FRED FLOED'S PAPER"
BOISE. IDAHO. MAY 28, 1909
ROOSEVELT INAUGURATED A POLICY OF RECK
LESS EXPENDITURE OF FUNDS
The reckless extravagance that marked the administration of Presi
dent Roosevelt is thus shown by Hon. James A. Tawney, Chairman
of the committee of Appropriation of the National House of Repre
sentatives, in an able article contributed to Van Norden's Magazine:
It is time for the people of the United States to pause and consider
the alarming increase in the annual expenditures of the Government
and the necessity of checking a growing tendency toward excess.
In the past eight years militarism and the relinquishment of certain
and rights by the states to the Federal Government have
forced Congress to appriate billions where hundreds of millions less
should have sufficed; and yet the estimates of the executive branch
of the Government for that period were pared down $433.000,000.
Those who talk recklessly of thousands of miles of exposed coast
line and predict a Japanese invasion from the West or a European
invasion from the East doubtless care little for cold facts and figures.
Let them have their way and it will not be many days until we are
spending three-fourths of our available revenues on wars past and
anticipated. As it is, our expenditures for military purposes or as
the result of wars, are greater than those of any other nation in the
world, though our army is far smaller than that of either Great
Britain, France. Germany, Japan or Russia.
Appropriations for public expenditures are made upon estimates
submitted by the executive departments of the Government at the
begining of each session of Congress. The aggregate amount of
these estimates during the past eight years, including the fiscal year
1910, equals the enormous sum of $7.291,341,800.29. Upon them
Congress appropriated $7,007,839,183.46.
000 for river and harbor improvements not estimated. The rapidity
with which our national expenditures have been increasing during
this period is shown by comparing the total appropriations for the
fiscal year 1903, which were $796,633,864.79, with the total appro
priations at the last session of the Sixtieth Congress for the fiscal year
1910, $1,044,014,298.23; the difference between the amount requird
for the public service seven years ago and the amount required now
being $247,380,433.44, or more than three times the total expendi
tures of the Federal Government for the fiscal year 1861.
This includes $150,000
that the two primary
leading to this result have lieen the popular and executive
demands upon Congress for appropriations from the Federal 1 reas
ury for the exercise of rights and functions belonging exclusively
lo the states and the abnormal and unnecessary war expenditures in
Let me emphasize what I stated above :
time of peace.
Fixing responsibility for this state of affairs may be like closing
the barn door after the horse has fled, but it is only just that it be not
charged to Congress. If the estimates submitted during the past
eight years had been appropriated for, and if the amounts proposed
in bills introduced and demanded by public sentiment had passed,
the treasury deficit at the end of the present fiscal year woul he up
ward of $500.000,000 instead of about $100.000,000. Had it not
been for the conservative element in Congress, we would have long
since lieen meeting these enormously increased expnditurs with th
proceeds from the sale of bonds. During the eight years pie\iou>
to March 4, last, no effort or recommendation of the executive bianch
of the Government was the cause of the people being saved from
that unfortunate situation.
The evil of this practice of asking for more than is actually needed
is manifest. It entails upon Congress the burden, with little, if am
aid from the Executive, of threshing out the good from the Kid. of
necessary and the de
It encourages, if
differentiating between the indispensable, the
sirable expenditures that should be provided for.
i' has not in fact, begotten, a disposition
departments to send in estimates for all manner of expenditim.
ithout reference to their merit
the Treasury, thus
may be pressed upon their attention,
or to the fact that the sum total of drafts upon
made through Congress, enormously exceeds the annual leienues.
April 15. 1908,
In a speech in the House of Representatives ^
I had occasion to call attention to what I believed to be a d' u K
build four battleships a year
i both sides of
signal in the form of a proposition to
instead of one. There was much talk by members on
with some foreign
branch of the Government
noble fleet of
the chamber of the danger of a war
if such a danger existed, the legislative
ha:; not been apprised of the fact,
sixteen battleships, w
away from San Francisco for a trip ai
the Atlantic and Pacific coasts absolutely unprotected.
account of the Navy foi
rith foreign auxiliary ships, wa- atout t '
-ound the world leaving both
Yet we were
the fiscal year
similar purpose by
?sked to appropriate on
1908 more money than ever was expended for a s
an y other nation in a single year. f
I had carefully analyzed the Army and Na\> nu .-W
I nited States. Great Britain, France, German} and Japan, a
s ble, by a comparison of the expenditures for these purpose - '
country named, to show that in proportion to the size ofourzn }
Pnd Navy we were expending for that year mote than 1 .
inexcess of the expenditures of any other nation in d' e
no nation approached our expenditures on account , ,
and wars to come. The House was treated to vivid pictures <> w
would happen if the Yellow Man were to land his armies m a '
«'a, Oregon and Washington and was warned in ringing p ' '
that the United States would have to build battleships apace
the other great nations of the world or patiently await her fate—
invasion and partition by foreign powers.
How ridiculous ! The transport service of no European na
tion' is sufficient, even without opposition, to land upon American
soil an army of 100,000 men at a given time. There is no country in
the Orient that has a naval base within striking distance of our
Pacific coast, and no Oriental nation would be so reckless of its own
intrests as to risk the loss of its Navy or its fleet by attempting to
send it past the Hawaiian Islands for the purpose of attacking us
upon the Pacific coast. Not a ship of such an expedition would
ever return. Men talk atout the thousands of miles of American
coast line and the danger which threatens us in consequence of its
.extent, as though that coast line were marked by an old fence and our
enemies in time of war would occupy the opposite side and invade
American soil with all the ease with which the cows of one farmer
break into the pasture of another. As a matter of fact, our geo
grahpical isolation is an asset far more valuable as a means of nation
al defense than all the navies it would ever be possible for us to build.
The cruise around the world demonstrated that we have pursued
an inexcusable, bungling naval policy in the past. Notwithstanding
the hundreds of millions of dollars we have expended during the last
decade, in the construction of a powerful fleet of warships, we know
that because of a lack of auxiliary vessels our navy is woefully de
ficient as a practical fighting organization. \\ e seem to have pro
ceeded upon the theory that all our nation demands or expects is
the building of the biggest battleships in order to gratify a boyish
ambition to have something other nations do not possess, or we have
proceeded upon the theory that the mere building of these great
fighting machines would have the effect of affording pfotection by
scaring the other fellow. A more disgraceful national spectacle than
navy department having to summon twenty-eight foreign vessels
to aid our sixteen battleships on their trip around the globe has never
been witnessed by the American people. It was the result of our
pursuing the policy in respect to the upbuilding of our Navy, of giv
ing almost exclusive attention to the construction of battleships and
and entirely ignoring the fact that in time of war they are
valueless unless they have a full complement of auxiliary vessels to
accompany them with the means absolutely essential to their existence
and their effectiveness as engines of war.
This oversight may be due to the fact that these necessary vessels
do not involve the expenditure of so much money and would not
have afforded so good an opportunity as battleships for a pyrotechnic
display upon the ocean or at some Summer resorts along our coasts
in the past several years.
NEW INTERSTATE LIQUOR LAW
During the last days of the preceding congress additional sec
tions were inserted in the new penal code for the purpose of
checking interstate traffic in liquors in prohibition States or in
"dry" counties where local option prevails. It is difficult to make
such legislation effective without running counter to the decisions
of the United States Supreme Court, declaring that congress has
not authority to forbid common carriers to deliver to the citizen
of a State liquors consigned to him and actually his property.
Whether the new- sections of the penal code will stand the tests
it unlawful for
of the courts
any officer, agent or employe of any railroad company, express
company or other common carrier to deliver any intoxicating
liquor to any person except upon a written order from such per
result of shipment from one State to another. The pen
fine of not more than $5,000
son, as a
alty for violating this provision is a
imprisonment for not more than two years, or both.
Another section forbids any common carrier, in connection with
the transportation of intoxicating liquors, to collect the purchase
price of such liquors or in any manner act as agent of the buyer
seller of such liquors. This provision, if carried out, will break
up a practice that has been largely and profitably indulged in by
express companies in prohibition States. Violations are to be
punished by a fine of not more than $5,000.
A third section with a similar penalty makes it unlawfud for
any person to ship from one State to another a package of intox
icating liquor which does not show the name of the consignee, the
nature of the contents and the quantity contained therein.
The duty of enforcing the foreging provisions has been imposed
upon the Interstate Commerce Commission—a body already
largely overburdened with work. Why was not the enforcement
of the new law committed to the Department of Justice with its
force of United States District Attorneys?
It seems inevitble that Joseph Simon will be elected mayor of Port
are three candidates to divide the opposition, vote.
land, as there
Under the circumstances Simon will doubtless get a majority over all
[> incentive to the opponents of his ring methods to get
full vote, judge Munly. the Democratic candidate is a reput
»f fair standing, but has no particular element of
Kelliher. the two independent candidates would
as there is n<
be formidable if either would withdraw in favor ot the other, but
a , it is the reform vote will be hoplessly divided and the old-time
political toss will secure the election. Mr. Simon is a capable man.
| >ut his abilities in the past have always been used for his own
and never for the commn weal.
That the Oregon
aggrandizement . ,
metropolis should turn to him is somewhat on a par with the people
to toss rule after a herculean attempt
of Philadelphia returning
to overthrow the same.
Front street is to be paved from Tenth to Sixteenth, and Six
from Front to Main, and Fifteenth for half- a block
The material used will be a concrete mixture and
north of Front. . t , n
the total expense of this improvement will reach approximately $40.
WHY JAPS ARE HATED
MAGAZINE WRITER SHOWS UP SOME REASONS
FOR CALIFORNIA'S ANTIPATHY
Will Irwin contributes an article to the current Pearson's under
the title "Why the Pacific Slope Hates the Japanese," which gives
some interesting facts regarding the invasion of California by the
Nipponese. After an introductory dealing briefly with the anti
Chinese agitation, the article proceeds in part as follows :
And then the Japanese came.
As they also were people of a yellow skin, as they also were
begging for common labor, the farmers of California welcomed them
as the togical substitute for the Chinese, and set them to work. The
farmers were only a few seasons in learning their mistake.
As much as the Chinese is honest, just so much is the Japanese
dishonest. As much as the Chinese is contented, unambitious and un
stable. just so much is the Japanese discontented, ambitious and un
stable. From their own point of view .there is no comparison to
tween the efficiency of the Japanese and the Chinese: because they
are ambitious, dis contented and unstable, they have made a modern
state out of a medieval kindgom in fifty years. But the Califorian
was looking at them from his point of view, weighing their qualities
The Japanese began by underbidding the Chinese on prices—
which suited the farmer, though it brought a justifiable howl from
the Causasian latoring men. That did not last long. It became
plain that the Japanese were working together with the cohesion of
a lator union against the Chinese. Invading a district which the
Chinese held as their own, they would offer to work for a half a dollar
a day cheaper. The Chinese, thus underbid, would pack up and
They did not have to look far for work, so high is their
reputation in California; they preferred to get out rather than com
Those who lingered were usually abused by the'Japanese, who
are fighters by instinct while the Chinamen are men of peace.
Then, when the Japanese had the territory to themselves, they
A gang would go to work in the
would make a change of front,
picking season at the regular market price for help. In the middle
of the season, and when help was hard to get. they would suddenly—
and entirely in disregard of their agreements—strike for higher
wages—all "the wages that the traffic would !>ear. The farmer, with
the prospect of a ruined crop before him. usually yielded. A season
or two of this, and then the Japanese would adopt new tactics. Cer
tain Chinese had made small fortunes by buying fruit on the trees—
whole crops—and harvesting it on speculation. A good gambler, the
Chinaman would stay by the results of his speculation, picking and
paying just as faithfully if a turn in the weather brought a reduced
crop as he would if the crop came up to expectations,
ese, when they had control of the district, would announce the adop
tion of this plan: owner after owner, upon going to the "head Jap"
for hrs season's help, would be told that the Japanese wanted to
lease his orchard for a three or five year term. If he refused, he
In manv districts.
would find no Japanese would work for him.
the whites, by getting such other labor as they could, kept up the fight
In others, tht Japanese took over the land.
against this system.
The most conspicuous example of this tendency, the one most often
quoted in condemnation of the Japanese .is the \ aca \ alley, about
fifty miles inland from San Francisco.
produce more deciduous fruit than any other land in Cali
The Japanese marked it for their own, and they practically
Acre for acre, this little dis
got it. Ten years ago, Vacaville was a lively American town. Now
the white residents are an island in the midst of the Japanese,
their impermanence, their haste to get everything out of the land that
they can, the Japanese are ruining the Vacaville orchards which they
have leased—since an orchard can be ruined in a few years if the
primers and pickers do not take care of the upkeep,
ether generation of trees to bring \ aca ville back to the production
which was once her boast.
It will take an
And the latest news from Vacaville is
that the Japanese whose three and five year leases have run out are
Vacaville is the most conspicu
moving on to skin another district.
example; but the Japanese have adopted the same policy in parts
of the rich Santa Clara Valle}' and of the Fresno grape country.
which furnishes half the American sweet
In that grape country
and nearly all the American raisins—Oriental laborers are
The grapes grow on ground vines, near the
No Caucasian assumes that attitude
almost a necessity.
earth; the picker must stoop,
naturally, while ft is native to the Oriental,
anese picker can harvest three times as many grapes in a day as the
l>est laborer of European stock. The Chinaman, in the old days, had
A good Chinese or Jap
The rather indolent Californian
that grape harvest for his own.
rancher took to farming out his crop to Chinese head men.
system worked beautifully, owing to the honesty
their willingness to stick by a contract w hether it turned out well or
When the Japanese came .they acted as they did at Vacaville—
first they underbid, and then they reached out for leases and con
But usually they did not stick to losing agreements,
when those agreements were secured by bond,
the only laborers available, what with the thinning out the Chinese,
the Fresno farmers had to get along w ith them as best they could
and there followed several years of industrial trouble. It was im
possible for the Japanese to tie up Fresno as they did Vacaville, for
the Fresno country is too wide and rich and the whites are too well
intrenched in their property; but they did reduce production and
profits. Within the past two years, they have started to buy valuable
(Continued on Page 4.)
>f the Chinese,
Because thev were
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