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7 i. Loil UNI liM tu aho Scimitar. n —J ; n 5 à TAJ2 -v Vol. I. BOISE, IDAHO, SATURDAY, MARCH 14, 1908 No. 20 A Disrupted Party. In the State of South Dakota, in the published pre liminaries for a primary election soon to be held, three political parties are named in the lists filed with the auditors of the several counties—insurgent Republican, stalwart Republican and Democratic. The Populist party, which has twice overturned the government of the State, is not mentioned, the mem bers of that extinct organization affiliating with the insurgent Republicans and the Democrats. The two factions of the Republican party are operating as distinct parties and have been since the legislative session of 1905, when the refusal of the Republican railroad machine faction (now called the stalwarts) to submit a referendum petition for a primary election measure divided the party. The insurgents won in the succeeding election and now have possession of the government and, in the nomen clature of the times, they call themselves Roosevelt Republicans. There is no probability that the two wings of the party will ever reunite and they are now waging a campaign of unexampled bitterness over the choice of a United States Senator. Republican newspapers representing the two wings of the divided party are assailing each other with a ferocity never developed in the old time conflicts between Republicanism and Democracy and all that the Democratic party is doing is to watch the conflict, being consumed with amazement. This is the most pronounced political estrange ment in any of the prairie States and they are all doing something in that line. The faction that wins at the first primaries in South Dakota will select the delegates to the National Republican convention and it is a singular circumstance that both factions have declared for Taft. But it is the after struggle that will contain the chief interest—the June pri maries at which a State, senatorial and congressional ticket will be nominated. - There is no expectation that the faction defeated in June will subside. Neither intends to and neither wants to. An ultimate new alignment appears to be the only solution of the quarrel. Like conditions have partially developed in North Dakota and it is expected that the coming campaign will widen the breach. In Iowa the factions had each other by the hair in 1906, the insurgents win ning, and the wounds of that conflict are still open and bleeding. Corporation control in politics and government was the cause of the separation in the three States and in Iowa and South Dakota the corporations are the under dog and are still fighting for the upper position. In North Dakota they have not yet been vanquished, but the outlook is very promising for their insurgent enemies, although the State is traversed by two continental railroads and their nu merous branches. An Appreciation of Hopkins. Collier's weekly publication devotes a couple of interesting pages to a description of the methods peculiar to Senator Hopkins, of Illinois, who was congratulated in a letter by President Roosevelt for his success in turning the verdict of the Senate against the evidence in the Smoot case. According to Collier's, Mr. Hopkins' star achieve ments have been in the line of the preversion of justice. He has operated chiefly on judges, juries and the attachées of courts. He first created the instruments, through his political influence, and then used them. He hqs had a remarkably successful career as a lawyer, the great corporations gravitating in his di rection as infallibly as the steel to the magnet when ever they fell into difficulty through the violation of laws designed to protect the public against their wanton tendencies. In the light of these exposures, and it is presumed that Collier's has been careful in the preparation of its case, it is not wonderful that Mr. Hopkins able to do as much as he has done for the was cause of polygamy through the agency of the senatorial machine. There is no evidence in the two pages of the pub lication that he ever initiated or concluded achievement because it was right, no more than there is in his victory over the moral forces of the Nation when he applied his ingenuity to the party intention an to condone the wrong of the Mormon church. It is an inevitable conclusion that the political system of the United States is rotten to the core if the highest honors in the gift of the people can be achieved through the processes attributed to Mr. Hopkins by Collier's. His advancement came out of no public desire to advance him, if Collier's is right, but it came through his ability to scheme and execute as a master politician. Through his influence over courts and juries, as the story goes, he was able to win cases for public corporations and the corporations exalted him to the Senate and placed him at the head of a great ma chine. That is all there is in the account of his success. Fame is of easy achievement in the modern political arena. An Exploded Theory, Deprecating a custom that it applies exclusively to the West, the Nampa Leader-Herald urges its read ers to fall into the Eastern habit of reelecting the men that serve in Congress whenever their terms expire. It reasons : When a man is elected to Congress from one of the Eastern States it is reasonably certain that he will remain there for years. In time he masters the intricacies of congressional work and becomes valu able to his constituency and the country at large. In the West it is different. Instead of regarding the office as an instrument by which to be of service to the people it is too often regarded only from the standpoint of the politician—an honor to be passed around. philosophy to Mr. French, who is on the House roll as an Idaho congressional product, and believes he ought to be retained indefinitely because he has been exposed to some experience and is likely, in the courge of time, to know more than any other Idahoan Strangely enough, the Nampa paper applies its could know about legislation. The paper is unfortunate in its selection of an object upon which to base its elucidation of a mis taken theory, for there are many within the con stituency who believe that Mr. French is incapable of attaining any higher sphere of legislative knowl edge than is permitted by his managers, of the Utah hierarchy, He is serving his third term and in no particular has he demonstrated that experience is valuable to the interests he represents, aside from what he is worth to the party combination that directs his movements. During those years of peril to Republican institu tions in which the mass of the voting population ac cepted the dogma of party infallibility, the Nation established itself in the dangerous belief that long service at the seat of corruption added to the in trinsic worth of the legislator. ing. To a certain extent this was true. It familiarized the legislator with the processes of his public call But while he was gaining for his constituency in that direction, he was losing for his constituency in other important particulars. He was becoming calloused in conscience, careless in his methods and corrupt in his tendencies, It is those men of long service in Congress that are now opposing, openly or secretly, the remedial legislation the country is demanding, for they are creatures of corporations and of predatory wealth. They have been too long exposed to temptation. At home they are the ones that oppose the rising in surgency of the Republican party, allying themselves in most instances with the old, corrupt machine. As rapidly as their votes can cast them out, in surgent Republicans are retiring the veterans and filling their places with new legislative material. Idaho Republicans are almost ripe for insurgency. It is to be hoped that the revolt will come in time to save Mr. French from the possibility of moral destruction. Ohio lias Spoken. It looks as though Senator Foraker had permitted himself to be placed on the list of permanently dis abled among the politicians of Ohio and that Senator Dick had accompanied him to for the permanently crippled, only swept the State convention, but he de stroyed the last vestige of Forakerism on the Republican committee of Ohio, establishing a clean list of twenty-one Taft members. the hospital Mr. Tafr not Ohio's presidential choice is not Mr. Foraker and he will do well if he saves his senatorial seat. He did not succeed in forcing the hoped for compromise that would render him secure in the senatorial place and it is possible that the interests will lose their handiest helper. The entire machinery of the party in the State is in the hands of the Taft managers and all that Foraker can do is to play the negro vote against Taft's election, should he be nominated. The delegates to the convention that gave Ohio to the Secretary of War were elected at primaries at which the Republican voters expressed their prefer ence for a presidential candidate and none of the usual machinery by which the accredited bosses have long controlled the State was available, vention that decided in favor of Mr. Taft adopted a progressive platform, which is also a rebuke to the Foraker and Dick breed of politicians, the tion even declaring against the infallibility of extreme protection. A great deal in the way of promised reform intro duced itself to the unaccustomed gaze of the Re The con conven publican party at the Columbus gathering, causing the populists of a dozen years ago to smile behind their whiskers. The President has managed the Taft campaign in all the States with skill and success and the surface appearances indicate that he will be the choice of the Chicago convention. Through its Republican committee, the State of Nevada is not endorsing the policies of the President, although he sent the troops to Goldfield and kept them there after declaring his own act unlawful. President Roosevelt has consented to the Aldrich bill on the ground that it is better than nothing. What the other side fears is that it will turn out to be worse than nothing. But that will not be known until after election.