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This Paper is the Official Organ of the Idaho State Federation of Labor and Boise Trades and Labor Council
The Gem Worker Is one of the •olid end substantial publications of Idaho, and has a standing in the newspaper field never before achieved by a labor paper in this States With the splendid news service of the Federation's Wash ington bureau and with an ex change list of the leading papers of the Nation. The Gem Worker is enabled to bring all the news of the world of labor to your door. Every union member in the State of Idaho should be a subscriber. To the extent that the loborers their aub e medium ■sr support a labor paper by scriptions h it a valuabl for advertisers. The Gem Work er is most loyally supported by the organized labor of Idaho and of Boise in particular. To this fact is due the splendid advertising pat ronage which the paper receives, as the business men feel that they are given through its columns a special and individual invitation to every wage earner in the city and state. J u „if Jl Jl A in. J BOISE, IDAHO, THURSDAY, OCTOBER 12,1916 ($1.00 Per Year. Vol. 4. No. 20.) 5c a Copy STAND BY PRESIDENT Has Proven Himself to Be Friend of Organized Labor By Marcus Day. There is not a Republican politician criticising the President for his stand on the eight-hour law who would dare state his real position honestly. Nine out of ten of them accuse him of surrender to the dictates of the i railroad brotherhoods but there is not of them who would stand a cross one questioning on specific points con cerning this alleged surrender for fear of being forced into a confession of hostility to organized labor as an institution. To the unsophisticated student of politics, however, no evi dence concerning Republicanism and labor, organized or unorganized, is now necessary. It has always been the enemy of high wages, the friend of wholesale and unrestricted immi gration and an advocate of any scheme by which the precedent for treating labor as a commidity can be sustained. Until the advent of Presi dent Woodrow Wilson to the White House there has not been an appoint ment to the Supreme Court of the United States that was not made at the dictates of monopolistic employ ers who were most always frankly hostile to union labor in private con versation and who were not supported by these reactionary puppets who se cured their places on our highest court. Today we still have the men ace of a hostile court to any demand of decency. 'It is not so violently re actionary as in the immediate past only because of public sentiment and two appointments by President Wil son which were distinctly radical and human. The question at once arises, how does the situation in this election bear upon the future prospects of collective bargaining? In a nutshell, the re sult will be told November 7th. Republican victory means the ap pointment of labor's enemies to fill all vancanices. There can be no doubt of this when one judges pros pects by past performances. If there ever was an election in w'hicli organ ized labor needed to be militantly ac tive in gaining votes for the party in power it is this one and from the news accounts pouring in the indica tions are that labor is not going to let much grass grow' under its feet in taking up the work of organiza tion which will land Woodrow Wil son back in the White House in or der that he may help in enforcing the eight-hour law, something that ^rtainlj^wiul^ncn Jje^onen_by;^ those A There Is No Field for Notrality The New Republic of September 23rd contains a powerful article en titled Unionism versus Anti-union „ . ...... , ism in which it declares that it should be the policy of the American nation to discriminate in favor of unionism, to recognize its merits, to define its function, and to make it an essential part of the national indus trial system." Something like this has been my own strong conviction for a long time, chiefly as a result of reading a great work on "Industrial Democracy" by the English authors, Sidney and Beatrice Wetib. I de sire here to sketch the New Repub lie article. "Discrimination" in favor of union ism does not mean forcible unoiniz ing of non-union labor, but "it does imply popular and official discourage ment of any attempt by employers to outlaw unionism." The existence of unions is fully jus tified by the inability of the individ ual workers to bargain with their era ployers and secure right conditions of labor. "Unionism is an indispen sable condition of the economic in dependence of the wage-earners as a class. It is as important to them as the vote is to the citizen or as some protection against the abuse of polit ical authority is to the property owner." _ Hence the unionists refuse to arbi träte the question of the existence of their unions. "The employers are equally reluctant either to recognize --— North Idaho Politics After campaigning in the Northern Counties for five weeks it is my judg ment that the old fashioned idea of "vote for the party boys" has gone for good, I hope. Voters are in a frame of mind where deeds count, and acting upon that idea, they are ready to vote for President Wilson, Gov. Alexander and the balance of the Democratic State Ticket, as well as the Demo cratic legislature, in order to back up Gov. Alexander in his wonderful ad ministration. Respectfully CLARENCE VAN DEUSEN. who now call it a surrender or crime. One of the most disgusting types of journals in this country is that represented by Collier's Weekly. It has always been a critic of all ras cality not committed by the sacred Plunderbund of its own city. It makes life a prolonged nightmare for the vender of Dr. Kill-'Em-Quick's pills and holds up to scorn any paper which receives money for such ad vertising—that is, if the paper should have the rudeness to attack any great and holy evil. When Secretary Dan iels began to ask questions concern ing prices of war munitions' bought' by the Government, Collier's began to get uneasy and wrathy. It believe in classes and confines its attacks to those who couldn't steal a million if they lived an earthly existence to the end of time. Its support should in jure Mr. Hughes' rhances of election in this campaign because the intelli gent reading public are not any long er humbugged by its class of political vaporing. Collier's is right in the height of its glory in supporting such as Chas. E. Hughes. Nobody counts, in its opinion, except the people who have piled up the most and after an accumulation becomes sufficiently bulky to exert a classy power, Col lier's is too overawed to question the method of its acquisition. There never has been a campaign in our history which has drawn the line between classes as the present one and many of us welcome the verdat Mr. Hughes is a fitting candidate for those who believe in the class idea and he will, without qitiestion, re ceive the united support of that ele ment, while those who do not be lieve that this country is large enough to contain the idea and still remain a free nation will oppose him. The writer feels confident that the result of the election will do much to discourage the further attempt of the politicians to foist upon the people candidates who are more European than American in their desires. We have been a long, long time in reach ing that stage where the class repre sentative was not powerful and ag gressive in some part of the govern ment but we have every reason to be lieve that this contest will put him into such an insignificant minority that his doctrines will not raise any thing but a sneer of anger and con t emp t .^r u . u%j .^ l u - u - u ^ _ - LrV ^ _ - - - I ^ ^ , the unions until they are forced to do 1 so ' op to arbitrate the question of their recognition, because they do not , , , J , . . want to abandon any share of their econom jc power to independent and, from their point of view, irresponsi ble organizations." Civil war results and the American nation has in the past tried to stand neutral. Strikes that affect the very life of the public are becoming frequent and ominous, The chief of the legal department of the New York Tnterborough Corn pany has recently "declared that the country could no more exist half union and half non-union than it could exist half slave and half free." The New Republic agrees and in vig orous words says that "the nation must come to the deliberate and offi cial discouragement of non-unionism and the promotion of unionism " The article concludes with argu ment to show that employers need have no fear of being delivered over to a "grasping labor oligarchy." The whole function of labor unions will be modified when it is no longer nec essary for them to fight for their very existence. ' "Tnfustrial controversies will become capable of something re sembling a rational treatment." There will be "scientific analysis of labor problems and the gradual acquisition of a scientific method of dealing with them. In no other way can they he taken out of the dubious region of class conflict." GEORGE H. CURTIS. Boise. October 2 1916 Colo. Miners Uniting Louisville, Colo.—At a mass meet ing of miners, the old spirit of trade unionism was again awak"jed. In other sections of northern Colorado these workers are reaffiliating to the United Mine Workers' union. STREET CAR EMPLoVeS GAIN. Vancouver, British Columbia.—The local street car company has signed an agreement with the Street Car Men's unions of this city, Victoria and New Westminster. Lab#r President Fears Hughes As president of the largest labor organization in the world—the United | Mine Workers with 400,000 members —John P. White has given the News paper enterprise v>uociation a state ment pointing out that the rights of the working man are at stake in this campaign and will be endangered by the election of Hughes. Mr. White tells why wage earners should look with grave fears on the success of the Republican candidate. It is a significant and remarkable statement that should be read by every man interested in the welfare of working men and women. Said Mr. White: "For every working man and wo man, the paramount issue in this cam paign is the right of wage earners to organize and act together for their own protection and advancement. "Every big corporation and labor exploiter in the country intent on defeating organization and keeping their employes submissive and de fenceless is working might and main for the election of Hughes. They know that he concurred in the Dan bury Hatters' decision, and they count on him to repeat his performance whenever the issue of the right to organic comes before him. "The Clayton act establishes the freedom of labor so far as it can be established by congress, fight has only begun. Hughes and Colonel Roosevelt have shown that they are not in sym p athy with, the purposes of that act. But the Both Mr. Violence Favored by Company Chattanooga, Tenn.—In an "Open Letter to Employes" the Tennessee Copper company makes stealthy sug gestion of violence against organizers of the Western Federation of Miners who are interesting the company's employes in trade unionism In a four-page pamphlet, the com pany makes this sly bid for "strong arm" methods: "We appreciate your feelings in the matter and know that just at present those of you who have offered to get rid of these organizers feel that noth ing is too bad for any one desiring to upset such pleasant relations have existed for so many years be tween the company and the men, but the same thing can be accomplished by public sentiment, and let's just make it so unpopular that this whole agitation will flunk immediately and that there W'ill be no more men forced into idleness by a bunch of exploiters that have desperate hope of getting a slice of your hard earned cash." The "slice of hard earned cash" ferred to is 161-2 cents an hour for common labor. These wages are de fend e d bythecompanyasfollows: rr Anti-Union Progressive Gibson 1 By E. W. Jones. When the Progressive party was formed by ex-President Roosevelt, the thinking, progressive element of the Republican party went into it and promulgated a thoroughly pro gressive platform that stod for the rights of the common people. The P/ogressives of Idaho went into that party because they were honest, think ing men and women. Now, when Mr. Roosevelt, for some hidden reason, undertook to deliver his party bodily to Hughes and the reatcionaries, most of them refused to follow, so the state Republican committee got their heads together and, either not being in sympathy with labor unions, fearing the wrath of the or money pow er that dominates their actions, eluded that the intelligent men and con Compulsion Is Favored Baltimore.—The compulsory arbi tration microbe was coddled and giv en fresh nourishment by Jouson C. Clements, member of the interstate commerce commission, in an address to the Grain Dealers' National ciation. Mr. Clements made no distinction between a railroad company and its employes who are forced to acecpt onerous working conditions. Both, he insisted, are engaged in interstate commerce and he favored a law that would make a legally established ob ligation and duty upon every worker who seeks and acepts employment not to leave the service of the railroad company, or combine with others to do so, on account of any controversy until a commission could investigate "in a fair and impartial" manner. In plain language, this government official would make it obligatory upon a willing railroad company not to ploy a worker until he signed tract waiving his American right to quit work. The railroads, of course, would be permitted to continue their policy o? discharging men as fancy dictates. asso em a con Mr. Roosevelt, while President, vio | lently assailed a similar measure and the labor men who sponsored it. He could not tolerate any limitation ojp the power of judges.to send work ing men to jail for long terms with out trials for striking and thus inter fering with the "right" of an unfair employer to do business. "Recently, the United States Cir cuit Court of Appeals has handed down a decision at St. Paul intimat ing that in the belief of these judges a strike may be a conspiracy in re straint of trade, regardless of the Clayton act. The United States Su preme Court has yet to pass on la bor's bill of rights, and there never a time when labor had a great er need of public officials at Wash ington who will give more than lip service to the ideals of freedom and dem ocracy; "When Confidential Agent Bowers, in charge of the Rockefeller mining interests in Colorado, wrote his chief in 1913, 'Now for 1916 and the cam paign for the open shop,' he foresaw what' has come to pass. From New York to San Francisco the powerful hostile interests to labor's emancipa tion above marshalled their forces for a smashing drive, on both the in dustrial and political field, against the right of wage earners to organize. "Under the circumstances, with the issue clearly and sharply drawn, the wage earner who does not see his duty clear before him must be blind indeed both to his own interests and to the interests of human freedom." was "If wages were much higher there would be such a rush for this com munity that you would lose your pres ent steady work and would be much worse off than at present, and as the company could not afford to pay it on the low grade of ore in this dis trict, it simply means "killing the goose that lays the golden egg." In an effort to arouse national hat reds among these low-wage employes who are urged to keep out of the union on the ground that they "would be much worse off that at present," the company charges that the West ern Federation of Miners is controlled by "foreigners," and then submits these questions, unworthy of men claiming allegiance to American prin coples: "Do you want to have your life con trolled by a vote of Dagoes, Polacks and Finlanders, and pay for their sup port? Would you like to have them for neighbors? Remember if the camp were organized you could not complain for they would be your brothers, and do not think for a min ute that they would not come and live right among you." women of the Progressive party were a thoughtless, irresponsible rabble, put a little bell on little Jimmv Gip son, the scab printer of Caldwell, for whom a union printer would not work if he were starving, and started him out as a bell wether, expecting them to follow like a band of sheep that cannot think How do you Progres sives who refused to follow a man of energy and brains like to follow in line behind little Jimmy Gipson, the scab printer? Oh, what a slap at your dignity and intelligence, smote by the hand of a committee representing the great money grab bers who would plunge us into war so that opportunities would be great er for robbing the workers of their hard earnings! Favor Social Insurance Richmond, Va. —Welfare, or social insurance was urged by Insurance Superintendent Potts, of Illinois, be fore the national convention of in surance commissioners. He cited gov ernment reports to support his plea, and showed that there occur annually in this country 82,520 deaths from in dustrial accidents and 208,000 nonfatal industrial accidents causing loss of more than seven days' time. The total number of nonfatal acidents, both industrial and nonindustrial in this country of like severity was 687, 000 in one year. The ravages of sickness and dis ease entail a loss of 284,750,000 days' time to workingmen, a loss of wages of over $500,000,000, besides the enor mous expense for medical attention. In this country, he continued, there are approximately 33,500.000 workers, of whom 608,000 die prematurely each year during the working period of life. This is, between the ages of 15 and 65. By these deaths, it is esti mated. there are over 200,000 depen dent families unprovided for annually. In addition to all these the workers are liable to suffer from involuntary unemployment, especially in seasonal occupations. -■"-i— —* WANTED THE STRIKE Railroads Were Disappointed at Turn of Affairs With Trainmen By Grant Hamiton. The controversy between the rail road brotherhoods and the railway managers which occupied general at tention for a number of weeks brought out more trenchantly than ever the lengths to which the managers of the railway corporations will go to ac complish their desires. The news papers of the country, whose editor ial utterances were almost wholly con trolled through their advertising col umns, assiduously endeavored to con vince the readers of their journals that the railroads were actuated by a spirit of fairness in offering arbitra tion. The railroads did not offer to sub mit all of the points at issue to a board of arbitration. Their offer con tained such an array of exceptions as to amount virtually to no arbitration at all. While the railroad brothers, through their restricted press facilities, gave the details of the situation as it ex isted, yet a large volume of the press never carried the statements issued by the brotherhoods. The railroads were represented by a committee empowered to deal with the situation. During the many con ferences between the representatives of the railroad brotherhood and the railroads, the latter refused to meet in any particular the demands of the brotherhoods. On the contrary, they insisted on applying their scheme of so-called "arbitration," which in fact, was offered with the veiled purpose of promoting a strike, for the terms of their offer of "arbitration" were so manifestly unfair and eliminated entirely so many roads from arbi tration at all, that the offer, even if accepted, would not have resulted in settling the controversy. By the action of congress the rail road managers were checkmated in their desire to bring about a nation wide strike. Now these railroad man agers, with the assistance of Candi date Hughes and those who are com mitted to his cause, are combining their efforts for the purpose of mak ing an effort to convince the people that the principle of arbitration in industrial disputes has been destroyed. The railroad managers, true to their past history, are assisting in the cam naign of destruction, for the history Compensation Law for Children Philadelphia.—Judge McMichae! has ruled that the state workmen's com pensation law must be interpreted broadly and that compensation must be paid to children whose fathers killed in industrial accidents. The case centered about a 4-months old babe whose father was killed six days before it was born. A work men's compensation referee awarded benefits to the mother and to the child until it reaches the age of 16. Appeal was taken to the compensa tion board, which sustained the ref eree. The matter was then taken to the courts. It was argued that when there is a widow or widower entitled to com pensation, no award can be made to the children In dismissing this ar gument. Judge McMichael said: "An act of assembly of the char acter of the one in question should be interpreted broadly and in harmony with the aim of the act providing «iinnort for those dependent upon a are Unorganized Workers Knoxville, Tenn.—"One of the in cidents that arose prior to the settle ment of the impending great railroad strike," says Editor Keith of the Voice of Labor, "had to do with an individual who sent a long telegram to the president, protesting against the strike in the name of the workers who would be affected by the strike, and who were unorganized. During the framing of compensation laws quite a number of employes were found who protested against the writ ing of such laws, and who claimed that they represented the unorganized workers. Just how a man can repre sent any body of men who are not organized is beyond understanding; he may think he represents them, but about the only way it can be figured that he does represent them is to state that he assists in keeping back better working conditions and better wages. If that is representation, then we are glad that it carries no weight with those who are striving for high er ideals and better social and work ing conditions." it. see to it that humanity shall be ac corded justice. of their past has never been one of construction, ord: There were 275 railroads involved in the controversy. Seventy-five of these railroads ab solutely and unequivocally refused to arbitrate any of the demands of the railroad brotherhoods. One hundred and eighty-two rail roads in their offer of arbitration specifically excluded negro firemen, negro brakemen and negro hostlers. Eighteen railroads offered arbitra tion, but specifically excluded the white hostlers. In other words, the offer of arbi tration had a long; string attached to Now for the real rec If any further evidence is wanted of the shiftiness and sharp practices of the railroad managers it is only necessary to cite one instance. Mr. Hale Holden of the Chicago, Burlington and Quincy railroad, the spokesman for the railroad managers in the recent controversy, locked out the freight-handlers upon the C. B. & Q. in Chicago because of their de mand for changed conditions, mediately the freight-handlers offered to arbitrate their differences with the road. Mr. Hale Hblden, as spokes man for the railroad managers in the railroad brotherhood controversy, and who so strongly advocated arbitra tion in that case, summarily refused to accept arbitration when the Chi cago freight-handlers offered that me dium to settle their controversy. The attitude of President Ripley of the Santa Fe railroad, who asserts that he will not observe the Adam son law until the court of last sorts compels him to do so. is mere ly a composite type of nearly all the railroad managers of the some exceptions being noted. The submission of the railroad con troversy to congress was practically an arbitration by a court of the Im rc country, , Peo ple s representatives, which ought to signify to the "public-be-d—d" agers of the railroad corporations that if they continue to persist in their disregard of the economic and social welfare of the people of our country the people themselves will man deceased employe. "Since dependents' bound by the compensation feature of the law lose all their remedies at common law, a literal construction in their favor is required. In the case at bar the child takes nothing during the running of 300 weeks if its mother lives that long and does not marry. Can it be said that it was intended that the child thus should be excluded from the benefits of the act? "We think the provision for the mother negatives that inquiry, be cause the payment made to her was based on the fact of the existence of the child. The child's right to com pensation cannot be said in this way to be obliterated. It becomes merged with that of the mother, and rightly so, because she is usually the person to whom ultiptately compensation due a child would naturally go." It is stated that the decision will affect over 1.0Q0 children and that over $2,000,000 is involved. Fraternal Australians Washington.—Australian labor pa pers just received at the offices of the American Federation of Labor show that trade unionists in that country kept close watch on the ef forts of American railroad train ser vice men to secure the eight-hour day. The Daily Herald, published in Ade laide, prints these fraternal expres sions in its issue of August 23: "The struggle of the railway work ers in the United States for an eight hour day should command the sympa thetic support of all industrialists throughout the world. To some it might seem that the labor troubles of a land so far away are of little im portance to Australia and Australians, hut against this it has to be remem bered that no matter what the diffi culties and issue may be, it is all part of the treneral plan of divine discon tent which shall continue to prevail until the workers coma into their own by having the fruits of their la bor applied less for the benefit of the explointing class, and more for the general welfare and happiness ol manKind."