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The Delaware abolitionist. (Wilmington, Del.) 1847-18??, December 31, 1848, Image 2

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York Convention, Mr. Smitt.
any rule by which slaves were
in the N
could " not
to be included in the ratio of representation,
the very operation of it was to give certain
privileges to men who were bo wicked as to
keep slaves;'* to which Mr. Hamilton replied,
that " without this indulgence no union could
possibly have been formed. But . . consider
ing those peculiar advantages which
rived from them, [the Southern States,[ it is
entirely just that they should be gratified.—
The Southern States possess certain staples,
tobacco, rice, indigo, &c., which must, be capi
tal objects in treaties of commerce with foreign
■nations; and the advantage . . . will be felt
in all the States.
in the Pennsylvania Convention, Mr. Wil
son considered that the constitution laid the
foundation for abolishing Slavery out of this
country," though the period was more distant
than he could wish. Yet
. . . will bo under the control of Congress in
this ptrticular, and slavery will never be intro
duced amongst them " yet the lapse of a
few years, and congress will have power to ex
terminate slavery from within our borders."
the New States
In the Virginia convention Gov. Randolph
Tegarded the slave trade as " infamous" and
"detestable." Slavery was one of our vul
nerable points. " Are we not weakened by the
population of those whom we hold in slavery"?
he asked. Col. Mason thought the slave trade
" diabolical in itself and disgraceful to man
kind." He would not admit the Southern
States [Georgia and the Carolinas] into the
Union unless they agreed to the discontinu
ance of this disgraceful trade." Mr. Tyler
thought "nothing could justify it." Patrick
Henry, who contended for Slavery, confessed
" Slavery*is detested,—we teel its fatal effects,
—we deplore it with all the pity of humanity."
" It would rejoice my very soul that every one
of my fellow-beings
Said Mr. Johnson, " Slavery has been the foun
dation ol that impiety and dissipation which
have been so much disseminated among our
countrymen. If it were totally abolished it
would do much good."
In the North Carolina Convention it was
found necessary to apologize for the pro-slave
ry character of the Constitution. Mr. Iredell
in defence said, the matter of Slavery " was
regulated with much difficulty and by a spirit
of concession which it would not be prudent
to disturb tor a good many years,
probable thaï all the members reprobated this
inhuman tiaffic [in slaves], but those of South
Carolina and Georgia would not consent to an
immediate prohibition of it." "Were it prac
%o ,-»>* «x.v ,o..a ic. importation of
slaves immudia'ely, il would give him the#
greatest pleasure." " When the entire aboli
tion of Slavery takes place it will be an (event
which must be pleasing to every generous
mind and every friend of human nature." —
Mr. McDowell looked upon the slave trade
*' as a very objectionable part of the system."
Mr. Goudy did not wish " to be represented
with negroes."
In the South Carolina Convention Gen. Pinck
ney admitted that the Carolina» and Georgia
were so weak that they
union strong enough lor th
tually protecting each other;" it was their
policy therolore " to form a close union with
the E»stern States who are strong;" the East
ern States had been the greatest suffeiers in
the Revolution, they had " lost everything but
their country and their freedom " we," the
Carolinas and Georgia, " should let them, in
some measure, partake of our prosperity."—
But the union could corne only from a compro
we have secured an unlimited im
It is
could not form a [
purpose of effec
mise ;
portation of negroes for twenty years,
have obtained a rigid to recover our slaves in
whatever part of America they shall take
refuge, which is a right we had not before."—
" We have made the best terms tor the secu
rity of this species of property it was in our
power to make ; we would have made better
if we could, but on the whole I do not think
them bad." No one in South Carolina, it
seems, thought Slavery an Evil.
Thus the Constitution was assented to as
" the result of accommodation," though con- |
taining clause» confessedly " founded on un- i
just principles." The North had been false to ,
its avowed convictions, and in retnrn " higher i
tonnage duties were imposed on foreign than I
on American bottoms," and goods imported in
American vessels " paid ten per cent, less duty
than the same good, bronchi in those o.vned |
by foreigners." The " Navigation laws" and j
the "Tobacco" wrought after their kind ; |
South Carolina and Georgia had their way.—
The North, said Gouverneur Morris, in the
nationalCouventionr for the "sacrifice of eve
ry principle of right, of every impulse of hu
manity," had this compensation, "to bind
themselves to march their militia for the de
fence of the Southern States, for their defence
against those very slaves of whom they com
plain. Tney must supply vessels and seamen
in case of foreign attack. The legislature will
have indefinite power to tax them by excises
and duties on imports."
► Still, with many there lingered a vague be
lief that Slavery would
first Congress Mr. Jackson, of Georgia, admit
ted that " it was an evil habit." Mr. Gerry
and Mr. Madison both thought that Congress
i. had "the right to regulate this business," and
" if they see proper, to make a proposal to
purchase all the slaves." But the most ob
vious time for ending the institution had pass
ed by ; the feeling of hostility to it grew weak
er and weaker and the nation became united,
powerful and rich ; its " mortal wound" was
fast getting healed.
perish. In the
1ST.—The present number completes the first
volume of this paper and closes our editorial
agency. W hether the committee may decide
to issue another number or two, we cannot
tell ; in that they will be governed partly, in
the way the funds turn out, and partly in the
matter of finding some one to edit it. As for
ourself we volunteered merely as a make
shift,without experience or qualification, until a
better could be obtained; and as we promised
nothing, we make no apology, for the deficien
cies, for the last six months, of the paper.—
We endeavored to make it readable, and hope
not without some success, and that it has been
producive of good. We lake leave of our
readers with the sincerest feelings of friend
ship, and hope, with them, to see the good
work go on until Slavery is aboiished in the
State and Nation.
We have devoted a large share of this pa
per to the able letter of Theodore Parker, in
which he gives a historical and statistical view
of slavery ; we earnestly recommend the pe
rusal of it to every class of our readers, wheth
er anti-slavery or pio-slavery, believing that
they cannot fail to be both interested and eu
lightened, on a vitally important subject.
Also a letter from Thomas Jefferson, giving
his opinion on Emancipation ; though old, it is
a standard article and highly appropriate to
the present time of agitation. The rapid de
velopement of facts, having a direct bearing
on the slavery question, as shown by the va
rious measures before Congress, and 6ome of
the State Legislatures, are signs of the times,
hopeful and cheering to the friends of freedom.
We cannot begin, in our »mall monthly sheet,
to keep up with the thread of their discussion:
but thanks to the labor of Abolitionists, the
reader will
find them recorded in every
respectable journal. We copy from the Penn
sylvania Freeman, the following extract—
which is full of meaning,—from the message
of the Governor of N
York. " If there be
of the Governor of N
Subject upon whiôh'thk'peopte of the
York. If there be
Stale of New York, approach near to unanimi
ty of sentiment it is in their fixed determina
tion to resist the extension of slavery over ter
ritory now free. With them it involves a great
moial principle, and overrates all questions of
a temporary or of a political expediency.—
None venture to dissent ; and in the mere dif
ference of degree in which the sentiment
[ ceive» utterance, it has proven powerful
ti the breaking down of the strong barrier of
Un the first day of the
party organization,
session, a strong series ot resolutions was in
troduced to the house, against the extension of
slavery, and in favor of the abolition of it iu
the District. It is thuught they wtll pass with
gieat unanimity. We regrot not being able to
speak so hopefully of our own State, but do not
despair. We have yet to see whether our
Legislator will brave the scorn ot the world
and in defiance of the wishes of their own
Editors has opinions of his own—or his pecu
liarities of taste, we can sav w ith a free heart,
| that he makes by far the freshest, the raciest,
i .._ , . . , „ , ...
, the mosl lnd . B P endBm aild 1:10 mosl readable,
i daily paper in out city."
I We heartily concur in the above happily ex
pressed sentiment of said paper, and its gifted
. . r .
| td " or ; and proceed to ejetraot from Us columns
j Ihe following excellent and appropriate article,
| abridging it merely of one short paragraph.
fellow citizens, still suffer this relic of barbar
ism to disgrace our State. The Fen nay Ivan ia
Freeman in speaking of the "Daily Republic,"
says :—" Without agreeing with, or endorsing
all the views of its Editor—who unlike most
c-i .n . __t~i H... _ „
Slaveholders and their sympathisers, are coA
staully telling us that the anti-slavery movei
ment in the North has acted, in fact, adversely*
to its design. They point in proof to the rapid
extension of slave territory and the increased
severity of the slave laws of.the Southern
States, since the abolition agitation common
ced. These are simple and obvious facts, and
their occurrence may be ascribed in part to the
indirect operation of the antagonist sentiment
whose growing force and thealening aspect
has put slavery upon its defence, more prompt
ly and decidedly than it otherwise would have
been. lyler 8 administration founded the ne
cessity for the immediate annexation of Texas,
upon the movement made in England to pur
chase out the slave property of that little re
public, and banish domestic slavery from its
territory. And our war with Mexico was
doubtless, designed to give a broader and safer
margin to the slave region than the rightful
limits of Texas would afford it. It is likely
enough, that the apprehension that freedom
must at an early day press its way southward
and reclaim the middle and eastern .Slates,
wbich slave labor can no longer cultivate with
profit, prompted the slave inteiest to open a
timely retreat into a new »hreatre.
It this is all that is true of the anti-slavery
influence in stimulating the opposite interest,
it resolves itself merely into a question of
time : for it is notorious that the six original is
slave States had grown to thirteen, and six
hundred thousand slaves had increased to two
millions while the North was yet passively
non-resistant. And the same causes would as
certainly, though perhaps more slowly have
gone on till the very same results which aie
now claimed upon the provocation of the Noith,
would have happened. The argument there
iore is nothing but the wrong justifying its pre
cipitancy and violence by the aggression of the
right which it resists. In this way the law
causes the outrage of the delinquent's resist
an ce : and the existence of legitimate authori
ty occasions the turbulence of armed rebellion,
So far, we stand acquitted of all culpability in
such an accident of our agency.
But it is also charged that the spirit and
manner of the assault upon the position of the
South has been inconsiderate and indiscreet.—
In this also there may be some truth ; but at
the same time, it may afford the South no jus
tification; for it was almost unavoidable in the
circumstances of an enterprise so difficult in
itself, and resisted as this has been.
It is also charged with injustice to the vast
pecuniary interests invested, on the guarranty
of the public law, in the persons and labor of
slaves. It is not pretended that the slave has
in any way, either by his own or his ancestor's
acts, contracted a debt or duty to his master,
which forfeits his liberty and labor; but the
claimant says he has a virtual contract with us
for the profits of this third party's labor ; and
it becomes not us to demand the recision of
void in law, or contrary to
the contract
morals. This objection might be made perti
nent and respectable, if not valid in tact, it it
came as one of the conditions of a proposition
to do justice to the injured party, offered in
good laith, and to be adjusted equitably. If
we have in any way induced them to accept a
a bad title, and if they proposed to begin by
surrendering what they ought not to hold
against the injured party, there would be
sense, justice and good conscience in demand
ing from such reparation ol actual damage as
have occasioned, and we ought to make it
good to the last shilling.
We say they have no right to the slave» ;
they answer that
them, and had
We 6ay that we have repented, anil if they
will do tho «mp, w« will HHiltle the whole ae
count fairly. But settle or not'settle, the slave
is entitled to his freedom. And if we do owe
you anything for helping to steal him, and are
liable upon our warranty of title, still, both
parties are more deeply in debt to the stolen
man, lor all the wrongs inflicted upon him,and
that account should not be made to await the
adjustment of ours.
The pretense that emancipation upon the
soil is impracticable is sufficiently answered
by the fact that the system of slavery is intol
erable—out of the harmony of things, and fit
ted only to destroy and be itself destroyed.—
A priori , if God made the slave a man, socie
ty cannot reverse His purpose. The omnipo
tent cause is in cotisant effort to achieve the
design, and the whole economy of things tends
constantly to its ultimatum. The same truth
s demonstrated in the world's experience.—
Providence has written on every feature of
the system " l will overturn, overturn," and
abolitionism is an inevitable fact. It may be
postponed but cannot be prevented.
It is unavailing to object the faults of the e
mancipation movement against its essence.—
The strength and wisdom of maturity will cor
rect the faults and errors of infancy, and oppo
sition will only discipline the agents and means
into perfect adaptaion.
In the meantime, however, abolitionists
should look earnestly and respectfully into the
argument of the enemy and learn whatever it
is capable of teaching, fsr it is not enough to
be right in principle and aim; we mnst also
do full justice to the antagonist interest, (for^o
wrong doer is wholly wrong and few reforms
wholly right) and adopt the meansantV
accommodate the measures to the state amft
circumstances of the evil. The divine admin|
istraticn is always in wise relation to its sub
jects, and human intervention must adjust
itself to the particular character qf the work.
Daily Republic.
helped them to steal
share of the first profits.—
Air Navigation.—T he Boston Post says
that " Captain John Taggart, of Charleston, tis
building a machine to navigate in the air. VV%
have seen a picture of the balloon, and a mini
jature of the sails and the w'ay he creates l
new element with them. President Everett
and Mr. Treadwell of Hartford College and
Mr. Pook, the naval constructor, we under
stand, have expressed favorable opinions ot
the project- Capt. T. has invested $1,500, and
wants to raise as much more by subscription,
j n order to complete the new carriage for the
upper deep hy the 4th of July." If it really
be true, that the gentlemen named have ex
pressed the opinion that any element, new or
old, (a new element is a novelty, at least,) can
be brought to drive so bulky a machine as a
balloon, in the air, it only goes to show how
easy it is for smart men to make very great
blunders. A fifty-horse power engine could
scarcely drive a body of such surface against
a ten mile breeze, let alone a smart wind.—
The Captain will find that his money will fly
faster than his balloon, by a good many knots,
__ Lowell Courier.
From the Morning Star.
The cause of Peace, which for several year*
has been doing something in the United Slates
and England, by means of Peace Societies amt
peace publications, seems now to be making'
progress on a larger scale than heretofore. It
is known td our readers that Elihu Burritt, the
learned Blacksmith of Massachusetts, has
been in England and on the continent for some
time engaged in promoting the cause of peace,
and league ol universal brotherhood. We
have been deeply interested in reading his ac
counts of matteisand things in the old world,
and particularly with his reports of a grand
peace demonstration held recently in the capi-
tal of Belgium, which is a division of the King
dom of Netherlands. It appears that after
long and difficult labors in the cause, in the
British empire, Mr. Burritt succeeded in get
ting a large number of the English men of in
fluence as a deputation to meet in some King
dom on the continent for a peace demon
station. Burritt, with a committee from Lon
don, went to Paris : but such was the state of
the country, that it was thought some other
place would be preferable for such a Conven
tion as was contemplated, and the city of
Brussels, the capital of Belgium, was fixed
upon for the place of holding the first great
peace demonstration on the European conti
neat. Burritt, with two or three friends from
England, who had met him at Brussels for the
purpose, succeeded beyond their highest
pectations in interesting men of talent auad
great influence in the Belgian capital, m tab
cause of a peace demonstration, and splendid
preparations were speedily made for a conveh
tion of tsvodays, when the friends of r
from several nations could confer together,
was an interesting incident that this great
peace convention was to meet within a. few
miles of that bloody war demonstration on thd
fields of Waterloo, where the power of Napdf
leon was broken by the combined Europea*
powers, and where tens of thousands of noble
men, on both sides were left dead on the bloody
field of battle. How unlike thisdemonstralioh
of Peace to that of War !
Well, the convention was held, and a most
splendid affair it was, and came off with great
eclat l The American minister had assisted
them much by interesting the Belgian govern
favor ?of their demonstration. The
grandest hall that Mr. B. ever met
tion in, was furnished them,
concourse assembled ; one hundred and fifty
had come over from England and Scotland ;
they had come in from France, and
there from other countries. Speeches
made by men of great names from different
countries : and peace resolutions passed, and *
among them, one urging upon the government»
of Europe and America the importance of
avoiding all wars by an appeal to a Congres»
of Nations hereafter to be established. In a
word, the Brussel's Congress, is represented a»
a glorious day to the cause of Peace on both
sides of the Atlantic. Measures were taken
for permanent efforts on this grand plan ; M.
Visschers of the Belgian government
chosen President, and Vice Presidents
appointed, one for Belgium, one for France,
one for England, and Burritt tor the l\ Sates.
Since the Brussel's Congress, they have held
a week of demonstrations in England, in va
rious large towns. The bureau of the Brus
sel's Congress is soon to issue an Address to
all the Governments of Europe and America,
for abolishing all war. The President and
Vice Presidents have called upon Lord John
Russel, the Premier of England. He receiv
ed them courteously, and spoke encouragingly
of their peace efforts.
We opine that great good will ultimately
grow out of these efforts, to the cause of
Christianity and international Peace,
to the right.
a conven
An immense
P. S. B.
A late number of the N
Orleans Courier
contains a curious debate in the Senate of
Louisiana, on a bill appropriating one thousand
dollars for the benefit of indigent free colored
Senator Haralson considered the bill
an en
tering wedge to abolitionism or free soilism.—
" I do not believe," he added, " that such were
the intentions of its author, but that is the in
evitable tendency, arid hence my motion to lay
it indefinitely on the table."
Mr. Reynolds, in defence of the bill, said- ,
" I can see nothing in the tendency of the bi
to justify the apprehension of the Senator."
Senator Gaicia said, "I think it our dutytL
do everything for the moral advancement of
well as for the moral advancement
of the free colored people among
In opposition to the bill,
said Mr. Lwayi
onr race
I cannot see
why there should be __
much anxiety to pass this bill, except from lo
cal considerations. Perhaps the gentlemen
are anxious to establish these people near them.
The true policy of the State is to get rid of
them—-to drive them away. In the State of
North Carolina, enlightened experience has
suggested the necessity ot putting up every
free negro who refused to quit the State, and
selling him to the highest bidder. We may
be under the necessity one of these days to.
follow the example of that State."
Senator Kenner said, " if we are to be bound
down by what these Senators conceive the
strict principles of justice, and are to accord to
the black man all the prerogatives of equality
before our laws, where is this doctrine going to
lead us? Had a Northern fanatic employed
such doctrines as these, his abolitionism would
have been deemed so plain, that those who run
may read."

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