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Taft and Free Sugar.
After considering the matter from all sides, says a Washington newspaper correspondent, the admin istration has about reached the conclusion not to press for Philippine tariff legislation at the present session of Congress. The cards have been too well stacked against the administration in the Senate. The sugar interests are too thoroughly intrenched there on the one hand, and the Democrats, for po litical reasons, have shown their intention of re fusing to assist the Republicans who are friendly to the reduced schedules project, despite their general revision and free trade protestations. Secretary of War Taft returned from his visit to the eastern archipelago more fully convinced than ever of the wisdom and justice of granting the Fili pinos relief from the burdens which the present tariff wall imposes upon them, but he finds condi tions prevailing here which would make the fight a losing one. The administration as a whole is pretty well convinced that a losing fight this winter would not help matters a year or so later. It may be said here that the administration does not blame the stand-pat and beet sugar Republican Senators for the situation so much as it does the Democratic leaders, who are the ones who packed the Philippines committee so as to prevent favorable consideration of a bill by it. Senator Culberson in attempting to play petty politics in the matter has suffered a great loss in his reputation as a broad minded statesman. That ultimate justice will be accorded the Filipinos, however, is a foregone conclusion. Secretary Taft will not surrender. It appears from Washington advices that free sugar and tobacco will be postponed until Taft is elected President. There is no argument for free trade in these commodities which has appealed or can appeal to Congress on its merits. Taft insists that he does not want large manufacturing plants established; that his desire is that the Filipinos shall become small farmers, raise sugar and tobacco, and that Filipino capital shall erect small plants, or that the raw material shall be shipped out. He avers that he desires only that the Filipinos shall raise as much sugar and tobacco as they did under Spanish rule. He stultifies himself always by insisting that the sugar and tobacco trusts are responsible for the defeat of his pet measure. If the Filipinos will not be allowed to produce enough to compete with our home production, of course the trusts would be indifferent. As a matter of fact, when the Taft legislation is passed, the trusts will take possession of this very inviting field. The Democrats fully understand this, hence their opposition. In addition, the Democrats do not want to en courage American capital to be protected by special legislation in its exploitation of the islands. .The Democrats generally wish to get rid of the islands, and know that it will add to the difficulties in deal ing justly with the subject in the future, if American capital has gone there by special invitation of the Government, and become invested on account of special legislation for its protection and use. The archipelago is peculiarly adapted for sugar raising, from the cane. The friends of the beet sugar industry in this country understand fully the menace to sugar-beet production if Taft has his way and sugar is allowed to come in free from the islands. The Scimitar has heretofore pointed out that un less Taft is elected President, this legislation will not be attempted, no matter whether some other Republican is elected President, or whether Colonel Bryan is elected. In this immediate section of the United States the situation is rather amusing. Utah and Idaho are very largely engaged in beet sugar production. The president of the Mormon organization is president of every sugar factory in both States, and his fellow polygamists, the apostles, are directors of these factories. There are five plants in Idaho, and seven or eight in Utah. The sugar trust and the Mormon church own a majority of stock in each of these companies. The trust owns by far the most, and the church, i. e., Joseph F. Smith as "trustee in trust" for the Mormon church, owns enough added to the amount owned by the trust, to make a majority. If Taft is correct in asserting that the sugar trust is opposed to his Philippine tariff program, it will be an interesting affair, when delegates are selected to the Republican National convention in Utah and Idaho. Governor Cutler of Utah, in an interview not long since, said Taft was not popular in Utah because of his Philippine tariff policy, which, carried out, would destroy the beet sugar industry in his State, thought it would be impossible for Taft to secure the delegates from Utah. Cutler is a subservient Mormon of such pronounced type as to be selected by the hierarchy for Governor. He has no other qualifications to distinguish and set him apart for this high office, save and except the one that he "obeys counsel" without question. He Roosevelt is the first President .of the United Joseph F. Smith, but it will not avail, nor will the fact that Taft's selection will jeopardize one of their States who has espoused the polygamous cause. The polygamous hierarchs are extremely grateful, and will give the delegates from Utah, Idaho and Wyo ming to Roosevelt, to be used for Taft or any one else. The sugar trust may argue with their partner, greatest industries and injure materially many mem bers of their organization, deter Joseph F. The pro tection of the polygamous hierarchs in their prac tices is of most moment, and they will feel safe with Roosevelt's selection. These Mormon beet sugar States will send dele gates for Taft. Fortunately the hierarchs will not be able to send any delegates from Idaho to the National Democratic convention, and if they attempt to send any from Utah, they will not be allowed seats in the convention. Democratic Americans will The anomaly may be presented of the Democrats be seated in the National Democratic convention. protecting this great industry of the Mormon people in Utah and Idaho, notwithstanding the fact that the Mormons will give their support to an avowed enemy of the industry. In the case of Caleb Powers, former Secretary of State of Kentucky, retried for the murder of Gov ernor Goebel, the jury disagreed, only two of the jurymen favoring conviction. Justice is a shy per sonage when it comes in contact with the political crimes of Kentucky. It would be well to wipe out the slate and start a new record. ^ 4 41 T 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 » 4 4 ij 4» 4 + 4 4 4 4 * 4 4 4» 4 ^ 4 * * * w . . , « . . 1 * Valuable Opinion . 4 4 4 4 Bryan's Commoner compliments The Scimi tar in the following terms ; The Scimitar, published at Boise, Idaho, 4 is a weekly paper of the Democratic faith that 4 promises to become a strong factor in the 4 politics of the great Northwest. Ex-Senator 4 Fred T. Dubois is the editor, a fact which 4 guarantees its strength as a defender of the J people's interests, and its ability to adequately 4 set forth to the w'orld the resources of Idaho 4 and surrounding territory. The typographical J editorial excellence, andTherefore^he Scimi- 4 tar is as pleasing to the eye as it is inter- 4 esting to the seeker after knowledge. The 4 4 Scimitar deserves and doubtless will secure 4 a large circulation, and will wield a great in- 4 fluence for good in the Northwest country. 4 _ ' 4 The following important newspapers have T 4 also made favorable mention of The Scimitar : 4 The Herald and Post, Washington, D. C. 4 The New'- York Herald. 4 Judge, New York. J The Statesman, Austin, Texas. 4 The Enquire™ Oncinnati, O. J The Sun, New York. 4 The Indianapolis Star. 4 rt S° n rW M . il r Uke \i V * lhe Standard, Watertown, N. Y. 4 The Journal, Albany, N. Y. 4 The Morgan Journal, New York City. 4 The Advance, Chicago. 4 The Commercial, Buffalo. J i The NeWS - Balt,m0re - I £44444444444444444444444444444444^ 4 4 4 Regulation of Railroads. Of more than ordinary interest is the annual re port of the Interstate Commerce Commission just rendered to Congress. It covers a period of the operation of the amended law under which the com mission exists—the law that gave the commission real work to perform and clothed it with real in fluence. The report says the amended law has been ac cepted in good faith by railroad managers and with an earnest disposition to conform their methods to its requirements. It explains the workings of the law : Since the new rate law became effective on Oc tober 24 , 1906 , the commission has granted relief in the form of corrective orders in many cases. Upon November 4 , 1907 , the commission rendered deci sions on the 105 contested cases under the act. In forty-five of these cases orders were made against the defendant carriers, on forty-five the complaints were dismissed, and the the remaining fifteen no orders were made. In every instance except one, the orders of the commission were complied with promptly. In the exceptional case the Delaware, Lackawanna & Western Railroad carried the order into the United States courts, but, pending a de cision by the courts, is complying with the order of the commission. The commission says it is without authority to prevent advances in rates and suggests additional legislation that will empower it to suspend the oper ation of an advance rate pending an inquiry into the reasonableness of the rate, cial explanations of many railroad men in relation to the congested condition of freight traffic, a con The report of the commission confirms the unoffi dition that has existed in acute form for more than The commission says that the growth of a year. transportation facilities is inadequate. The public has been rather slow to accept this explanation, because the condition appeared to suddenly upon the country, when congestion from physical cause should have gradually asserted itself. The report states that, between 1895 and 1905 the transportation business increased 110 per cent, while facilities for handling the traffic increased only per cent. come 20 The commission argues that the discrepancy be tween demand and supply is an alarming phase of the situation that it places a limit on future pro duction and halts industrial projects and compels them to wait the coming of adequate carrying veniences. con During the year covered by the report, the com mission received 4,382 complaints from shippers and granted reparation in 561 cases, aggregating $ 104 , 700 . I he cash value of governmental intervention is not so great as the moral effect of the law. . ... Mcirmisnmg In Ohio, Senator Foraker's Ohio machine is giving signs of animation. It has prevailed upon the Erie County kc 'l )U | jhcai1 committee to retract its resolutions of last Marc " endorsing Secretary Taft for the Presi den cy and it has deposed its chairman because he is a Taft The machine i* in . machine is implacable. It is now conspiring to invalidate, through the action of the courts, the P nniarics that have been oidered for the election of | e e & a es " tle _ tate Republican r° US ^ oraker announced that he man. convention. Not was in tavor of the application of the primary method, but it is now known that great men sometimes change their minds. In Mont S° m ery County a movement materialized a wee _ a &° that offsets the action of the Erie County committee. The executive committee of the Repub lican committee of Montgomery County endorsed Mr Tiff anrl „«a at V* , 1 a " and turned down Mr. Foraker. . e P ay _ thumbs up and thumbs down is pe culiar to Ohio in the preliminary stages of a cam paign. There is no evidence that Mr. Foraker will not fall on Mr. Taft's neck before the convention assembles.