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THE SOUTHERN JIGIS IS PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY MORNING, BY > -A.. W- BATEMAN, AT OWE DOLLAR PER AWWUM, IN ADVANCE, OTHERWISE 1 One Dollar and Fifty Cents , Will be charged. RATES OF ADVERTISING. One square, (twelve lines or less,) three inser tions, SI.OO. Each subsequent insertion 25 cts. One square three months $3.00; Six months $5.00; Twelve months SB.OO. Business cards of six lines or less, $5 a year. No subscription taken for less than a year. For the Southern JEgis. TO ROBERT J. H $ * * BY REULLDRA. It is my fate, why should I plead or pray, That I may be so blest to stay near thee? No, sad I go, my soul’s friend, far away, Upon the drifting tide of destiny. I may not linger where thy smile’s light, dear, Would fall a sun beam on my saddened heart, Nor where thy love would dry the falling tear— No, for thy path and mine are far apart. Could I but stay near thee, the arching skies Would seem to smile, and light my destiny, The sorrow shades would brighten, if thine eyes In their dark beauty might speak to me. But that thy spirit is attuned to mine, And that thy friendship bless’d my saddened heart, Is cause enough to turn my path from thine, And break the interlacing links apart. Some whom I love, in the sweet Sunny Land, Abide in homes, far, far enough from me, And others dwell where never clasping hand Shall close o’er mine this side eternity ; Others are wanderers o’er the restless sea, Mountains have sever’d, and the prairie wide, Few are the faithful left, dear friend, like thee, To linger some times by my lonely side. But time nor absense can undo the chain Cast round our spirits by the heart's decree, And thus believing, half the bitter pain Is lost in hope. Tho’ I must part with thee, I will walk on, and my heart’s strength shall be Derived from faith in God’s love, and in thine. Thy pictured brow, written with faith to me, Shall speak thy spirit’s friendship unto mine. • Baltimore, March 10th, 1862. JlUscfUaiteßui For the Southern JEgis. President Lincoln on Emancipation. President Lincoln laid a Message be fore the two houses of Congress last week, in which he recommended their “honora ble bodies" to adopt a joint resolution for the abolishment of “slavery” in the States, “giving each State pecuniary aid" to “compensate for inconveniences, public and private, produced by such a change.” In other words, he proposes that. Co ngress shall purchase the negroes in the Slave States with the funds of the general Government. This extraordinary recommendation is announced, he asserts, as being one of the most efficient means of preserving the “Union!" He explains:—“The leaders of the existing insurrection entertain the hope that this Government will ultimate ly be forced to acknowledge the independ ence of some part of the disaffected re gion ; and that all the Slave States north of such part will then say—the Union, for which we have struggled, being already gone, we now choose to with the Southern section. To deprive them of this hope substantially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of emancipation com pletely deprives them of it, as to all the States initiating it." It will, be seen by the foregoing quota tion, that the President makes three re markable admissions, viz: 1. That the ultimate rcooguition of the independence of the Southern Confederacy on the part of the Federal Government, is within the range of possibility. 2. That in case the Confederate Government succeeds in sus taining itself against all efforts towards its, submission, the Northern Slave States will say, (and he thus recognizes their right to elect ) ; “We now choose to go with the Southern section.” 3. That the purchase of the negroes in the States of Maryland, Delaware, Kentucky, Missouri, and in such others as may be willing to come into the Federal market, is “one of the most efficient means"—not to say the only means—of preserving, not the entire ‘‘Union/’ hut the Union with the Border THE SOUTHERN /EGIS, HARFORD COUNTY INTELLIGENCER. lo Ijje Jjtetos of tju gag, Agriculture, |if|eralurc, politics aub General Information. “LET US CLING TO THE CONSTITUTION AS THE MARlfllß CLINGS TO US LAST PLANK WHEN THE NIGHT AND TEMPEST CLOSE AROUND HIM.” Slave States. Of course he intimates, in mysterious circumlocution, that the hold ing of the Northern Slave States by the Federal Government, will insure the re turn of the Confederate States to their “al legiance." it appears to us a settled matter, that the Confederate States can expect no as sistance from, at least, Maryland or Dela ware, during the war, and but little aid from Kentucky; and if they succeed iu maintaining their independence, without the help of these States, it will be a mat ter of indifference to the South afterwards, whether they join the Confederacy or not. The President takes this occasion to remind Congress of an astute rcmifllt which his Excellency “thought fit” to make in his annual message in December last, viz : “The Union must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be employed." He now adds, for the in formation of the honorable recipients of his philosophical favors: “I said this, not hastily, but deliberately." And for the further enlightenment of our benighted representatives in Congress, he gravely adds : “A practical acknowledgment of the national authority would render the war unnecessary, and it would at once cease.” Or, in fewer and in plainer words, if all parties would agree to quit fighting, “the war would at once cease!" After having so far committed himself in the announcement last December, that “The Union must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be employed/’ the President finds it necessary to clear his skirts of the responsibility of a failure to make good the first part of his oracular announcement, by proposing the dernier resort , as regards the latter mart, namely, by asking Congress, as an indispensable measure, to appropriate money from the Federal treasury to tho purchase of the negroes. And in commendation of this expenditure, he very justly says that the current expenses of this war ($2,000,000 per diem) would soon purchase, at a fair valuation, all the slaves in any named State. We were not prepared to receive the confessions contained in this message, from such a high source, at ■the present time; coming, as they do, upon the heels of the reputed great Federal victories of Roanoke Island and Fort Donelson; neith er were we prepared to receive from that quarter such an unjustifiable and unex ampled interference with State institu tions. Even while making this extraor dinary proposition, the President dis claims interference, and candidly acknowl edges that he “sets up no claim of a right, by Federal authority, to interfere with slavery in State limits.” This proposal to buy the slaves is undoubtedly an “in terference /’ and as the President as sures is that the Federal Government has no “right” to interfere in this matter, we, as citizens of Maryland, very respectfully but firmly protest against any such action; and also suggest that the President and Congress confine themselves strictly to their legitimate duties, and leave to the States the conduct of their own internal affairs. But oven granting the premises assumed by the President, viz : that it is justifia ble for the General Government to tempt the States with bribes to alter their con stitutional institutions, we hold that the execution of the scheme, with any shadow of justice, is entirely impracticable. The President asks Congress to offer the States a sum of money (or, rather, Government notes,) to be named, in consideration that they (the States) will abolish slavery, (the normal condition of the negro,) by allow ing the masters a certain pecuniary remu neration, the amount to be named by the purchaser. We make bold to say, that neither the Federal Government nor tho State have any authority to legislate any kind of property out of the hands of its owners, without a full and satisfactory re muneration for the same. If this was not true, there would be but little need for government. Governments are instituted, primarily, for the protection of life and property; and the moment they are wield ed for the destruction of either, that mo ment they become a curse instead of a blessing. Look at the difficulties that would he presented to an attempt to exe cute this proposition. The President recommends the payment of a certain sum to the State. How will the State determine whether the parties interest ed (the slave-holders) wish to take ad vantage of the"* offer made, or not ? We suppose, by adopting the plan of taking tho sense of all the voters in the State. BEL AIR. MD. SATURDAY MORNING, MARCH 22. 1862. i The injustice of this proceeding is mani ■ fest. There are thousands of enters in ! this State who do not own any negroes at all, and who own a few, of. only nominal value, to say nothings* the hordes of abolition paupers, who|ijlght,> in the < course >i a year or two, fie introduced • into the State, to vote on this question. ■ These parties, who might be in the ma jority when the vote came to be taken, would thus have it in their power to de ; fraud those who owned the valuable slaves, of millions of dollars. , The vote of a , man who was not worth one dollar, would go a • far in deciding the one-sided bargain ' and sale, as that of the owner of fifty ne groes. And it is not to be doubted that • the new test of “loyalty” would also be applied; and, of course, all those who were too conscientious to forswear all the . principles of truth and justice which have governed their course of life, would ho de prived of their property, without compen sation or redress. Further argument on this point is un necessary. The injustice and absurdity of the proposition must be apparent to every one. How would they estimate the value of the negroes under such circumstances? It could not be done by the ordinary laws of supply and demand; because in this case the seller would be prohibited from replacing the property sold ; and this con sideration would of course greatly enhance its actual value. Who would sell a horse, for which he had use, for five times his value, as rated by the laws of trade, if, as a condition, he was obliged to bind him self never to own another horse ? This view of the subject is undoubtedly to be considered. If the Federal Government must step out of its well defined bounds to interfere with our negroes, the only way it can ef fect its object, with any show of justice or propriety, is to come fairly into mar ket, like other dealers, and advertise for negroes as it does for its other wants, and state the conditions. We are very certain that if the Government will offer the owners what they believe to be the full value of their negroes, it will soon got them all; and it is equally certain that if it does not offer their value, it will not get them without a gross outrage on the rights of property. The Union-by-force men in this State, who have become so infatuated with the cry of “Union,” “the Flag,” &c., as to have lost all sight of law and justice, are no doubt prepared to advocate any mea sure that Mr. Lincoln and his coadjutors may dictate; but Mr. Lincoln is very much mistaken if he supposes that the abolishment of slavery in this State, by whatever means, will exercise any concili atory influence over those who now op pose, politically, the dogmas and acts of the aggressive party which ho represents. It is an insult to our people to be told, from such a source, that our opposition to i the Black Republican party arises from entirely selfish motives. At the same time it is an acknowledgment that the ex ecution of the designs of his party requires a sacrifice of important property interests on the part of his opponents. The I'vosident should know that there are thousands of persons in this State who never owned a negro, and who never ex pect to own one, who are yet uncompro mising opposers of the interfering policy of his party —men who are influenced solely by ibe purest motives ; who vener ate the Constitution of the United States, as it has always been interpreted by the Supreme Court, (our only authority,) and whp revered the “Union” so long as the principles of justice and equality, which gave origin to it, were recognized and re spected by the leading contracting parties. The integrity of neither the slave-holders nor the non-slave-holders can be shaken by the pittance which Mr. Lincoln is pre pared to offer. Again, the President and Congress have no right to expend the people’s (in cluding Maryland’s) money for any such purposes. They would have precisely the the same right to buy up any other kind of property in the State—say horses, for instance—and then prohibit the introduc tion of any more into the State. The President is not warranted in as serting that slavery is the cause of seces sion. Such is not the fact. Our troubles are all to be attributed to the shamefully illegal and unconstitutionol action on the part of the Abolition-Republican party. For years after the abolition mania arose in the North, its ravings were scarcely heeded at the South. But finally these / * \ • visionary and baneful doctrines of negro equality began to assume proportions which seriously threatened the peace and security of the Southern people. They protested, in the name of the Constitution, against such a violation of their rights, Their remonstrances, however, were not regarded, and eventually the South was compelled, by the instinct of self-protec tion, to sever its connection with the North, that section having cancelled the compact through its violation. Secession, then, is not an origiual aggressive action, in itself, as Mr. Lincoln and his supporters proclaim; but it is the legitimate and natural sequent of the Abolition doctrines of the North. Therefore, the entire re sponsibility of the present unhappy state of the country rests with the Northern majority. If we were permitted to express our humble opinion as to the success of the policy that President Lincoln recommends in this message, as a means of “preserving the ‘Union,’ ” we would say that we be lieve that it, like all his other projects for the same purpose, will signally fail. F. THE BROWN SILK DRESS “ Why, Eliza, what a strange choice for a wedding dress ! your other dresses are in very good style, and you have plenty of them, considering the changes of fashion —but a brown silk to be married in! what a fancy for a girl of eighteen !” “’Tis true, my aunt, that my choice seems somewhat sombre, but you know very well that I am about to become the I wife of a poor mechanic, who depends up-1 on his daily labor for support. As the, wife of such a man I have thought it bet- \ ter to purchase something which would be I useful for some time, than to consult my | appearance as a splendid bride for one short i evening, especially as I am to see no stran gers.” “ There is something in that. There is my Maria’s wedding dress. She will nev er wear it again in the world. She had a 1 white satin with a lace dress over it. Oh !, she did look beautiful ! Ido admire a : handsome bride.” “ Yes, it is very well for those who can I j afford it. But it would be quite absurd for mo to purchase an expensive dress for . a few evenings, when by the expenditure i of half the money, I can purchase that ■ which will be more servicablc for years.— j But come, put on your bonnet and step i over to our new house. It is all furnished, I at least all that is finished. I value it more 1 highly than I should if it was not so near j to my mother’s.” “There, William has left this small par lor, this sitting room, and three chambers to finish at his leisure, when he is out of employment. See how everything is ar ranged, so handy for my work.”* “ You don’t say you are going to do your own work.” “ Certainly I do. There is only one ap prentice, and I should think it strange if I could not do it with ease.” “My heart! What strange fancies you have to be sure ! It is well enough if you can bring your mind to it, but the folks do differently now-a-days. There is my Maria; she has moved into an elegant house, all furnished from top to bottom. She keeps a great girl to do the work, and a little one to wait and tend. Oh, things do go on beautifully, I promise you.” “Her husband is a young lawyer, is be not? —is he wealthy?” “Oh, he is very well off. He does not get much practice as yet, but 1 dare say he will in time, lie has a thousand dol lars at interest—besides, Maria never would have married a mechanic —their hands get so hard and black, and their complexions get brown. I wouldn’t wish to hurt your feelings, but I do think for pride’s sake, for the sake of the family, you might have made a different choice.” “Oh, aunt—excuse my laughing, but I have yet to learn that a man’s honest oc cupation, whether it produces hard hands or soft, white hands—whether it gives the cheek a brown or pale hue, is any dispar agement to him. You must get acquaint ed with William and hear him converse. You will not think of his hard hands, and his animated, intelligent countenance will drive his bronzed skin out of yonr head. But come, you don’t say anything about my furniture, and you must see my nice closets.” “Oh, your furniture is well enough The less you have, the less you will have to take care of, you know.” “Yes, we could not got much furniture. 1 insisted upon William taking the money VOL. VI-NO. 12. which my grandfather left me to pay off a few hundred dollars which he owed for the place, in order to make us begin even in the world. We have both such a hor ror of debt that we are determined never to incur any if we can help it. See what a nice press for bed clothes this is.” “Why, what a quantity of bed and table linen, it is really nice, too. You have more than Maria bad, I declare!” “Yes, I always want an abundance of such things. This drawer is filled with towels, this is for my ironing sheets and blankets, and this closet contains my tin and wooden ware.” “I declare, Eliza, you are a strange, thoughtful child. I must tell you one thing about Maria, that made us have a good hearty laugh. The Monday morn ing after she was married, the girl came to ask her where the tubs were, and don’t you think the child had actually forgotten to buy a tub, clothes line or pins ! She said it bad never popped into her head.— But ah ! it wasn’t strange, she had never been used to anything of the kind.” “I believe, aunt, I have shown you all now. We will go if you please. I hope you will not let my brown dress or Wil liam’s brown hands frighten you away, this evening.” “Oh, no! but as I must take the stage for Maria’s early in the morning, you must allow me to retire early.” ***** “What fellows these Yankees are for combining elegance and usefulness,” said a Southern gentleman to himself, as he I stood on the piazza of the hotel of the S town of . “Sir,’’ said he, addressing | himself to a venerable looking man near | him, “can you tell me who resides in that : elegant cottage, where the grounds are laid out with so much taste ?” “Oh, that is ’Squire Bill Thorndike’s. You must be a stranger in these parts, not to know him.” “I am, sir; since he seems such a pro minent member of socie-y, I should like ; to.know something of his history.” “Oh, there is nothing remarkable in it, at all, sir. His father was a man of great : learning, but he nearly ran through a for tune trying to live in style. He died, and left three boys. Their mother, who left i this place, was a woman of strong sense, i She sold the property, paid off all the old I debts, and had enough left to buy that i little house on the left. It has but two j rooms, and there is a garden attached to 1 it. Here she put her boys out to trades. One to a mason, one to a wheelwright, and Bill to a carpenter. Bill staid, however, i He married the Widow Perry’s daughter, j She was a right good scholar, and she j made an excellent wife. They have got | along wonderfully. Everybody wondered how it was. He did not make better wages than other men, but somehow the money increased. It was no mystery to me, though, for I watched them pretty sharp. “You never saw any display of finery, such as laces, flounces and fiirbelowa; you never saw him, before he kept a horse, riding much for pleasure. No; they both j pulled one way, aud took their pleasure in I being sober, industrious and useful, and now they reap their reward in being uni versally respected. Why, there ain’t a man that has so much money to let as ’Squire Thorndike, and he is never hard and screwing about it, as some are. He has taken the two children of one lawyer Willis, to bring up, and he does by them as he does by his own. Lawyer Willis' wife was a kind of cousin to ’Squire Thorndike’s wife. She was a dashy, showy gal. You’d have thought the rich est folks upon earth were married, wheL they had the knot tied. Poor fellow, he bad a bard time notwithstanding, to sup port his lady wife in style. He took to drink and died. I have heard say that she rather turned up her nose at her cous in’s match, but she little thought her boys would be glad to go to that same cousin for a home, while she would be glad to take up with the little bouse that 'Squire Thorndike’s mother lived, in.” “A.h, air,” continued the old man, “this is a changing world; but to my mind, if people would be a little more prudent and industrious, and give up hankering after things beyond their moans, there would be more real good done in the world, and few changes.” —■♦ Ripe Old Wise —Wine, called Va lerio, two thousand years old, has been dug out of the ruins of Pompeii. change of fbrlnne hurts a wise man no more than a change in the ibodn.