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The southern aegis, and Harford County intelligencer. (Bel Air, Md.) 1862-1864, June 14, 1862, Image 2

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SOUTHERN vEGIS.
A. W. BATEMAN, Editor.
= H
BEL AIR, WD:,
Saturday, Jane 14,1862.
ay-The “ Southern .Egi*” luu ■ more extended cir
culation Hmon( Ihu intelligent farmers and bualneu men
of Harford, than any oilier paper In the county. No
“ bock Hospital” or other ofaiccne or “ Lottery” adver
, tiaemema will appear In our coiumna at may price. A
. large nuinher of our imbeeriber* pay for their paper in ad
vance, and consequently are Just the class advertisers de
sire to resell.
The attention of respectable and legitimate advertisers
la directed to the above facts.
THE CBITTEHDEH COMPROMISE.
“Had the ■ Crittenden compromise,” says an
exchange, “been adopted by the Jast Congress,
it would hare preserved thq peace of the coun
try and maintained the Union intact.” . This is
roost certainly trae if the resolutions of the Ken
tucky Senator bad been passed as a compromise,
but they would hare had no such effect, if passed
by one party over the other, by a mete majority.
The mere passage of a resolution does not of it
self constitute a compromise, and nothing but
a mutual adjustment, by concession of some dis
agreement existing between parties, can be re
garded' in the light of compromise. The passage,
then, of the Crittenden resolutions, opposed as
they were by every Republican Senator save
one, could not have settled our difficulties, be
cause it would have been a measure passed by
mart numerical strength, against the will and
consent of the minority, and therefore liable to
be interrupted any time when the minority
got into power, and being but a Resolution,
would have been disregarded by it opponents.—
If every Senator who was present at the time the
■vote was taken upon the Resolutions, had voted,
they would have passed by two or three votes,
but this would have been no compromise, because
there was no concession on the part of the Re
publican members, but one of whom gave them
his support. To have been a compromise in the
true sense of the term, and to have had any
binding force, it mast have received the sup
port of at least a majority of the Republican
senators and representatives. It is true, as Mr.
Oritteuden said'at the time, it was of no conse
quence whether any senator, except the Republi
can senators, voted or not, for the reason, that
unless they conceded what was asked, it was a
matter of no importance what the fate of the reso
lutions might be.
This being the true state of the case, the Re
publican party is alone responsible for the defeat
of the measure; and if the Crittenden compro
mise wonid have saved the country from the ca
lamity which has since befallen us, restored har
mony and peace to the nation—which no man in
his senses doubts—then is the Republican party
responsible, more than any other, for the present
lamentable condition of affairs. If any doubt
exists as to this fact, it is only necessary to refer
to the proceedings of the Senate, to become satis
fied of its truth.
On the third day of January, 1861, Mr. Doug
las said : “I address the inquiry to Republicans
alone, for the reason that in the committee of
thirteen, a few days ago, every member from the
South, including those from the Cotton States,
(Messrs. Toombs and Davis,) expressed their
readiness to accept the proposition of my venera
ble friend from Kentucky, (Mr. Crittenden,) as a
final settlement of the controversy, if tendered
and sustained by the Republican members.—
Hence the sole responsibility of par disagree
ment, and the only difficulty in the way of ad
justment, is with the Republican party.”
But, says the Toledo Blade, the Republicans
could not support the compromise, because it
would have been “buying off the South with
concession.” Then according to this doctrine,
if our forefathers had been of the present school
of republicans, we never would ; have had a
Union; but happily they were not, for compro
mise was the very base upon which the Union
was formed, and upon which ail good men hoped
it might forever rest. Compromise brought into
existence the Union first, under the old Acts of
Confederation, and eight years afterwards made
and adopted our Constitution “for the purpose of
forming a more perfect Union.”
• Patriotic men have often warned the people
of the danger to be apprehended from section
al parties. In the United States Senate, on
Thursday, February 7th, 1839, in speaking of
the abolition of slavery to the District of Colom
bia, Mr. Clay said: “Bat we should be false to
oor allegiance to it (the Union) if we did not
discriminate between the imaginary and rati
toigett, by which we may ha Handled. Aboli
tion should ho longer be regarded as an imagi
nary danger. The Abolitionists, let me snppoee,
succeed in their present aim of nutting the inhab
itants of the free States, as one man, against the
inhabitants of the slave States. Union on one
sid* will bfeget Union on the other, and this
• process of reciprocal consolidation win be attended
with all the violent prejudices, embittered and
Bnfsadtnties, which ever degraded
luman nature. A virtual dissolu
tion will have taken pines, whilst
sriristence remain.”
eigheen miles below the city. It is one of the
largest fortifications on the Southern coast, hav
ing the capacity of mounting 132 guns—two
tiers in casemates and one en barbette. It cost
one million two hundred and twelve thousand
dollars. The garrison, when on war duty,
numbers 700 men.
The latest advices from Memphis report ail
quiet, and nA necessity for martial law. Gen.
1 Halleck’s headquarters are now at Baldwin on the
; Mobile and Ohio Railroad. The Confederate
> army is still retreating southward. i
' On the 22d ult., a.band of Federal troops were
attacked by a body of Texians, near Fort Craig,
New Mexico, and fought several hours and then
' retreated to the Fort, with but small loss. At
, last accounts the Confederates bad reached Mas
silla, on their retreat from the Territory.
Col. Morgan’s Confederate cavlaty are reported
1 to be in Clinton county, Kentucky. A skirmish
1 occurred at Tomkinsvilie, in which one man was
killed and three wounded on each side.
’ An official order from the War Department,
announces that a camp of instruction foi 60,000
men will be immediately formed at Annapolis,
under the superintendence of Geu. Wool.
On Wednesday, the 4th inst., about 2,000
Federal troops landed on James Island, opposite
’ the city of Charleston, S. C., and a battle took
place, resulting in the defeat of the Federal force.
The Confederates were commanded by Gen,
1 Gist. „
1 A desperate fight took place between Gen.
Fremont’s army and the Confederates under Gen.
Jackson, seven miles from Harrisonburg, on
Sunday. Gen. Fremont's official despatch says
a renewal of the engagement is expected every
moment. He states that he encamped on the field
on Sunday night. The loss on both sides is very
heavy. The Federal loss is estimated at 800
killed and wounded. Among the killed on the
' Confederate side is Col. Ashby, the famous caval
ry leader.
Gen. Halleck states that the main body of
' Gen. Beauregard’s army is at Tupcllo, fifty miles
south of Corinth.
The Confederates claim a complete victory
in both of the fights before Richmond, utterly
routing the Federal troops, capturing prisoners,
ammunition and army stores. Gen. Johnson
was wounded, and Gen. Robert E. Lee is in
command.
Who Can Beat It? —Last week Col. William
Hanna left at our office several stalks of oats,
pulled from the field of a friend, which measure
more than four feet iu height. The bead is unu
sually long, and very full of large plump grain,
and has all ttie appearance of being ready for
the reaper in the course of ten days or two
weeks. We are informed that these stalks were
not selected or culled, but carelessly palled from
a large field. This kind of oats should, we are
told, be planted in the fall. It promises a large
yield, and is, we think, well worthy the atten
tion of farmers.
County Items — The cut-worm has been more
destructive this season than for many years.—
Some of our farmers have been compelled to re
plant entire fields.
Since the late rains, vegetation is springing
up with gyeat vigor. There never was a season,
perhaps, when our farmers had a better prospect
of heavy crops.
On Sunday night last five slaves belonging to
Mr. John Magness, of this county, absconded,
after robbing their master of slOl, and have not
since been heard of.
The Missing Link Society.— An association
bearing this title, says an exchange, has been
formed in New York. Its managers are all la
dies, who employ only their own sex, whom
they call Bible-readers, to visit the homes of the
degraded, and endeavor by their influence to ele
vate them. The Bible is read and explained, and
a copy given or sold to the family. They also
exert themselves in getting the children of fami
lies whom they visit sent to the public or Sun
day schools. The whole work of the Visitors is
laid before the monthly meetings of tbs Society,
The Baltimore Central Railroad.— The Bal
timore Central Railroad, we are informed, is now
under the control of President Felton, of the
Philadelphia, Wilmington and Baltimore Rail
road. He agreed to accept the Presidency on
the following conditions, viz: That one-half
the stock should be given to him, and be allowed
to purchase a larger portion of the bonds at forty
cents on the dollar. On these terms, we
believe, be agrees to finish the road to the Sus
quehanna. These terms were, on Tuesday,
27th ult, we are informed, complied with,
and accordingly the road will in future be
under themanagementofPresidentFeiton. The
stock is now absolutely worth nothing; the
bonds being themselves not worth more than
forty cents on the dollar. If Mr. Felton- brings
it up as be did the Philadelphia, Wilmington and
Baltimore Company, from about $lO per share
t 063, or $3 per share above par, it wlB be a
great thing for all concerned.— Jeffersoman.
i ■■ 11
Death and Hyusn.—Williams M. McCul
lough, Esq. died at his residence in this county,
on Wednesday last. On the same day, his son,
Dr. 8. Haines McCullough, arrived from Bahi
more with bis bride, for whom a wedding recep
tion had been prepared; but death took the pa
ternal head of the family, and instead of the con
templated scene of joy and festivity, there was
one of anguish and teen. Such is life; joy and
sorrow are strangely commingled, but not often
m so striking a manner as in this singular in
stance.—Cteti Democrat, W in*.
■ —r ' 1 *■*— -
The Poor Whites. —The Detroit Free
Preu says ; “As the Abolitionists begin
to talk of the employment of the masters
by the slaves, and the representation of
Congress by niggers, we
otoat associations of the
the laker claw are beginnin/to STSien.
LV M LBJBge
JVom the Dufmque (Ioa) Herald.
WHAIIB THE GOfEBHMEHT?
Popular apprehension is Very far astray
as to what it m that constitutes the Gov*
ernmeat of the United States, and we pro
pose to do our part in setting it right,where
in error, on this subject. The Government
of the United States is of constitutional
institution, and is therefore neither more
nor less, nor otherwise in any respect,
than os the Constitution made it. Its
powers, Executive, Legislative and Judi
cial, are all conferred upon it. It has no
power inherently, nor can it acquire pow
er except by usurpation. For the purpose
•of performing its functions, the Govern
ment is impersonated in what are styled a
President, Congress and Supreme Court,
having respectively Executive, Legislative
and Judicial functions. These three
functionary Departments constitute the
visible personality of the Government, and
these three parts must co-operate and ac
cord with each other constitutionally to
form the Government and to perform a
Government function. To illustrate : The
enactment of a law by Congress, though a
function .qU, Government which it is the
right of Congress to perform, is not an Act
of Government till it is approved by the
President, or till it shall have been pass
ed a certain number of days’ time without
his objection, or if objected to by him,
re-enacted in Congress by a prescribed
majority of the members of both Houses
of that body. And even then, should the
act be in contraventiou to the Constitution,
in the opinion of the Supreme Court, it
would be as null and void as an act of the
Government, as if it were enacted by a
moot Legislature in a debating society and
approved by its presiding officer. So that
it requires the joint operation or co-opera
tion of the Executive, the Legislative and
the Judicial branches of the Government
to perform a Government Act.
It is too much conceded by popular
acquiescence in the acts of the President
that the Executive alone is the Govern
ment of this country, as it claimed to be
the right in Despotic forms of Government,
for the Sovereign to both decree what
shall be law, and how it shall be interpret
ed and put in force; nor are there instan
ces wanting in not very remote acts of the
Executive, where that branch of the Gov
ernment not only ignored the existence of
an equally co-ordinate branch of Gov
ernment, but set its constitutionally ex
ercised authority at defiance. Our read
ers are familiar with the fact that one
Federal Judge was imprisoned in his own
house at Washington for issuing a writ
prescribed by the Constitution to be the
right of a person deprived of his liberty
without due process of law, or without
authority of law, and that by Executive
interference a similar writ issued by the
Chief Justice of the United States was
prevented from being executed. These
acts, being both without authority of the
Constitution and in contravention to that
fundamental compact by which the Govern
ment itself was instituted, were clearly
and unequivocally as much usurpations of
power as were any acts of usurpation
which History records in modern or an
cient times.
Why ? it might be asked by some un
thinking persons. For the same reason,
we answer, as were the arbitrary assump
tion and exercise of power by Charles the
First of England, who suffered the terrible
penalty/ of forfeiting his life for their per
formance. What did he’do, but melcly
assume and exercise a power and authori
ty of Government which it was merely
presumed, and not very definitely pre
scribed be should not exercise. The Con
stitution of the United Stated does not
leave it to inference what power and au
thority each branch of the Government
which itdnstitutes, shall or may perform.
It clearly and distintly traced the powers
and duties of each, and it prescribes the
relations which shall exist among the
three. .To one it gives the power to enact
the laws, to another the power to have
them carried into effect, and to the third
the .right to test the acts performed by
joth of the others by the Constitutional
tandard, so as to ascertain whether the
aws enacted* and the Executive acts per
formed conform to that standard of funda
mental principles.
This theory of the nature of the Gov
rnment fa; indisputable. No one will
juestiou it. Nevertheless there are those,
nd unfortunately they are not few, who
o our days, aetpnesoe very complacently in
he performance of acts by one branch of
he Gpverttment which another branch of
t has officially condemned. Thus two
'•ranches of the Government became an
agonisticto each other, the weaker in
jiower being obliged to yield for the time
ieing to that which wields the physical
orcc of the Government.
We need not observe to intelligent read
w that it is precisely such a state of
• hings as this which has preceded the es
ablishmentof all historical Deapotisms
'fhioh have been founded on the rains of
he more popular forms of Government.—*
odeed there is no other way by which
lespotism could have been established ia
oy ago of (he world, than by the acquies
ence of the people governed to the aa
umption of arbitary power aod its exer
* ise by those who usurped it Despotism
p i essentially usurpation, and no length
t time nor custom makes it legitimate in
a relations to the governed, <|j||
So, we might safely assert are all usur
atione of power despotism, for who is it
'Xzrsxx&tJTjtt

one who governs by his own will, and not
in accordance with an agreement between
himself and the governed; so that the first
step takea by the Government beyond the
bounds proscribed in the compact between
the the governed is an
usurpation; as are all acts done by the
i Government while bolding such a relation
to the fundamental compact and the peo
ple.
, These well Settled principles are reoog
i nized and respected throughout the civilized
world as the foundation of all Governments
i having their authority from the consent
and by the will of the governed; yet
i strange to say in the country of all others
where these principles have been put to
. the test of practical experience, and where
by conforming to them in practice for some
sixty years they were found to be happily
productive of the principal objects of Gov
ernment, the people have voluntarily suf
■ fered these fundamental principles to be
ignored, violated, torn from beneath the
fabric under which they found nought but
security and protection for life, liberty
and property, but which has become a
a heap of ruips, where the relations of
Government and the governed are rarely
recognized, the latter being left at the
mercy of the former.
This conclusion is an unwelcome truth
to the eyes and ears of many persons, but
it is no less the truth for that. We shall
not be thanked for setting forth, as we
have often done before, these principles of
Government. We shall, On the contrary,
probably be denounced for so doing. We
shall be told that this is not the time to
draw the attention of the people, and to
appeal to their judgment on these things.
As well might our forefathers have been
told that the time to complain of British
tyranny was not when the tyrant attempt
ed to subject them to the yoke; that the
time to resist British oppression was not
when the acts of aggression were perform
ed. There is no sense in such objections;
there is no patriotism in the citizen who
will acquiesce uncomplainingly in the acts
of the governing power which change,
without the people’s consent, the relations
established between the Government and
the governed.
It is both the right and the duty of
every American citizen to> preserve his
Government as the Constitution made it;
to yield it true allegiance, to hoar it un
deviating fealty, but at the same time to
requirg of it, with inexorable jealousy, a
strict compliance with its obligations, a
stern conformity to the compact between
itself and the people, by which alone it has
existence, and by which only it has a
right to command obedience and submis
sion from the weakest and humblest citi
zen within its jurisdiction.
Baying Freedom for the Slaves.
It is generally admitted by all conser
vative men that the abolition of slavery in
the District of Columbia was not only ill
timed and impolitic, but a positive insult
to the Union men of that gallant little
State to which the Federal Government is
indebted for the soil upon- which stands
the capital of the nation. But, strange
as it may appear, the conservative think
ers of the North have almost entirely fail
ed to take the view of the question whioh
is pointed out so clearly by the well-estab
lished maxim, “Charity begins at home.”
They tell us of the outrage upon the sen
sibilities of the people of the bolder States,
of the deteriorating influences exerted
upon Southern “loyalty;” of the encour
agement given to the rebellion by the
adoption of this unfortunate measure by
Congress and the President; but they
seem to forget that we of tho North are
more directly and pointedly insulted, and
that Northern society is much more dread
fully threatened, by the enactment of that
measure, than the people of* tho Border
States, or slaveholders anywhere. Why,
is not the Government, by the terms of
this precious emancipation law, to pay
S3OO per head for every negro slave in
the District ? and where is it to raise the
money but from the people of the North ?
And what is to become of the slaves when
liberated? Where will they go? The
people of Bedford county can answer that
question without any trouble. They will
come North. They will be cast upon so
ciety to mingle with the whites and to be
maintained at their expense. Many of
them superannuated, others diseased and
decrepid, and the remainder accustomed to
the control of a master, they will become
a black lazzaroui, living upon the charity
or the taxes of the white people, and curs
ing and blighting the industry and enter
prise of the laboring man. Hence, wc are
not only buying the freedom of the slaves,
paying for their libprty out of our pockets,
but we are also to maintain them at our
own expense, when we have thus purchas
ed their freedom. Could Congress and
the President have offered to the people of
the North a more degrading insult than
this ? To place tho African slave side by
side with the white laborer of tho North,
compelling the latter to pay for the social
elevation of the former, and to toil for the
sustenance of the purchased serf I What
a picture! Shame to the fanatics and
demagogues whose work this is! Shame,
and shame again, to the man whom acci
dent, false pretence and folly elevated to
the Presidential office, atid whose acciden
tal policy, false pretence and folly are
dragging down the American Republic to
a level with the status of his own states
mansbio.—Bedford (Pa.) Gazette.
. * i—;— .
tier Jeauiseu, the Kansas Jay hawker,
has been released from arrest. '
gggBBigBLMiaBUI" " ■in.MMIUW
True to their Instinct*.
The “B*pnWioaaslike Falstafl* are
great on instinct. Theirs, too, like his,
runs very much to ill-gotten treasures.—
Now and then they are nicely cornered,
and when they oan only get money by
sacrificing their “principles,” they do not
hesitate Tong in choosing which to give
the go-by.A,, forcible illustration has
jnst occurred in Maine. The Legislature
of that State was offered $750,000 by the
United States for Hog Island, in Portland
harbor, and a patch of rocks at the month
of the Kennebec river, for the purpose of
erecting lighthouses upon them. The in
trinsic value of both spots is probably not
much over two and six-pence, but the oc
casion was a fine one for the Republicans
to show their devotion to “freedom,” and
accordingly the Senate attached to the bill
ceding the rocky islands, the famous Wil
mot proviso, providing that slavery should
never be allowed thereon. The House of ■
Representatives however were wise enough
to see that the United States government
would'-'hot accept the cession with such a '
proviso, and so, rather than lose the mon
ey, they sacrificed their dear “cause of
freedom,” and struck out the proviso, in
which the Senate, upon more mature de
liberation, concurred. So it seems the
Republicans of Maine have actually sold •>
some of “the free soil” of that famous Re
publican State for filthy lucre—yes, really
voted for “the extension of “slavery” over
Hog Island ! But then it was a “ Ques
tion de Argent,” which, it must be allow
ed, is a weakness with the Republicans, if
they have any. — Exchange.
Thanking God for Civil War.
A correspondent of the New York Tri
bune writes:
“The first act of record of this Govern
ment since the prohibition of the slave
trade, was yesterday made (the District
bill) distinctly in the interests of freedom.”
And the writer continues :
“While looking at the scene on the floor
of the House, ! thanked God even for
this war, with its present and prospective
misery and suffering.”
Thanking God for war—for this civil
war ! Why the very ghosts of the patri
otic slain, from Bull Run to Pittsburg
Landing, must scowl, from their gory
graves, and squeak and gibber at you,
over such profanity as this ! God, whose
name is thus taken in vain, was twenty
five and thirty years ago peaceably work
ing out His ends, wheu there stepped in
these devils incarnate of war agitation,
who have clad the land in crape, and fixed
and fastened upon generations, and upon
the country, a heavy taxation, that is to
grind labor as the slaves of capitalists, it
may be forever! And this impious writer
3 thus thanking,God for the emancipa
tion of 2,000 negroes in the District,while
30,000,000 of white men are losing the
habeas corpus, the freedom of the press,
the right to bail, to trial by jury, &c., and
to be ground in taxes therefor, forever !
— New York Express.
The Chicago Platform. —“ Clev
eland,” the Washington correspondent of
the Cincinnati Enquirer, says it is the
opinion of the Chief Auditor of the
Treasury, that by the first day of July
next the public debt will reach $1,500,-
000,000 and that even this amount will
probably fall short of the reality.
Allowing the estimate of the Chief Au
ditor to be correct, the interest on that
sum alone, at seven per cent., will amount
to $105,000,000 that the people will have
to pay annually, by direct or indirect tax
es. Add to this at least $70,000,000 that
will be necessary to pay the current ex
penses of the government, and we have
the enormous sum of $175,000,000 that
the people will have to pay annually into
the United States Treasury. And all
this is exclusive of State and county tax
es!
The war is not yet over. If it should
continue another year, of coarse the pub
lic debt would be doubled. It would
bring the annual taxes for the support of
the government and for the payment of
the interest on the public debt, up to
$280,000,000.' 1
Truly the Chicago platform has proved
an expensive luxury!
*®“lt is said that the wheat crop of
Ohio has been greatly injured by the fly.
Oats and rye are very promising.
Baltimore Markets.
Fwnra.— Super, $5.25a55.37; extra, $5.78:
City Mills super, $9.00a5.12; extra, $6.80a6.76.
Corn Meal. $2.87 per bbl. Rye Flour, $3.50a
3.75 per bbl.
Chain.—Wheat—fair, $1,40a51.45: prime,
$1.68a1.60 per bushel. Corn—prime white, 66a
68c.; prime yellow, 52a84c. Oats—Md. 36a380.s
Penn 38a40c. per bushel. Eye, 66a73c. per |
bushel.
Coaho.—Peruvian, S6O per ton; Mexican, $22;
White do. SSO: Navassa, ‘s26; California’ $48
Manipulated. $47; Phosphate, $46. Bone&nt,
$26. f
Hav and Stkaw, —Baled Timothy sl6alß
per ton, loose s!2al4: Clover, baled sl3alS;
loose sll*l3. Rye Straw $12a14; Oat straw
$9*0.60; Wheat do. sßalo.oo.
Sians.—Clover seed, J4.87a5.00; Timothy do. •
Flaxseed, |1.85a1.90. *
Wool.—Unwashed, 2526 c.; washed, 30a37c.;
pulled, 30a34c.; common fleece, li4a3Bc.
shoulders.

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