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'V * : M# m Argus And Delaware Advertiser. Bp <wr [VOLUME I. WEDNESDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 24, 1804. Number 42.] DOVER, DEL. —Prtntf.d by FREEMAN BARBER: —Where Subscriptions and Advertisements will be gratefully received. The Dover Argus is published every Wednesday and Saturday at four dollars per annum , payable half yearly in advance • SPEECH OF CARNOT. [translation.] Difcourfe pronounced by Citizen Carnot , upon the motion relative to Hereditary Govern ment. TRIBUNATE. Extraordinary Sitting , 11 th hi ore a l — 12 th year. Citizen Tribunes ! AMONG the orators who have preceded me and who have all fupported the motion of order of our colleague Curee, feveral have an ticipated the objections which might be railed againd it, and they have anfwered them with as much talent as amenity : they have given examples of moderation which I fliall endea vour to im t-te in making observations which apparently have efcrpecl them. And as to thofe, who, tccaufc l combat their advice, might attribut, e to me pcrional motives un worthy the character of a man entirely de voted to his country, l deliver to them, as the only anfwer, the fcrupulous examination of my political conduft fince the commencement of the revolution, as well as that of my pri vate life. I am far from attenuating the praifes given to the Fird Conful: had we to thank Bona parte for nothing but the civil code, his name would merit to pals down to poderity. But whatever fervices a citizen may iiave render ed his country, there are limits which honor as well as realon impofe upon national grati tude. If a citizen has redore d public liberty, if he has effected the fufety of the country, would it be a recompence to offer to him the lacrifice of that very liberty ? Would it not be annihilating his own work, in making tin t country h s particular patrimony ? The moment the propofition was made to the French nation-to voce on the quedion for the Conful ate far life, every one could ta lily perceive that tl.ere exided after views and an ulterior end. Indeed we beheld a rapid fucceffion of a crowd of inditutions evidently monarchical: but in every indance endeavours were made to re-affurc the minds that were unealy about the fate of liberty, by declaring that thele in ditutions were made with the view of procur ing it the highed poffible protection ! This day we difeover in a politive manner the final end of fo many preliminary meafui cs : we are required to vote upon the formal pro pofition to re-edâblilh the monarchicaliyltem, and to confer the imperial and hereditary dig nity upon the Fird Conful ! Formerly I voted againd the Confulate for life; I (hall,,now vote in the fame .manner againd the re*edabli(hment of monarchy, per fiuaded that my office of Tribune obliges me to do fo ; 'but I (hall do it with the neceffary precaution not to re-awake party fpirit ; it lhall be done without perfonality, without any other paflion than that for the public good; in remaining always in conformity with rnyfelf in the defence of the popular caufe. I invariably fubmit.ted to exiding laws even at times when they difpleafed me mod : more than once have I fallen a victim to them, and I 'hall not follow a different courfethis day. I declare therefore beforehand th»t, whild I combat the propofition in quedion, from the moment a new order of tilings is edablilhed and it has received the affent of the mafs of the citizens, I fliall be the fird to conform to, it in all my afti'ons—to (how to the fupreme authority every mark of deference which the conditutional hierarchy (hall require. May every member of this great fociety emit a vow as (incere and didinguiflied ! I fliall not defcant on the preference which, in general, fuch or fuch a government may merit ; we have volumes without number on that fubjeft. I fliall confine myielf, in a few words, and in terms the molt (impie, to the examination of the paiticular cai'e in which circumdances have placed us. All the arguments hitherto advanced on the fubjeft of re-edablifhing monarchy in France are, that without it there can be no means to infure dability of government and public tranquillity, to ei'eape intelLinc troubles, to unite againd external enemies ; that a repub lican form of government had been tried in vain in every poflible manner ; that from all thofe efforts bad refulted nothing but anarchy; a revolution prolonged or incelfantly renewed, a perpetual fear of new diforders, and, conlè quently, a univerfal defire to fee the ancient hereditary government rc-edablifhed. this an anfwer mud be given. I thall obferve, therefore, that a govern ment placed in one man is no pledge for da bility and tranquillity. The Roman Empire did not lad longer than that of the Roman Republic. In the former, the interior trou bles were greater, the crimes mo e multiplied : the republican fiercenefs, heroilin, and manly virtues, were there replaced by pi idethe mod ridiculous, by adulation the mod vile, by cu pidity the mod unbridled, and by carelefsnefs tiie mod dedruCtive to the national proiperity. How have tiie evils been remedied by the throne being hereditary ? Has it not been re gai ded in faft as the legitimate inheritance of the houfc of Augultus ? Has Domitian not been the fon of Vefpafius, Caligula the fon of Germanicus, Commodius the fon of Marc Au rele ? In France, the lan dynady has indeed laded during eight centuries, but have the people been the lets tormented ? How many intedine diforders? How many external wars for pre tendons, rights of fucceffion, the reluit of the alliances of that dynady with foreign powers ! From the moment a whole .nation efpoufes the particular interedsof one family, it is obliged to encounter a multitude of events which, without that, would to the nation be perfectly indifferent. We could not edablifh among 11S a republi can regime, though it has been tried under di vers forms more or lefs democratic: bgt we mud ohferv.e that, of all the conditutionswhh h fucceflively have been tried without fueccl's there was none but what w as the offspring of To factions and the work of circumdances, as im perious as fugitive : hence all were vicious.— But fince the 18th Brumaire we find an epotha, the only one perhaps in the annals of the world, to meditate, dickered againit alarms; in order to found the liberty of the nation upon a folid bads, avowed by experience and by reafon.— After the peace of Amiens, Bonaparte could choofe either a republican or a monarchical A Item ; he might have done what he thought proper, without encountering the leak oj po (ition. 'Flie depolite of libeity was confided to his hands ; he had fworn to defend it. By fulfilling his promife he would have accom pli ffied the expectation of the nation who judg ed him to be the only one tapai le of folv-ng the great problem of public liberty in exten sive dates; lie had covered himfelf with in comparable glory. Indead of performing this greac work, what are we doing to-d:y ? It is propofed to give him an abfolute and heredi tary property of a power, ofwhich he had re ceived but the adminidration. It is true that, antecedent to the 18th Bru maire, the date was falling ii.to diffolution, and that abfolute power dragged it from the borders ofthe abyis: but what are we to infer from that ? What all the world knows ; that political bodies are lubjeft to maladies which can be cured but by violent means ; that a mo mentary dictatorship is lbmetimes rcquilite to lave liberty. The Romans, who were lb jea lous of it, were however fenfible of the necef lity or that lupreme power at intervals, becaule a violent remedy has laved a lick per son, are we to adtninider to him eveiy day a violent remedy ? Fabius, Cincinnatus, Cain.d 1 '- 13 , have each fucceflively faved the koman liberty by abfolute power ; but it was by drip ping theml'elves of that power as foon a they eould ; by a retention of the power they would have dedroyed liberty. Cæfar was the f rft who wanted to retain it, and he fell a viCtun to it ; but liberty was annihilated for ever.— Thus all that has been faicl to this day upon ablohite pow'er, proves only the neeeflity of a momentary diftaforfliip in the crifis of a date, but not of a permanent and immoveable povA It is not by the nature of the govenrment that the great republics fail in dability ; it is becaufe they are unprovided for tempeds ; it is invariably the exaltation that prefides at their edabliihment. Ï here is but one that ef fected the work of organifed philolophy dur ing the calm, and that republic fubfids full of wfifdom and vigour : This phenomenon is offer - ed by the United States of America, whofe prof perity daily increajes to the aßonifliment of all other nations. Thus it was referved to the new world to convince the old that men can peaceably fiibfiß under the regime of liberty and equality. Yes, I dare to lay down the principle that, whild we can edablifh a new order of things, without any fear from the influence of factions, as the firjt conful was able to do, efpecially af ter the peace at Amiens, and as he dill can do, it is lefs difficult to form a republic without anarchy, than to ereCt a monarchy without def. potifm. For how can we conceive a limita tion without illulion, in a government of which the chief has all the executive power in his hands, and all the places and offices to J u , er.