Newspaper Page Text
THE BRADY LAND BOARD RAN THE PRICE OF WATER RIGHTS FROM $25 TO $65 AN ACRE Citizen 7 ^ U FRED FLOED'S PAPER VOL- XI BOISE, IDAHO, SEPTEMBER 1C, 1910. NO. 42. Direct Legislation John Z. White, of Illinois, a speaker of national repute tookM ive interest in the recent constitutional convention election in \ri 3 Mr. White spoke chiefly for the initiatiovc and referendum present a portion of his speech at Phoenix as given in the Gazette, as follows : The initiative and referendum, taken together, are called direct legislation. That is, just as in any deliberative b dy, if the usual machinery does not produce results, the body can act directlv. So. hour city or other government does not act rightly, the body of the ^ple, when possessed of the machinery of direct legislation, can act. legislate, directly. Without this p ower the)- are not really self-) governing. an zona and we Arizona or i ! ! The Initiative. It is proposed, therefore, to give to a certain percentage of the Qualified voters in any political body the power to prepare and present petitions for purposed laws to the whole body of voters. This is the exact equivalent of a motion in any club or society, save that a considerable number of "seconds" is required. That is, each signer of the petition really "seconds" the motion to adopt the matter pro posed in the petition. Such action is the initiative. It is sometimes said that the people eliminate like defective de tails in the need only to elect officials favorable to desired laws, and that thereby all need for the device known as the initiative will vanish. The fallacy in this position comes from the fact that our officials have irany duties. An officer may lx; highly esteemed and very satis factory in nearly all relations, but at the same time be quite at vari ance with the people on some question held by them to be important. Why shall we maintain a system that either deprives us of the effi cient officer or of a measure that we believe to be expedient ? An officer was elected by a majority of two to one, although he declared himself opposed to a policy that the same constituency favored by a vote of three to one. The opposing candidate, mean while, had" declared in favor of this policy. The explanationis simple. Other issues were, in the opinion of the voters, sufficiently important to force this matter into the background. If possessed of the power to initiate legislation the voters could have enjoyed the services of the officer they desired, and also secured the adoption of the policy they preferred. They were, in fact, but partly self-governing. The Referendum. It is also proposed that the people shall have power, expressed by petition, as explained in the above reference to tlie initiative, to promptly propose the defeat of acts of legislation deemed by them tc be unwise. If a measure has been enacted by the legislature, a petition mav be prepared within a stated time (perhaps ninety days) and signed by the given percentage of qualified voters, whereupon it shall he submited to the people for adoption or rejection. This is exactly equivalent to "an appeal from the chair. 1 he matter may he placed before the people at a special election or at the next general election. It is somtimes urged that under such a plan the people would be voting all the time and on all manner of.questions. In fact, die referendum, where adopted, is seldom resorted to. Legislators are careful when they- know the people can reverse their doings, and \ en much more important, lobbyist are not inclinde to use their peculiar powers ot persuasion on members of legislative bodies when they know there are watchful citizes intent upon the defeat of then ne farious, schemes, and with full power to defeat them if the people so will. Legislators are usually elected for two years, and die pe°p control of their agents save by crim who are the principals, have no inal or impeachment proceedings—and constitutional gu.u am.uv which are subject to court interpretation. Would any rational busi ness man give to an agent or agents complete control equal to an irrevocable power of attorney—of bis establishment for two years. If he continued this practice" with no power save to change his at torney every tw-o y-ears, how long would his establishniem conn .h i to be his property ? . , The referendum will not only cure legislative la-ca ity. 1 n even greater degree will operate as a preventive. W ould a r.u.ro.u corporation bribe a legislative body to enact injurious monopoly jaws if it knew the people would in all probability rescind such act within a few weeks or months ? It would not pay. The corporation woul, 1 merely lose the money spent to secure legislative privilege. Legislative Obstruction. With the initiative and referendum the will of the l K ' , P- e c, '! 31 ' .. be thwarted by indirect methods. In the legislature. I'TA - and obscure amendments frequentlv divert or e\eu i<-\t " | ,L of a law as first introduced. A bill, on being presented to the legu lattire, is referred to a committee. Unless those nuuip e< ' option are sufficiently powerful to overcome an\ < p| "''p 'A. appear, the bill is never heard of again—it is "p.geonhoed It forced from the committee, and its enenue* «.ani. 11 1 ' , tnemls, it may he placed so far down on the list of brils ' * 11 A* of adjournment arrives before it is acted up v j , cns <dl by these methods, amendments are proposed, .m i i 1 ■ 'hafa few members are (or profess to be) convince; the^amendments are desirable, when in fact they render the whole bit usew ^ If the bill finally gets through one house it mu'- - ■ i ea( j s ootirse in the other. Failure of the two homes^ 1 a ^- c * 0 .jg,_ |° a conference committee from both—with, ot i u >w. m g for clever minds. After all this the bill may stiil be vetoed, uin the gauntlet of the-courts. . . . All of these indirect methods of obsttuitmn a. y to «P'tiative and referendum. A bill properly an ' ^' "reject, people without obstruction. I he people li l,c ■■ : opportunity to deceive or poison is eliminate, . ml p,l,' c affairs Direct legislation is merely the ap plicatu■ i ^ . t() attain the °f those methods that experience has shown >e s •> ■ 1 u . rlt " self-gov fcsired "»• - is P ir attitude only on the ground not capable of managing then fhey have no proper place in the Later still it must avoided by the the All er nrnent? It sometimes seems oppose direct legislation can explain the tLit the ]>eople, in their judgment, are i °*n affairs. ' ' . _ - Such men are tones. nierirm scheme of government. If it be held that we have in fact c<>n<^ we mav s °r above a century without direct legislat". >n. ai attention to continue "in the path our fathers trod, wc vvo ad call « of our * fact that in nothingelse are we satisfies " we 'have im ' athç rs. They used the ox cart-we don t. h * io | ellce to the P r «ved on our father's mechanical apphanuN « on govern Pnnciples of mechanics, so it may lie possible to improve lucted this government - safelv mental machinery without in any way altering the correct principles of government which we inherit. i he principle of the first locomotive is identical with that of the fast. ! he changes have all been in the elimination of defective method.: in detail, to the end that the essential principle involved might be more fully realized. Why is it not the part of wisdom to inspect the machinery of our government. Again, when we remember that for the first time in history self government on a large scale is attempted in America is it at all sur prising that the machinery first installed is defective in detail ? Would '■ not be profoundly astonishing if that machinery were not defective? Even in Maine If you would enjoy a season in Washington when democracy controls the house of representatives, and if you can afford the trip, make your plan to reach the national capital in December of next year, says the Anaconda Standard. That month, unless there be an extra session earlier in the year, will witness the organizing of a house, in human probability, under the auspices of democrats to be elected in Novemlier of this year. It surely looks that way ; appar ently there'll be no stopping it. When Maine goes democratic it appears to lie all off with the republicans, and that's the way Maine went yesterday. At the hour when these lines are written it is known that two of Maine's four congressional districts have elected democrats to con gress—the Second district, which is the home of Senator Fryè and which was so long represented by Nelson Dingley; the Third district, where Senator Hale lives. It is a landslide. In the days that now seem ancient, Maine was steadfastly demo The cratic. That was prior to the birth of the republican party, whigs, in all their time, never had a show in the state, except in 1840 when, famously, Maine "went, hell lient, for Governor Kent,'' as re corded in the quaint old campaign song which in its first line asked : "Have you heard the news from Maine?" That September success for the whigs had a tremendous influence during the "log-cabin and hard-cider" campaign in favor of William Henry Harrison; in the follow ing November "Tippecanoe and Tyler, too," swept the country-. In fact, Maine was a steadv-going constituency, although it adopted prohibition in 1851 and went with the "know-nothings" two or three years later. Fremont, first of the republican candidates for the presidenev, ran in 1856. Maine went republican that year and staid with it till yesterday, except that a democratic-greenback fusion carried the state in 1878, and* again two years later. The second time, however, the majority for the fusion candidate for governor— Harrison M. Pfaisted by the way—was only 164; at that period there democratic disturbances in Maine, in connection with were serious the membership of the legislature. Ihus yesterdays victory in a state election is the first winning in which Maine democrats have had even so mpeh as a share since September. 1872. Uneasy must have lain the head, last night, in Beverly ! It is manifest that the republican managers, in presence of the Maine, will be badly rattled or, indeed, filled with dis This democratic victory is immensely significant. At once shall hear that the democracy confidently claims New York and feels very sure of the election of Harmon in Ohio. The regulars in the administration saddle have been getting it hard in the neck from returns trom mav. we the middle-west and the Pacific-coast insurgents ; Maine's upturning will demoralize them in far greater measure. There are no other states, except Arkansas, to be heard from until the election Tuesday in November. A Country of Equality (Los Angeles Examiner.) A woman was arrested the other day for smuggling—her name This lady hid a necklace in her hat. and had. is Mrs. Adriance. besides, a large collection of jewelry, said to he worth $100,000. This cheating of the Government and contempt for law disturbs Mrs. Adriance, the smuggler, not at all. There is some talk about this particular case, because it happens that the fortune which the woman spends in Europe WAS BUILT I P BY THE TARIFF THAT SHE DODGES WHEN SHE RE TURNS TO AMERICA. - The fortune that bought the smuggled jewelry is a fortune made ij, the manufacture of agricultural implements. must pay the highest price for these implements—be of the high duty. . in other countries can buy these same American-made cheaply than American farmers can buy Farmers cause Farmers agricultural machines more them. This is done in order to protect the manufacturers of the ma •hines that live in America —and those manufacturers are the citi first and most energetic in smuggling. ,rth while, however, to devote special attention to this zens It is not wi i,articular smuggling episode. . . . ' There is nothing unusual in the attitude of this woman—it is the general attitude.of prosperous Americans. '"The rich woman thinks it is all very well to arrest a dressmaker •ho smuggles in the effort to earn a living—but it is all very wrong to arrest a rich woman who bins abroad and dodges the law when she conies back. V One class ot men think it is very nice to arrest the little citizen ho nlavs pinochle in a saloon—but very wrong, indeed, to arrest -endemen who are amusing themselves by maintaining a gambling vp at the racetrack. , , There are men who think it quite proper to regulate the manage / boilers the operation of street cars, the management of "T in the cities— but they are horrified at the thought that they , , L„,„e1led to manage their automobiles with caution, and Ä'ÄÄ «»?>• -e arres.e.l and Q„e,1-more than ludnmant when someone suggests that killing with an automobile is cmie as any other murder. . T is count, -v needs—and we hope that it will soon have-an awakening : some expression of the belief that equality before the i -iinifld he a reality, and not a joke. £ present this is the country of inequality the country of nr, vile- the country that has one set of laws for little people and OUGHT TO REALIZE THIS AND CHANGE IT. \\ The Maine Upheaval (Salt Lake Tribune.) The capture of Maine by the Democrats indicates that those who expected a Democratic landslide this year were not mistaken. The capture of Maine by the Democratic party is a great achievement. When in 1880 Maine gave but 14,000 Republican majority at the September election, the Republican campaign was supposed to be hopeless. Much greater figures than that were expected from Maine, and Grant and Conkling were called upon to save the day and to open the campaign in Ohio, which they did in masterly style, roll ing lack the clouds of defeat and putting the party on the highway to victory. . But now. with an adverse plurality of over 8000, with a loss of two out of the four Representatives in Congress and with apparent ly a loss of the legislature, insuring the election of a Democrat to succeed SenatoF Hale. Maine as usual foreshadows the general re sult, and it is abundantly evident that the outlook for Republican success this year in other States is exceedingly dark. The Demo crats apparently are on the crest of a victorious wave, and will sweep the country', electing the majority of Congress without any help from the insurgent or progressive wing of the Republican party. Undoubtedly, local issues had their effect in the Maine election. At the same time, there is no doubt that in Maine, as in other States, the great issue, the turning point of the election, hangs on the shameful betrayal of the people's interests in the passage of the bunko tariff bill which puts the combines, trusts, and monopolies in control of all the markets of the country, anil puts the people at their service and command. During the pendency of this tarie revision in Congress last year, there were repeated warnings from all over the country that the people expected the Republican pledges to be kept in good faith in the revision downward of the tariff. The insolent and false reply that no pledge of tariff revision downward had been made, seemed to give the political bosses enthroned in Washington a great deal of comfort. They refused to listen to the mutlerings of discontent among the people. They refused to consider that there could be such a thing as hesentment at their betrayal of the public interests. Their repudiation of the Republican pledge of revision downward as in ter preted by President Taft in his campaign speeches two years ago was defiant. As they were there in an impregnable majority in Congress they seemed to think that there was no way to reach them, that they must always be in the same majority and in the same arrogant posi tion to defy the popular demand and to disregard the plain will of the people and the pledges of their own party. The elections this afford the first opportunity the people have had to get at those contemptible, knavish bosses, and they are getting at them in great style. This turn-over in Maine is in effect a political revolution. It would not surprise us in the least to see Massachusetts elect a Democratic Governor this year, and we consider that Conneticut is sure to do that, as allexpert estimates can make it, and the House of Representatives is fast lining up the same way. The Maine election gives a loss of a Senator to the Republicans and a gain of a Senator to the Democrats. 1 he loss of Ohio, which we consider sure, will show a like change in that State, is already determined; all that remains is to score the vote. Republican success lookes hopeless in Xew York, with the pros pective loss of another Senator by the Republicans from that State. It is no pleasure to The Trilmne to thus forecast disaster to the Republican party, for the writer has been a Republican from his youtluip, his first vote having lteen cast for Lincoln, and uniformly year Ohio is already lost to the Republicans, so far Tbe result for Republicans and Republican principles to this day. But when Republican bosses defy the will of their own party, take into their treacherous hands the task of wrecking the party, and defy the party principles, then it is time to call a halt, and if that halt cannot be en forced in any other way than by the defeat of the Republican party then that defeat is not only sure, but must be welcomed by all patriotic minds, as a right and much-needed discipline. T. R. The Whole Show Is it up to the best In the first place, it is more But what abtnit the new circus, anyway? of the old? We think yes., decisively, comprehensive. To entertain was the sole purpose of the old stagers. Now we have, not only pleasing diversion, but good business in frank advertising of books and magazines, smart politics, and more humbug to the square inch than old P. T. ever dreamed of. Note a few ex cerpts from the daring uterances of the \\ hole Show Himself : I always insist upon absolute honesty and. in the second place, upon obedience to law. I stand for the poor man until be does something that is wrong. I will not stand for any man if he is wrong, rich or poor. If the rich man strives to use his wealth to destroy others, I will cinch him if I can. I shall insist upon honesty if it breaks up the best business in the land. I shall insist upon order underall circumstances. I am against the corp »ration when it does wrong. I am against the mob when it resorts to violence. Whenever I have power, I will keep order on the one hand and I will insist upon justice from the rich if he's crooked. 1 will attack the rich man more stronglv because he has abused his advantage. "Hey, you. T. R." a'fat man shouted, "go in and lick them at the convention !" "By George! I'll do that!" yelled the colonel in reply, and then went into his car. And so on! There were no corporations present, no "mobs," and only the usual number of crooks, so everybody was satisfied, lust when the colonel is going to do these tilings he didn't say. •'Whenever I have the power," was as near as he got to a definite was invariably taken bv his hearers and _ _ The phrase, however, has been generally accepted throughout the country as meaning that lie proposes to resume the presidency on March 4, 19 Id, and to hold it for an indefinite period of time thereafter. Such doubtless is his intention, date. Obviously, too, there is no question in his seething mind of his ability to achieve his purpose. Mis words clearly are those of presumptive and assured dictatorship. They comprise no beating about the bush. Not a hint or-suggestion of what should or might be done by the courts, by congress or by the Otilv what he himself will do and proposes to do. people themselves. —Harper's \\ eekly. Remember the Maine!