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A. W. BATEMAN, Editor. = H BEL AIR, WD:, Saturday, Jane 14,1862. ay-The “ Southern .Egi*” luu ■ more extended cir culation Hmon( Ihu intelligent farmers and bualneu men of Harford, than any oilier paper In the county. No “ bock Hospital” or other ofaiccne or “ Lottery” adver , tiaemema will appear In our coiumna at may price. A . large nuinher of our imbeeriber* pay for their paper in ad vance, and consequently are Just the class advertisers de sire to resell. The attention of respectable and legitimate advertisers la directed to the above facts. THE CBITTEHDEH COMPROMISE. “Had the ■ Crittenden compromise,” says an exchange, “been adopted by the Jast Congress, it would hare preserved thq peace of the coun try and maintained the Union intact.” . This is roost certainly trae if the resolutions of the Ken tucky Senator bad been passed as a compromise, but they would hare had no such effect, if passed by one party over the other, by a mete majority. The mere passage of a resolution does not of it self constitute a compromise, and nothing but a mutual adjustment, by concession of some dis agreement existing between parties, can be re garded' in the light of compromise. The passage, then, of the Crittenden resolutions, opposed as they were by every Republican Senator save one, could not have settled our difficulties, be cause it would have been a measure passed by mart numerical strength, against the will and consent of the minority, and therefore liable to be interrupted any time when the minority got into power, and being but a Resolution, would have been disregarded by it opponents.— If every Senator who was present at the time the ■vote was taken upon the Resolutions, had voted, they would have passed by two or three votes, but this would have been no compromise, because there was no concession on the part of the Re publican members, but one of whom gave them his support. To have been a compromise in the true sense of the term, and to have had any binding force, it mast have received the sup port of at least a majority of the Republican senators and representatives. It is true, as Mr. Oritteuden said'at the time, it was of no conse quence whether any senator, except the Republi can senators, voted or not, for the reason, that unless they conceded what was asked, it was a matter of no importance what the fate of the reso lutions might be. This being the true state of the case, the Re publican party is alone responsible for the defeat of the measure; and if the Crittenden compro mise wonid have saved the country from the ca lamity which has since befallen us, restored har mony and peace to the nation—which no man in his senses doubts—then is the Republican party responsible, more than any other, for the present lamentable condition of affairs. If any doubt exists as to this fact, it is only necessary to refer to the proceedings of the Senate, to become satis fied of its truth. On the third day of January, 1861, Mr. Doug las said : “I address the inquiry to Republicans alone, for the reason that in the committee of thirteen, a few days ago, every member from the South, including those from the Cotton States, (Messrs. Toombs and Davis,) expressed their readiness to accept the proposition of my venera ble friend from Kentucky, (Mr. Crittenden,) as a final settlement of the controversy, if tendered and sustained by the Republican members.— Hence the sole responsibility of par disagree ment, and the only difficulty in the way of ad justment, is with the Republican party.” But, says the Toledo Blade, the Republicans could not support the compromise, because it would have been “buying off the South with concession.” Then according to this doctrine, if our forefathers had been of the present school of republicans, we never would ; have had a Union; but happily they were not, for compro mise was the very base upon which the Union was formed, and upon which ail good men hoped it might forever rest. Compromise brought into existence the Union first, under the old Acts of Confederation, and eight years afterwards made and adopted our Constitution “for the purpose of forming a more perfect Union.” • Patriotic men have often warned the people of the danger to be apprehended from section al parties. In the United States Senate, on Thursday, February 7th, 1839, in speaking of the abolition of slavery to the District of Colom bia, Mr. Clay said: “Bat we should be false to oor allegiance to it (the Union) if we did not discriminate between the imaginary and rati toigett, by which we may ha Handled. Aboli tion should ho longer be regarded as an imagi nary danger. The Abolitionists, let me snppoee, succeed in their present aim of nutting the inhab itants of the free States, as one man, against the inhabitants of the slave States. Union on one sid* will bfeget Union on the other, and this • process of reciprocal consolidation win be attended with all the violent prejudices, embittered and Bnfsadtnties, which ever degraded luman nature. A virtual dissolu tion will have taken pines, whilst sriristence remain.” eigheen miles below the city. It is one of the largest fortifications on the Southern coast, hav ing the capacity of mounting 132 guns—two tiers in casemates and one en barbette. It cost one million two hundred and twelve thousand dollars. The garrison, when on war duty, numbers 700 men. The latest advices from Memphis report ail quiet, and nA necessity for martial law. Gen. 1 Halleck’s headquarters are now at Baldwin on the ; Mobile and Ohio Railroad. The Confederate > army is still retreating southward. i ' On the 22d ult., a.band of Federal troops were attacked by a body of Texians, near Fort Craig, New Mexico, and fought several hours and then ' retreated to the Fort, with but small loss. At , last accounts the Confederates bad reached Mas silla, on their retreat from the Territory. Col. Morgan’s Confederate cavlaty are reported 1 to be in Clinton county, Kentucky. A skirmish 1 occurred at Tomkinsvilie, in which one man was killed and three wounded on each side. ’ An official order from the War Department, announces that a camp of instruction foi 60,000 men will be immediately formed at Annapolis, under the superintendence of Geu. Wool. On Wednesday, the 4th inst., about 2,000 Federal troops landed on James Island, opposite ’ the city of Charleston, S. C., and a battle took place, resulting in the defeat of the Federal force. The Confederates were commanded by Gen, 1 Gist. „ 1 A desperate fight took place between Gen. Fremont’s army and the Confederates under Gen. Jackson, seven miles from Harrisonburg, on Sunday. Gen. Fremont's official despatch says a renewal of the engagement is expected every moment. He states that he encamped on the field on Sunday night. The loss on both sides is very heavy. The Federal loss is estimated at 800 killed and wounded. Among the killed on the ' Confederate side is Col. Ashby, the famous caval ry leader. Gen. Halleck states that the main body of ' Gen. Beauregard’s army is at Tupcllo, fifty miles south of Corinth. The Confederates claim a complete victory in both of the fights before Richmond, utterly routing the Federal troops, capturing prisoners, ammunition and army stores. Gen. Johnson was wounded, and Gen. Robert E. Lee is in command. Who Can Beat It? —Last week Col. William Hanna left at our office several stalks of oats, pulled from the field of a friend, which measure more than four feet iu height. The bead is unu sually long, and very full of large plump grain, and has all ttie appearance of being ready for the reaper in the course of ten days or two weeks. We are informed that these stalks were not selected or culled, but carelessly palled from a large field. This kind of oats should, we are told, be planted in the fall. It promises a large yield, and is, we think, well worthy the atten tion of farmers. County Items — The cut-worm has been more destructive this season than for many years.— Some of our farmers have been compelled to re plant entire fields. Since the late rains, vegetation is springing up with gyeat vigor. There never was a season, perhaps, when our farmers had a better prospect of heavy crops. On Sunday night last five slaves belonging to Mr. John Magness, of this county, absconded, after robbing their master of slOl, and have not since been heard of. The Missing Link Society.— An association bearing this title, says an exchange, has been formed in New York. Its managers are all la dies, who employ only their own sex, whom they call Bible-readers, to visit the homes of the degraded, and endeavor by their influence to ele vate them. The Bible is read and explained, and a copy given or sold to the family. They also exert themselves in getting the children of fami lies whom they visit sent to the public or Sun day schools. The whole work of the Visitors is laid before the monthly meetings of tbs Society, The Baltimore Central Railroad.— The Bal timore Central Railroad, we are informed, is now under the control of President Felton, of the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Rail road. He agreed to accept the Presidency on the following conditions, viz: That one-half the stock should be given to him, and be allowed to purchase a larger portion of the bonds at forty cents on the dollar. On these terms, we believe, be agrees to finish the road to the Sus quehanna. These terms were, on Tuesday, 27th ult, we are informed, complied with, and accordingly the road will in future be under themanagementofPresidentFeiton. The stock is now absolutely worth nothing; the bonds being themselves not worth more than forty cents on the dollar. If Mr. Felton- brings it up as be did the Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Company, from about $lO per share t 063, or $3 per share above par, it wlB be a great thing for all concerned.— Jeffersoman. i ■■ 11 Death and Hyusn.—Williams M. McCul lough, Esq. died at his residence in this county, on Wednesday last. On the same day, his son, Dr. 8. Haines McCullough, arrived from Bahi more with bis bride, for whom a wedding recep tion had been prepared; but death took the pa ternal head of the family, and instead of the con templated scene of joy and festivity, there was one of anguish and teen. Such is life; joy and sorrow are strangely commingled, but not often m so striking a manner as in this singular in stance.—Cteti Democrat, W in*. ■ —r ' 1 *■*— - The Poor Whites. —The Detroit Free Preu says ; “As the Abolitionists begin to talk of the employment of the masters by the slaves, and the representation of Congress by niggers, we otoat associations of the the laker claw are beginnin/to STSien. LV M LBJBge JVom the Dufmque (Ioa) Herald. WHAIIB THE GOfEBHMEHT? Popular apprehension is Very far astray as to what it m that constitutes the Gov* ernmeat of the United States, and we pro pose to do our part in setting it right,where in error, on this subject. The Government of the United States is of constitutional institution, and is therefore neither more nor less, nor otherwise in any respect, than os the Constitution made it. Its powers, Executive, Legislative and Judi cial, are all conferred upon it. It has no power inherently, nor can it acquire pow er except by usurpation. For the purpose •of performing its functions, the Govern ment is impersonated in what are styled a President, Congress and Supreme Court, having respectively Executive, Legislative and Judicial functions. These three functionary Departments constitute the visible personality of the Government, and these three parts must co-operate and ac cord with each other constitutionally to form the Government and to perform a Government function. To illustrate : The enactment of a law by Congress, though a function .qU, Government which it is the right of Congress to perform, is not an Act of Government till it is approved by the President, or till it shall have been pass ed a certain number of days’ time without his objection, or if objected to by him, re-enacted in Congress by a prescribed majority of the members of both Houses of that body. And even then, should the act be in contraventiou to the Constitution, in the opinion of the Supreme Court, it would be as null and void as an act of the Government, as if it were enacted by a moot Legislature in a debating society and approved by its presiding officer. So that it requires the joint operation or co-opera tion of the Executive, the Legislative and the Judicial branches of the Government to perform a Government Act. It is too much conceded by popular acquiescence in the acts of the President that the Executive alone is the Govern ment of this country, as it claimed to be the right in Despotic forms of Government, for the Sovereign to both decree what shall be law, and how it shall be interpret ed and put in force; nor are there instan ces wanting in not very remote acts of the Executive, where that branch of the Gov ernment not only ignored the existence of an equally co-ordinate branch of Gov ernment, but set its constitutionally ex ercised authority at defiance. Our read ers are familiar with the fact that one Federal Judge was imprisoned in his own house at Washington for issuing a writ prescribed by the Constitution to be the right of a person deprived of his liberty without due process of law, or without authority of law, and that by Executive interference a similar writ issued by the Chief Justice of the United States was prevented from being executed. These acts, being both without authority of the Constitution and in contravention to that fundamental compact by which the Govern ment itself was instituted, were clearly and unequivocally as much usurpations of power as were any acts of usurpation which History records in modern or an cient times. Why ? it might be asked by some un thinking persons. For the same reason, we answer, as were the arbitrary assump tion and exercise of power by Charles the First of England, who suffered the terrible penalty/ of forfeiting his life for their per formance. What did he’do, but melcly assume and exercise a power and authori ty of Government which it was merely presumed, and not very definitely pre scribed be should not exercise. The Con stitution of the United Stated does not leave it to inference what power and au thority each branch of the Government which itdnstitutes, shall or may perform. It clearly and distintly traced the powers and duties of each, and it prescribes the relations which shall exist among the three. .To one it gives the power to enact the laws, to another the power to have them carried into effect, and to the third the .right to test the acts performed by joth of the others by the Constitutional tandard, so as to ascertain whether the aws enacted* and the Executive acts per formed conform to that standard of funda mental principles. This theory of the nature of the Gov rnment fa; indisputable. No one will juestiou it. Nevertheless there are those, nd unfortunately they are not few, who o our days, aetpnesoe very complacently in he performance of acts by one branch of he Gpverttment which another branch of t has officially condemned. Thus two '•ranches of the Government became an agonisticto each other, the weaker in jiower being obliged to yield for the time ieing to that which wields the physical orcc of the Government. We need not observe to intelligent read w that it is precisely such a state of • hings as this which has preceded the es ablishmentof all historical Deapotisms 'fhioh have been founded on the rains of he more popular forms of Government.—* odeed there is no other way by which lespotism could have been established ia oy ago of (he world, than by the acquies ence of the people governed to the aa umption of arbitary power aod its exer * ise by those who usurped it Despotism p i essentially usurpation, and no length t time nor custom makes it legitimate in a relations to the governed, <|j|| So, we might safely assert are all usur atione of power despotism, for who is it 'Xzrsxx&tJTjtt ” one who governs by his own will, and not in accordance with an agreement between himself and the governed; so that the first step takea by the Government beyond the bounds proscribed in the compact between the the governed is an usurpation; as are all acts done by the i Government while bolding such a relation to the fundamental compact and the peo ple. , These well Settled principles are reoog i nized and respected throughout the civilized world as the foundation of all Governments i having their authority from the consent and by the will of the governed; yet i strange to say in the country of all others where these principles have been put to . the test of practical experience, and where by conforming to them in practice for some sixty years they were found to be happily productive of the principal objects of Gov ernment, the people have voluntarily suf ■ fered these fundamental principles to be ignored, violated, torn from beneath the fabric under which they found nought but security and protection for life, liberty and property, but which has become a a heap of ruips, where the relations of Government and the governed are rarely recognized, the latter being left at the mercy of the former. This conclusion is an unwelcome truth to the eyes and ears of many persons, but it is no less the truth for that. We shall not be thanked for setting forth, as we have often done before, these principles of Government. We shall, On the contrary, probably be denounced for so doing. We shall be told that this is not the time to draw the attention of the people, and to appeal to their judgment on these things. As well might our forefathers have been told that the time to complain of British tyranny was not when the tyrant attempt ed to subject them to the yoke; that the time to resist British oppression was not when the acts of aggression were perform ed. There is no sense in such objections; there is no patriotism in the citizen who will acquiesce uncomplainingly in the acts of the governing power which change, without the people’s consent, the relations established between the Government and the governed. It is both the right and the duty of every American citizen to> preserve his Government as the Constitution made it; to yield it true allegiance, to hoar it un deviating fealty, but at the same time to requirg of it, with inexorable jealousy, a strict compliance with its obligations, a stern conformity to the compact between itself and the people, by which alone it has existence, and by which only it has a right to command obedience and submis sion from the weakest and humblest citi zen within its jurisdiction. Baying Freedom for the Slaves. It is generally admitted by all conser vative men that the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia was not only ill timed and impolitic, but a positive insult to the Union men of that gallant little State to which the Federal Government is indebted for the soil upon- which stands the capital of the nation. But, strange as it may appear, the conservative think ers of the North have almost entirely fail ed to take the view of the question whioh is pointed out so clearly by the well-estab lished maxim, “Charity begins at home.” They tell us of the outrage upon the sen sibilities of the people of the bolder States, of the deteriorating influences exerted upon Southern “loyalty;” of the encour agement given to the rebellion by the adoption of this unfortunate measure by Congress and the President; but they seem to forget that we of tho North are more directly and pointedly insulted, and that Northern society is much more dread fully threatened, by the enactment of that measure, than the people of* tho Border States, or slaveholders anywhere. Why, is not the Government, by the terms of this precious emancipation law, to pay S3OO per head for every negro slave in the District ? and where is it to raise the money but from the people of the North ? And what is to become of the slaves when liberated? Where will they go? The people of Bedford county can answer that question without any trouble. They will come North. They will be cast upon so ciety to mingle with the whites and to be maintained at their expense. Many of them superannuated, others diseased and decrepid, and the remainder accustomed to the control of a master, they will become a black lazzaroui, living upon the charity or the taxes of the white people, and curs ing and blighting the industry and enter prise of the laboring man. Hence, wc are not only buying the freedom of the slaves, paying for their libprty out of our pockets, but we are also to maintain them at our own expense, when we have thus purchas ed their freedom. Could Congress and the President have offered to the people of the North a more degrading insult than this ? To place tho African slave side by side with the white laborer of tho North, compelling the latter to pay for the social elevation of the former, and to toil for the sustenance of the purchased serf I What a picture! Shame to the fanatics and demagogues whose work this is! Shame, and shame again, to the man whom acci dent, false pretence and folly elevated to the Presidential office, atid whose acciden tal policy, false pretence and folly are dragging down the American Republic to a level with the status of his own states mansbio.—Bedford (Pa.) Gazette. . * i—;— . tier Jeauiseu, the Kansas Jay hawker, has been released from arrest. ' gggBBigBLMiaBUI" " ■in.MMIUW True to their Instinct*. The “B*pnWioaaslike Falstafl* are great on instinct. Theirs, too, like his, runs very much to ill-gotten treasures.— Now and then they are nicely cornered, and when they oan only get money by sacrificing their “principles,” they do not hesitate Tong in choosing which to give the go-by.A,, forcible illustration has jnst occurred in Maine. The Legislature of that State was offered $750,000 by the United States for Hog Island, in Portland harbor, and a patch of rocks at the month of the Kennebec river, for the purpose of erecting lighthouses upon them. The in trinsic value of both spots is probably not much over two and six-pence, but the oc casion was a fine one for the Republicans to show their devotion to “freedom,” and accordingly the Senate attached to the bill ceding the rocky islands, the famous Wil mot proviso, providing that slavery should never be allowed thereon. The House of ■ Representatives however were wise enough to see that the United States government would'-'hot accept the cession with such a ' proviso, and so, rather than lose the mon ey, they sacrificed their dear “cause of freedom,” and struck out the proviso, in which the Senate, upon more mature de liberation, concurred. So it seems the Republicans of Maine have actually sold •> some of “the free soil” of that famous Re publican State for filthy lucre—yes, really voted for “the extension of “slavery” over Hog Island ! But then it was a “ Ques tion de Argent,” which, it must be allow ed, is a weakness with the Republicans, if they have any. — Exchange. Thanking God for Civil War. A correspondent of the New York Tri bune writes: “The first act of record of this Govern ment since the prohibition of the slave trade, was yesterday made (the District bill) distinctly in the interests of freedom.” And the writer continues : “While looking at the scene on the floor of the House, ! thanked God even for this war, with its present and prospective misery and suffering.” Thanking God for war—for this civil war ! Why the very ghosts of the patri otic slain, from Bull Run to Pittsburg Landing, must scowl, from their gory graves, and squeak and gibber at you, over such profanity as this ! God, whose name is thus taken in vain, was twenty five and thirty years ago peaceably work ing out His ends, wheu there stepped in these devils incarnate of war agitation, who have clad the land in crape, and fixed and fastened upon generations, and upon the country, a heavy taxation, that is to grind labor as the slaves of capitalists, it may be forever! And this impious writer 3 thus thanking,God for the emancipa tion of 2,000 negroes in the District,while 30,000,000 of white men are losing the habeas corpus, the freedom of the press, the right to bail, to trial by jury, &c., and to be ground in taxes therefor, forever ! — New York Express. The Chicago Platform. —“ Clev eland,” the Washington correspondent of the Cincinnati Enquirer, says it is the opinion of the Chief Auditor of the Treasury, that by the first day of July next the public debt will reach $1,500,- 000,000 and that even this amount will probably fall short of the reality. Allowing the estimate of the Chief Au ditor to be correct, the interest on that sum alone, at seven per cent., will amount to $105,000,000 that the people will have to pay annually, by direct or indirect tax es. Add to this at least $70,000,000 that will be necessary to pay the current ex penses of the government, and we have the enormous sum of $175,000,000 that the people will have to pay annually into the United States Treasury. And all this is exclusive of State and county tax es! The war is not yet over. If it should continue another year, of coarse the pub lic debt would be doubled. It would bring the annual taxes for the support of the government and for the payment of the interest on the public debt, up to $280,000,000.' 1 Truly the Chicago platform has proved an expensive luxury! *®“lt is said that the wheat crop of Ohio has been greatly injured by the fly. Oats and rye are very promising. Baltimore Markets. Fwnra.— Super, $5.25a55.37; extra, $5.78: City Mills super, $9.00a5.12; extra, $6.80a6.76. Corn Meal. $2.87 per bbl. Rye Flour, $3.50a 3.75 per bbl. Chain.—Wheat—fair, $1,40a51.45: prime, $1.68a1.60 per bushel. Corn—prime white, 66a 68c.; prime yellow, 52a84c. Oats—Md. 36a380.s Penn 38a40c. per bushel. Eye, 66a73c. per | bushel. Coaho.—Peruvian, S6O per ton; Mexican, $22; White do. SSO: Navassa, ‘s26; California’ $48 Manipulated. $47; Phosphate, $46. Bone&nt, $26. f Hav and Stkaw, —Baled Timothy sl6alß per ton, loose s!2al4: Clover, baled sl3alS; loose sll*l3. Rye Straw $12a14; Oat straw $9*0.60; Wheat do. sßalo.oo. Sians.—Clover seed, J4.87a5.00; Timothy do. • Flaxseed, |1.85a1.90. * Wool.—Unwashed, 2526 c.; washed, 30a37c.; pulled, 30a34c.; common fleece, li4a3Bc. shoulders.