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The silver messenger. (Challis, Idaho) 1890-1912, August 21, 1894, Image 4

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Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn88056158/1894-08-21/ed-1/seq-4/

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TheSilver Messenger.
1DRHO.
CHXLLI«, •
^OFFICIAL PAPER OF CUSTER COUNTY.«
PUBLISHED : TUESDAY : AFTERNOONS.
• Editor.
Qenorftl Manager.
R. A. PIERCE,
M. M. SWEET,
THE TXHirr.
At last, after being in office
between five and six years, Mr.
Cleveland, who has been all the
time proclaiming "a change in
tho robber tariff" has got an op
portunity to sign a tariff bill.
Whether he does sign or reject
is of little importance in our con
sideration of this question and
therefore we proceed to suggest
some facts and give some reasons
bearing upon this question.
First—As to what kind of a
tariff the one adopted is. It cer
tainly is not Democratic, and, if
we may judge from the opposi
tion the Republicans have given
it, it is not one of their approval.
It is sort of a hybred—neither
this nor that—neither for pro
tection or revenue; neither speci
fic or advalorum; neither East or
West, North or South; for black
or white; summer or winter—
something, no one knows what;
and as the leaders of Democracy
had promised so much, and the
people were impatient of their
non-fulfillment, something had
to be done, and they undoubted
ly suppose this something will ap
pease the discontent of the
people. But, no ! The some
thing wanted by the people can
not be covered by tariff frivolit
ies nor by tariff changes or by
letting tariff, with all the stress
they lay upon it, remain as it has
been since October 1890, known
as the McKinley law. And Mr.
Cleveland has made his unmistak
en record that he well knew that
in its imperfections, our sorrows
did not rest. For immediately
upon his assuming control in his
second term he called congress
together to attend to,what every
body in the nation, who is reason
ably well informed, knows to be
the trouble—finance. That is
the foundation of our depression;
but he is either too unwise or too
vicious to apply the remedy, and
in consequence, when he touched
the right string, his work was in
that bungling way that he only
made the matter worse. Poor
Cleveland ! We have the charity
for him to believe he don't know
any better. He's not bright—
Wall Street is.
Of course, the Republicans
know, too, that the tariff is not
the matter; but the leaders, those
who dictate, "who rule at Rome,"
as well as the leaders in the
Democratic party, know that if
they keep up a constant war
over this question it slows the
uprising of the people against
the money plundering power.
And yet, there is no mistaking
the fact that the question of
tariff has something to do with
local prices. If not, why we
ask, this constant struggle to
have it placed upon the products
of the portion of the country
where those asking it reside ?
Why not have a tariff, of a large
per cent, placed upon the impor
tation of articles some other
state produces instead of your
own ? This fallacy is too great
to need only a reference to its
weakness. The truth is, and
those who argue differently know
the falsity of their utterings,
that a tariff against importation
from other countries,
there is any chance for competi
tion, enlarges the prices to the
producers of the country that
has the law in their favor and
lessens the prices in the land to
whom the laws are against. We
acknowledge that there have
been many Instances where prie
were diminished under a very
high tariff—but you will always
find some other reason than the
tariff. For the last twenty-one
years, everything, or so nearly so
that it is largely the rule, has de
preciated jn pice in our nation,
-v f1
where
es
% \
whether under a high tariff or
low or none at all. How, then,
we ask, can it be attributed to
tariff ? Evidently the cause lies
in some other quarter,
supposing, by competition,under
a high tariff, at first, the over
production caused prices to drop,
how long could we safely rely on
those prices ? Could we do so
longer than the producers or
manufactures could gauge prices
up to that state which would be
just sufficient to shut out compe
tition of other countries ? If it,
indeed, had made prices lower
than they were without a tariff,
as many claim, it is evident that
we needed no tariff at all. With
all the facilities and means at its
command, we may trust the
genius of America to manufacture
and produce to compete with the
world whenever it can be done
without placing in its power a
lever to press consumers to the
wall by a law giving it an un
natural advantage. And the
position that a high tariff will
permanantly lower prices is too
patently erroneous to be enter
tained only by the thoughtless or
the intentional deceiver. We
simply say that wise men know
better. Prices rendered higher
by fictitious or unnatural means
do not stimulate genius to pro
duce at lower rates; but does
stimulate greed to produce at
the increased margin. And
that, other things being equal,
will always be the permanent re
sult.
And
Admitting, then, that a tariff
upon importation of articles that
we can produce, has a tendency
to increase the price of home
production, how stands the ques
tion before the American people
of the United States ? How
with the different political par
ties ? It is admitted by all par
ties that vast millions of govern
ment dues and expenses shall be
raised by duties to be paid on
importations; and it is also un
iversally held, by all parties,
that excessive collections in that
line, so as to place a large over
plus in the treasury vaults, which
must be withheld from the people,
is not good policy. All of our
Republican presidents for many
terms back (with the exception
of Harrison, whose administra
tion seemed to be able to dispose
of any surplus, no matter how
large) have proclaimed it as an
axiom.
The Democrat party enunciate
the doctrine of ' 'no tariff but for
revenue;" and the People's party
go farther, and, instead of leav
ing the amount taken from the
people to be the extent of
limited extravagance, they ask
that this draft from the people
be placed in the vaults of the
nation shall only be sufficient to
support the government "econom
ically administered. "
the only difference. One says,
nothing to lie idle in the vaults;
another, simply for revenue, and
the last, that the revenue shall
only to the extent of an
ical administration.
Of course the first two meant
that but forgot to say it.
supporters say that is implied.
How ? By their last administra
tions; Let them
should blush to answer for them.
And yet, we should not place any
fault at their door if it were twice
or thrice as large—if they
able to show economy in it all
instead of jobbery, and further
that their expenditures had been
such as might have been by
thrifty business man carrying
the same business.
un
There rests
econom
Their
answer—we
were
a
on
It is plainly seen by their
avowals of faith, therefore, that
"revenue" is the result and
the difference is as to the amount
to be raised to support the
emment, whether it is to be
supported with economy, these
trying times, or with a lavish
hand. The American people
to make that decision,
we have our opinion. Economy
gives thrift and
own
gov
are
Verily,
Ex
power.
travagance leads to want, imbe
cility and desolation.
Having discuss'
bearings of a tai <j
1 the general
upon a nation
/
lot us consider the same as re
gards the different political par
ties. Although the Republican
party claim that they want one
for protection, still they want
only what amounts to a revenue;
which would imply, according to
our uderstanding, that they want
no levy on any thing only what
will protect American production.
At first sight and, really, in part,
this is the most and altogether
the true philosophy for our gov
ernment, no one, but a blind
sticker for party can say but
that, if we have a hundred mil
lion dollars to raise from impor
tations, it would be legitimate to
raise it on such articles as should
come in competition in our mar
kets with our own production
other things being equal to our
people. This doctrine is emin
ently true as a base of action be
tween classes of persons equally
able to bear the burden of prices
and, in that case, may be set
down as an infalliable rule of
action of government policy. It
is commendable.
And the doctrine of some Demo
crats that no regard to the pro
tection of our home productions
should be given, is error, and
can not stand. The true theory
is revenue with incidental pro
tection. Revenue alone, is some
instances would leave a competi
tion too severe for struggling,
infant enterprises in the life of a
nation; but, on the other hand,
protection, carried to its ultimate
ends would bar out nearly all im
portation and leave a nation
stranded for national funds under
our present system of govern
ment support. But there is still
another matter to be considered
in gathering revenue. All men
should pay according to their
ability, not in proportion to their
wants. A man worth a million
dollars without a family, should
pay more to support his nation
than a man with a family of ten,
all of whom have to live on their
toil from day to day. Diamonds
and pearls should be taxed more
than blankets and boots and
shoes; and, again, it is fairer
that goods are taxed on their im
portation according to their val
ue for the reason that those who
wear high priced materials, as a
rule, are able to pay in propor
tion to the value of their consum
ption, All these matters are to
be taken into consideration, when
reasoning upon the equality of
things and without them we will
go wide of the mark in doing
justice to all mankind, and yet,
gather enough from the people
to support our national respecta
bility. The danger of a specific
tariff lies in this: It leaves the
rich, in the nature of things, to
control to their advantage, and
against the poorer,
us of the truth of this statement
we have only to ask ourselves
this question : Who has the ear
of our legislatures and congress?
It is self-answering. The mass
es are not able to spend the time
or spare the means^to visit these
bodies, or to consult with their
members; and, if they were to do
so, we have some important les
sons, of late, to prove they would
meet with a cold reception, with
most members of such bodies,
deaf ear. And as long as influ
ence is to decide who shall ob
tain advantage, the rich will ever
put an unjust rate upon the con
sumption of the poor; therefore
justice would call for anadvalor
um tax upon importations,
course, we know the rich dislike
to lose this advantage, but justice
should prevail, and laws should
be made to that end.
It is plain to us, however, that
neither the Democrat or Repub
lican party, as constituted at
present, can ever reach this high
plane of legislation. In the first
place, on this point, they
sider each other enemies ;at least,
opponents. It is esteemed some
thing approaching attonement
for their sins to stubbornly op
pose each other; and their con
tentions have come to a stage
bordering on the ridiculous.
They are also largely section
. If the Republicans are in
[Concluded Next Week. ]
It is right.
To assure
a
Of
con
al
CHALLIS
I'd
Men
CHALLis, Idaho.
*00*
Mrs. A. Butters, Prop.
FIRST-CLAlSS
In Every Respect.
t3?"The tables are supplied
with the best the markets afford,
and the charges are reasonable.
GOOO BE19S & ROOMS.
3*Main Street,
IDAHO.
CHALLIS,
S' 0 '.
u...
v
v* JEWELER,«
CHALLIS, :
: IDAHO.
(Located In Spalding's Drug Store.)
I®"All kinds of Jewelry
pairing done on short notice and
at reasonable rates. •
re
■C O
«I*******«****»*«««*««*««««
^Shaving Parlors.*?*
CHALLIS,
YELLOW JACKET.
Hot and Cold Baths.
00***000000000000000000000
/,

J. H. Pitzer,
CLAYTON, IDAHO.
Blacksmithing done in all its
branches, promptly, and in the
most skilful manner. My prices
are reasonable, and my work
speaks for itself.
Prop.
City Drug Stor
JOHN P. SPALDING, Prop.
Confection??
Drugs,
Medicines,
Perscriptions
Carefully
Compounded
«««
Tobj
Cigars,

I
Wi|.
Liquors, Et®
I

I
I

COMPLETE LIKE OF FISHIKG TACKLE.
Ißfl
CHfïLLIS,

I
JONE
CHXLLSS. IDXHO.,
»»**•**<1*««***»
Challis
i-V
0**000**00*****
». -
■DEALER IN
Fresh Beef, Pork, Mutton, Sausage, E
J.
F. O. SMITH "
SAEOON,
• Od.i
00**000*0*0
Challis.
0000000000*
\
>*<
*«•*<
Choice "Wines, Liquors and Cigars.
\
' l
000000000000000000000000000000040044444049440,
R. N. Hull.
Chris. Morler.
*000
W. H.
0**0
0*1
m
R. N. Hull & C
^Wholesale and Retail Dealers in
■ ■
3
■ ■
M.
We Carry the Largest Stock of
GROCERIES AND DRY
!t)al

.
5
Hi
N. Hull &
C
Challis,
\

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