent for some time engaged in promoting the cause of peace, and league ol universal brotherhood. We have been deeply interested in reading his ac counts of matteisand things in the old world, and particularly with his reports of a grand peace demonstration held recently in the capi- tal of Belgium, which is a division of the King dom of Netherlands. It appears that after long and difficult labors in the cause, in the British empire, Mr. Burritt succeeded in get ting a large number of the English men of in fluence as a deputation to meet in some King dom on the continent for a peace demon station. Burritt, with a committee from Lon don, went to Paris : but such was the state of the country, that it was thought some other place would be preferable for such a Conven tion as was contemplated, and the city of Brussels, the capital of Belgium, was fixed upon for the place of holding the first great peace demonstration on the European conti neat. Burritt, with two or three friends from England, who had met him at Brussels for the purpose, succeeded beyond their highest pectations in interesting men of talent auad great influence in the Belgian capital, m tab cause of a peace demonstration, and splendid preparations were speedily made for a conveh tion of tsvodays, when the friends of r from several nations could confer together, was an interesting incident that this great peace convention was to meet within a. few miles of that bloody war demonstration on thd fields of Waterloo, where the power of Napdf leon was broken by the combined Europea* powers, and where tens of thousands of noble men, on both sides were left dead on the bloody field of battle. How unlike thisdemonstralioh of Peace to that of War ! Well, the convention was held, and a most splendid affair it was, and came off with great eclat l The American minister had assisted them much by interesting the Belgian govern favor ?of their demonstration. The grandest hall that Mr. B. ever met tion in, was furnished them, concourse assembled ; one hundred and fifty had come over from England and Scotland ; they had come in from France, and there from other countries. Speeches made by men of great names from different countries : and peace resolutions passed, and * among them, one urging upon the government» of Europe and America the importance of avoiding all wars by an appeal to a Congres» of Nations hereafter to be established. In a word, the Brussel's Congress, is represented a» a glorious day to the cause of Peace on both sides of the Atlantic. Measures were taken for permanent efforts on this grand plan ; M. Visschers of the Belgian government chosen President, and Vice Presidents appointed, one for Belgium, one for France, one for England, and Burritt tor the l\ Sates. Since the Brussel's Congress, they have held a week of demonstrations in England, in va rious large towns. The bureau of the Brus sel's Congress is soon to issue an Address to all the Governments of Europe and America, for abolishing all war. The President and Vice Presidents have called upon Lord John Russel, the Premier of England. He receiv ed them courteously, and spoke encouragingly of their peace efforts. We opine that great good will ultimately grow out of these efforts, to the cause of Christianity and international Peace, to the right. ex peac It ment a conven An immense were were e Succès» P. S. B. FREE SOILISM IN LOUISIANA. A late number of the N Orleans Courier contains a curious debate in the Senate of Louisiana, on a bill appropriating one thousand dollars for the benefit of indigent free colored orphan». Senator Haralson considered the bill an en tering wedge to abolitionism or free soilism.— " I do not believe," he added, " that such were the intentions of its author, but that is the in evitable tendency, arid hence my motion to lay it indefinitely on the table." Mr. Reynolds, in defence of the bill, said- , " I can see nothing in the tendency of the bi to justify the apprehension of the Senator." Senator Gaicia said, "I think it our dutytL do everything for the moral advancement of well as for the moral advancement of the free colored people among In opposition to the bill, said Mr. Lwayi onr race us. I cannot see why there should be __ much anxiety to pass this bill, except from lo cal considerations. Perhaps the gentlemen are anxious to establish these people near them. The true policy of the State is to get rid of them—-to drive them away. In the State of North Carolina, enlightened experience has suggested the necessity ot putting up every free negro who refused to quit the State, and selling him to the highest bidder. We may be under the necessity one of these days to. follow the example of that State." Senator Kenner said, " if we are to be bound down by what these Senators conceive the strict principles of justice, and are to accord to the black man all the prerogatives of equality before our laws, where is this doctrine going to lead us? Had a Northern fanatic employed such doctrines as these, his abolitionism would have been deemed so plain, that those who run may read." >»