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From the Reflector and Watchman.
_. , , Of all questions which come home to the e business and bosoms ot all, is the slave trade in this District. r I he Hon. Henry L. Ellsworth, lor many years Commissioner of Patents, and whose fame as a friend of agriculture and the usetul arts, is in the houses of our whole conn try, in a speech delivered by him at Lafayette, Indiana, (his present home,) has stated some facts which must have their weight with the country. Mr. Ellsworth as I have before said was a citizen ot Washington, for ten years, he had an opportunity of seeing the op eration of slavery in our District, and here is what he says on the subject to the farmers of Indiana : " A gentleman \* ho once hailed from Vir ginia has unexpectedly arisen upon the stand, and after admitting with much courtesy the sincerity of my remarks, would lessen their ' force by calling me a theorist. I am compell ed to reply—I am from the Yankee land. I have resided ten long years in a slave territory —the District ot Columbia—the little spot the nation emphatically calls her own. Would to God that I could say slavery was not there.— But there it is, to greet the arrival of strangers attracted to the metropolis by business or curi osly. Yes, there it is in awful reality,—in lull sight of great legislators—near the western gate of the capitol and almost reached by its flag, the ' Pen ' is found, walled in and guard ed, with manacles and handcuffs, the para phanalia of a slave ship. There human beirws are daily incarcerated and brought out for safe, first exposed and proved, like cattle, sound ui wind and limb, and then ironed and drivent Id acclimate or die in the rice swamps or on tie sugar plantations of the south. I " Here, too, the dignitaries of the land (\»io travel at eight dollars for every twenty mills,) come to stock their farms. » "Herp, too, color is a crime; one specliof African blood consigns the unfortunate if foflnd at large, to the prison, and if as does ocir, passport or manumission is lost, he is eo^ld to slavery again ! Those who have purchased their freedom live in constant fear of abduc tion. I have been awakened at the dead hour of night by the supplication of a domestic, that I would save her sister, whom the men were carrying off. Knowing she was free, I went with a friend in search of the captive : we found her in custody of two 1 nigger hun ters ' who showed an advertisement, $50 bounty ; they claimed her as a runaway; she protested by her tears and assertions that she was not a skive. Force was threatened; it •would haveljeen resisted at all hazards. A nizht of horror to thi* sirl pa.-wil away. The ■li^bt of day beamed upon the fact« : she was SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUM BIA. bia ■li^bt of day beamed upon the fact« : she was free and proved it. How narrow her escape! —If carried far away her lips sealed in silence, when would her rescue arrive?—at the grave. u Shall l tell with what horror representa tives at our court from foreign lands behold, at the seat of government the exhibition ol principles of thitf free republic, where all men are bv nature born equal ! " Even the citizens of the District have not nerve to behold the execution of their wishes. Mothers separated from their children, and the injunction not to put asunder what God has joined together, despised and rejected. Slaves pretence of business and when be yond the sound of shrieks and supplications, they are seized and borne away to the pen. " Here it is that fathers sell their own chil dren and themselves rivet the manacles of slavery forever ! " Had wealth been mine I could have con I could have are sent secrated it to a holy purpose, saved some, who had learned to read the Bible and yield to its requirements, giving evidence by a Christian walk of the sincerity of profes sion ; such l could have saved, not from ser vile labor, but from the possession of whose motive was lu»t, whose cruelty worse than death ! If nature or accomplishments adorn the female slave, it is only to make her the object of greater desire. I have urged the claims of humanity, of pity, and mercy, 9 II in vain." I well remember the incident to which Col. Ellsworth refers in the foregoing extract, for I the friend who accompanied him to the nigger hunters " had rudely entered, and claimed the sister recent ly returned from " the free West " on a visit to her relatives in this city ; nor shall I soon forget the feelings aroused by the impudent menacing demeanor ot these men. They in terogated as men having the sovereignty of life and liberty in their hands—" the girl black, the law said a black face was, by pre sumption, a slave, and they had a right to her, and could and would imprison her if they pleased ;" and that it was deemed by jhem an act of distinguished courtesy to be lieve Col. Ellsworth and myself wheu sured them that the girl before them, was well known to us both, and had been for years ployed in our families as a seamtress, and was not the fugitive slave they were in pursuit of. And this is the law in the District of Columbia, the free soil of our Confederacy. one was house where these Roger Williams. A Novel Case. —Col. Wilson Sunderlin, of Memphis, Tenn, says the Cincinnati Times, recently died, leaving an estate of $150,000. JHe had to sets of children, somewhat after the fashion of many Southern gentlemen, but in the cleverness of his heart he made them share alike. An effort will be made to contest the will by some of the heirs. PLAN OF EMANCIPATION. The question is proposed to us continually, orally and by letter, what plan of Emancipa tion do you mean to advocate in the Exarnin e r ? We rejoice at the frequency and earnestness with which this inquiry is made, lt is an in dication that one great result which we have aimed to produce, is in a great degree accom plished. The public mind is at once aroused ; the importance ot the subject of Emancipation jg acknowledged, and the determination of dis cussing it thoroughly, and with a view to definite action, is privately and publicly avow ed. Whether we have been instrumental in pro ducing this result, y/e cannot say. We hope we have had some agency, however humble it m ay have been. But whether we have been instrumental or not, the result is reached, and we rejoice, and all friends of their country, and of humanity, have reason to rejoice with us. ' When once the conviction of the necessity of action on a subject of vast importance has be come deep seated and general, the day of ac tion cannot be tar distant. We wish now to'utter a few thoughts to the friends, who have proposed the question at the head of this article. We have purposely refrained heretofore, from advocating any particular plan of Eman cipation in our editorial columns. We have been firmly of the opinion, that the first, the all-important thing was to draw attention to the subject of Emancipation ; to awaken the pub* lie mind to a sense of the necessity, the prac ticability, and the duty of action. We hive felt, as strongly as any of our readers, the An portance of having some plan presented,which would commend itself to the friends of tie cause, and enlist their united and whole-soulfd energies in its behalf. We have earnestly de ** red lhe arrival of the time when such a efttn C0l, ld be profitably presented. That timejKve believe, has, nearly, if not quite, come, 'the friends of Emancipation, should, without ae lay» determine on the coursé to be pursued ki order t0 l ^ e lulfilment of their cherished wial es - ..... f To accomplish this end, it is proposed tint a meeting of the friends of the cause tromidl parts of the State be held veiy soon after /he Presidential election. The place has not been decided upon. That is immaterial. Let it be at £• rankfort, Louisville, or at whatever point may be most generally convenient, and as early in November as practicable. Whatever place and time may be agreed on, then and m 0re * et us meet. Let us have a full repre ae ntation, and let a I come with minds wide awake, and hearts all alive. Let us meet for ,u " and , , ree interchange of thought. Let BVBr )' onB bB ,u P rr,B1,t tllB l ,Ul » «"»on has occurred to him as wisest, most humane aiK bo®!» let every one be prepared to lis ,en w, |" »'forest and respect to the sugges 1,0,18 °' every other mind. After a free inter change of thought and thorough discussion of the various plans proposed, we doubt not that one will be agreed upon, which will be /ound feasible and just ; which will win the approval of the friends, and command the respect, of the enemies ol Emancipation. the enemies ol Emancipation. We do not wish to forestall action, nor to prejudice the minds ot our readers. We, therefore, shall not now propose a plan, but will content ourselves with pointing out some of the features which should characterise any plan which aims to secure a hearty and gene ral adoption. 1st. Such a plan must rest for its founda tion upon the conviction that slavery is an evil anil a wrong, an evil to the whites, a wrong to •the blacks, and that its removal, therefore, is demanded alike by right and expediency, by principle and policy. 2d. Such a plan must consult the welfare both of the white and black population. If you propose a scheme which has refer enoe only to the interest and convenience of the whites, and cares not for the welfare of the blacks, you alienate some of the truest friends of the slave. There are those, many we believe, among slave-holders, who have received slaves by inheritance, who have grown up with them from childhood, under the shelter of the same roof and in the exercise of an affection made tender and strong by early associations and life-long intimacy, who would turn with aversion from any plan of émancipa tion which overlooked the well-being of the blacks, even though convinced that such a plan would promote their own convenience and in crease their own wealth. On the other hand, if you propose a plan which provides for the welfare of the blacks, without reference to the interest of the whites, you not only alienate a large class, now favor able to emancipation, but you arive that class into open and bitter enmity. The plan, which would meet with general approval, must provide for the comfort and happiness, not of the whites alone, nor the blacks alone, but of whites and blacks, of all classes and ages. Nor should it content itself with providing for physical and economical in terests; it should aim to promote, as far as possible, the moral, intellectual and religious well-being of all. In short,'*it should be a plan which commends itself to conscience, self-in terest and affection; which enlists in its favor religion, humanity and common sense.— Louis ville Examiner. if Debt of Canada —The debt of the Canadas is stated as being nearly fourteen million of dol lars—a dead weight not likely to be lessened by the additional evils of an extravagant system of official expenditure and a decreasing rev enue. SLAVERY IN CONGRESS-ITEMS. Mr. Hale presented a large number of pel titions numerously signed by women residing! indifferent parts of the country, anti-sUverw at all points. He moved its relerence to thl Committee on the District, with instructions tf> report a bill abolishing slavery in the DistriJ. lie was cut off from the discussion of the sul) ject by a nVotion to lav the reception upon tlie uble, whom was carried by a majority ot nJte; nineteen Senators absent or dodging. Burthe next day Mr. Underwood of Kentucky, find ing how ungenerous a similar disposition of one ot his own petitions would be, moved a John C. Calhoun is the Chairman of the sub-committee appointed by the Southern cau cus to prepraean address upon the North and South of the crisis brought about by the reso lutions and measures pending and anticipated during the present session. His report will be due on the 15th inst. Letter writers atihe Capital believe it will be moderate in tone and suggestion, with the purpose of involving the S'juth and repressing the North a little, by way of a beginning : reserving extravagancies for the stage of fuller commitment in the South, and increased concessions in the North. Very well. The combustibles are yet to be kindled, and it is not dertain that they will catch or make as much flame as smoke if they do. If the Slavery sentiment is in a condition to need arousing, we take leave to report progress, and make another move. The extracts, which we give to-day from Southern papers, together with a number of others like them, already before our r«aders, »»ho substantial reasons for his newly adopted moderation. Besides, it is confidently report ed that there will be divisions among the leaders, differences of opinion, and differences hich will eventually nullify the toolish if not treasonable movement, and make it the very last of the kind. It is simply ridic ulous to fear.that those men can get up a pro visional government for the South, either in form or effect, or influence the people whom they pretend to represent to any act ot mad ness. An American revolution cannot be built upon a caprice. The North is safe in Consti tutional authority for all its actions, the Suath is 3afe because unassailed in all the rights and interests which it is concerned to protect. JA few exploiters in slavery stocks, cannot tnçive the people of any portion ot the Country, and they are just now going to get the proof of their feebleness, or give it, by the insignifi cance of the measures .vhich they will pro pose. And John C. Calhoun is the last man jn the nation to conduct such an enterprise ai that which he heads. He is just enough de ranged in intellect to explode the whole scheme. v In the Senate Mr. Douglass' bill proposingko admit the new territories "instantly as a Stcje that Calhoun has of into the Union, has got its quietus, for other reasons perhaps than those for which it de served the deepest condemnation. one ot his own petitions would be, moved a reconsideiation ol the vote which gagged M . Hi le, and he may yet get a hearing. In th > mean time, it it reported, that several Norfl » e rn members are engaged in fn the abolition of slavery some hope of making it acceptable enoughAjb a ll parties to make it go. Progress—last <Sr glow ; all this is decided progress, On the 9th, Mr. Underwood, of Kentucky, presented petitions of citizens of his own State praying Congress to make appropriations for the removal of manumitted slaves to Liberia ; moved their reception, and reference to the Committee on the Judiciary, with instructions t 0 inquire into the constitutionality oKthe measure, and if so, to report a bill providing j or the removal of free people of color who [may choose to emigrate, and of slaves eman cipated for that purpose. In the discussion which arose upon the proposed reference, Messrs. Underwood and Metcalfe, Senators f rurn Kentucky, and Mr. Dayton ot New Jer se y warmly advocated the policy of coloniza tio i, but Mr. D. was opposed to mixing it up with the abolition excitement. Mr. Mason, of Virginia, Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, and jyj r Berrien, of Georgia, were opposed to all legislation on the subject, especially the latter, w | 10 looked upon the measure as nothing more or j esa f^an ku annual, appropriation by Con gress for thtj gradual emancipation of slavery, On motion,of Mr. Dickinson, the question was decided in tke negative. Another, instance of division and contusion in the councils of the iii£L,a bill »strict, enemy. By our telegraphic news of yesterday, it will seen IhatGotl's resolution ordering a Dill to be reported for the abolition of the slave traffic in the district, sustained itself while un der re-consideration by a majority of sixteen ; twenty-four absentees or not voting. The ma the vote first taken upon it was elev jortly en ; forty-tbiee members not voting. Even in this instance ''ere is firmness it not progress since the 22d December. The close vote and doubtful issue of the Pa checo case, rests upon a different and deeper basis than anj of these. It stands upon the broad principle of " no property in man," and no right of compensation from government for the loss of a slave—upon the moral principle that nullifies and repudiates not only the right of property ir humanity, but the right of re muneration fffm the community equally con cerned in tba enslavement of the subject of the claim. It denies not only the right of the Slaveholder, but his claim for warranty against his partners in the oppression. Perhaps the facts of the hase might defeat it in the judg ment of some men without involving all this, but it stands as we regard it, in the apprehen sion of many who are voting upon it—many who will vote for the abolition of slavery in the district upon conditions that will justify ir as a question of mutual wrong and mutual in terest between the North and South. P*oper ty however acquired originally, supported by the sanction of usage, and based upon the municipal law, however wrongfully pleads the trust and confidence reposed in that law in it» defence. And men respect this sort of right as they do that of the holder of a note against the endorser who has no equivalent for his lia bility, but is upon principles of public policy held bound to make it good. We are not in the secret of the vote on the Pacheco case : the discussion has not develop ed all the motives and feelings which are operative in its decision ; but this is our appre hension of them. If we are right, the result, though adverse, is no indication of a receding of the spirit of the House. Giddings gave them the principle raw to digest. We are glad he did so. We want progress. It is a good time to press it upon the antagonist when he is.gettins prudent and moderate. Slavery has taken all its monstrous triumphs from the pru dence and moderation of the North. The rule will work both ways; just because the pru-v dence is in every instance cowardice and the^ moderation, weakness .—The Daily Republic. \ ANTI-SLAVERY OPINION AT THE / SOUTH. I A recent number of the Mississippi Free I ■* Trader, in an article upon lt Immigration and j Population," says— 11 So long as we shall have a country more I desirable tor the poor to live in, than the one I he is born in, on the other side of the Atlantic, V the poor, and all in moderate circumstances, J will continue to come and settle among us.— We are not displeased to witness their oppor tunity to better their condition. We rather rejoice that there is one green spot on the globe, where most of the rights of humanity recognised, and adequately protected lor the equal benefit and employment of all men. The exception to this universality of privi lege cannot long endure the light of partial liberty in this country, and the force of moral power, so omnipotent to expose and put down the wrongs of suffering humanity. Two hun dred and fifty thousand men cannot always • hold in servile bondage three millions of ra tional human beings. The elevation of the race may be retarded in its progress, by the obstinacy and mistaken selfishness of the few, who lord it over the many ; but the triumph o right and justice over wrong and injustice, ist certain at'lhe end. We must soon have a pop ulation of one hundred millions of self-govern ing and happy people." In Missouri, too, the example of Senator Benton has not been without its effect. The Platto A I'uno, Ouaa P'j|vur, U»*i»ta |H«t I hft whole West 'should take ground with the North against the extension of Slavery, and adds— " We trust that the first act of the Missouri Legislature, when it meets this winter, will be the passage of resolutions instructing our Sen ators, and requesting our Representatives in Congress to voie for the passage of the Wil mol Proviso, and use all their influence in its favor." When such free speaking as the above is in dulged in, there is little fear from nullification at the South. Let her try it, however, if she desires to do so. ! j THE NEW TERRITORIES AND SLAVERY.! The petition of the people of New Mexico, against the introduction of slavery amongst them, f as excited the indignation of our Sont h err. legislators, but sent a sensation ol joy through all the Northern States. Since that petition, the sentiment of California has come to us in one of its papers. The Francisco Cal ifornian says : "We believe we echo the sense of the country when we assert, that slavery is neither needed nor desired here, and that if their voice could be heard in the halls of our National Legislature, it would be as the voicei of one man, "Rather than put this blighting^ curse upon us, let us remain, as we are, unac knowledged, unaided." These utterances from the territories con cerned, combined with the overwhelming anti slavery opinion of the nation, will render it almost morally impossible for Congress to ex -1 tend the black curse into these new countries. What a spectacle, to behold a great body of enlightened, not to say Christian legislators, deliberating in the nineteenth century how they may propagate over the continent, the abomi nation of human slavery ! or, at least, how, by a compromise, they may partially extend it. What must be the moral sense of such men ! what their respect for the moral sense of mapkind ! Our fathers so far compromised with slavery as not to attempt a useless distur bance of it within the limits where it had been established, and where they could not favora bly effect it ; but a compromise in favor of its extension would have beéh repelled by them with indignation. It remained for the nefari ous Calhounism of this day to propose the a borainable idea.—[Zion's Herald. The Church and the Theatre. — We see by the Cincinnati Times of the 3d instant, that a graet revival of religion prevails at Lawrence burg, Indiana.—The members of the theatrical company have joined the church,and destroyed their curtains and scenery. "Absence of Mind."—A Brooklyn paper gives this notice, which contains, as near as we can judge, an insinuation : " The person who took the silver spoons in stead of almonds, and silver ladle instead of pickled oysters, from a house in Hicks street, will be kind enough to correct the mistake."