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THE SOUTHERN *(s&*?
. aiti ■ ;, HARFORD COUNTY INTELLIGENCER. " ' ■*■■“ ’ -■ ■ i - - '“ 1r 1 • ' ' ' J " ’ ' ' ' 1 .i j- ■ '.■•■ >iv;ivf- -t . ftitteb 1# tjje |Utos of tju fag, fituatart, ani initial |nfotmatioii. ' I ' 'f* ’ l,, • - iWMJU>jKIi iV “LET US CLING TO THE CONSTITUTION AS THE MARINER CLINGS TO THE LAST PLANK WHEN THE NIGHT AND TEMPEST CLOSE AROUND HIM.” \ ' - '■■"■: ' •"•"■• i. -• - -■ , . ' $1 PER ANNUM. BEL AIR. MD. SATURDAY MORNING. OCTOBER 18, 1862. , - ~ VOL. VI.-NO. 4& i T A nw THE SOUTHERN ; IB PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY MORNING, BY .A._ -W- BATEMAN, AT ONE DOLLAR PER ANNUM, Ut ADVANCE, OTHERWISE One Dollar and Fifty Cents , ■ Will be charged. RATES OF ADVERTISING. One square, (twelve lines or less,) three inser tions, SI.OO. Each subsequent insertion 25 cts. One square three months $3.00; Six months $5.00; Twelve months SB.OO. Business cards of six lines or less, $5 a year. No subscription taken for less than a year. THE LAST “GOOD NIGHT.” “Good-night—good night!” a silvery voice Rang through my midnight dream ! And a fair young face with flowing curls Flashed in the fancied stream Of the moonlight on my curtained couch, With a 'wildering tender beam. “Good-night!” broke from my answering tongue, And the beauteous shape was gone; f I woke as the distant clock tolled out The hour of another dawn; And the holy moon was smiling down On the cottage porch and lawn. - . fc “She is dead!” a voice sobbed faintly forth; I knew she bad gone before ! To her sweet “Good-night,” my waking ear Would never listen more ! The beautiful angel, Death, had come And opened the pearly door. And down in her bed-room’s mellowed light, Lay Florence, white and fair; With the pitying moonbeams on her brow And the curls of golden hair; But I thought of the spirit above the stars, And only the casket there. Ulisttllaiufltts. SPEECH OF THE HON. C. L. VAILAN SIGHAH. yWe make the following extract from an able speech delivered at Dayton, Ohio, on the 2d of August last, by the Hon. C. L. Yallandigham, which the reader will find worthy of a careful perusal: I have said, iu my deliberate and sol emn judgment, war cannot restore the Union, but, if continued long enough, must destroy it, and it may he our own liberties also. “War,’’ said Douglas, “is disunion; war is final, eternal separation.” The Administration do not seem to think so. The country just now does not think so. Mr. Liuooln says that war is the right way to restore the Union. I think there is another, a better, the only way to do it. He has the power to try bis. 1 have not. War is upon us; and from the beginning, believing as I did and yet pow erless for good, I laid down the rule for myself, and have faithfully adhered to it, and will to the end, neither to vote for or against any purely war measure of the Administration. Wherever I have voted upon any question, my course has been governed by other considerations than those having reference to my opinion on the war. Accordingly I have not voted for any Army bill, or Navy bill, or Army <t Navy appropriation bill, since the meet ing < f Congress on the Fourth of July, 186 f. Neither have I voted against any such bill from the beginning. 1 appeal to the Globe and to the Journal of the House, for the proof. These facts I refer to because you are my constituents, and have a right to know them/ One thing, however, we all must demand of the Ad ministration • that the war be conducted according to the Constitution and for a Constitutional purpose. But, men of Dayton, there is nuothw and different, yet most desperate rebellion , to be dealt wjth — the Abolition Rebel lion of the North and West. It, too must be put down; speedily and firmly pukdown if we would save the country. — ,Sn my judgment you will never suppress the armed Secession Rebellion, till you have crushed under foot the pestifent Abolition Rebellion first. Ask the offi cers and soldiers of the .army, and they will tell you the sam* thing. A Repre sentative, and exempt, therefore, from mllitery.cemce, I behove it my duty to stay at hoffidiaad fight the Abolition reb els of tho North and West. In th exer- cise of my constitutional rights, which t cannot and shall not be taken away, I i propose to do my part towards putting f down this, the earliest and most desperate ( and malignant rebellion. It must be met t by reason and appeals to, the people i through the press and in public assera- i blages, and be put down at the ballot-box. i But if the overt rebellions in Wisconsin and in Ohio at Urbana in 1857, and Cleveland, in 1859, the one at Urbana an armed rebellion, had been promptly and t severely punished as they ought to have ] been, we never would have had any other. Here Mr. Y. traced briefly the history of the slavery question from the begin ning to the present day. In 1787 it had been settled by the compromise of the c Constitution, and all had been peace, quiet i apd prosperity till the terrible “Missouri I Question,” which struck upon the ear of i Jefferson “like a fire bell in the night.”— f That had been settled by compromise, . and we had quiet and peace again for fif- i teen years, till the systematic and organ- ( ized anti-slavery agitation began in 1835, 1 at which time it was so bitterly denoun- i ced by President Jackson. But it con- i tinned gaining strength every year till it ended as every Wise man foresaw it must 1 end, >in an “unnecessary and injurious i civil AVAR.” Fifteen years ago there i were Secession disunionists South, just as ! there were Abolition disunionists in the i North and West. The former were in public places, State and Federal; but as soon as they proclaimed their disunion pro clivities, or were even suspected of it, they were speedily ejected from office even in South Carolina. In 1851, every South ern State without exception, carried the Union ticket upon a distinct issue; and < for years no disunionist in the South could be elected to any office. How was it meantime in the North and West A— From absolute odium and weakness, abo litionism steadily increased to position and power, till the Senate began to be filled with Abolitionists, open or in dis guise, and the House of Representatives also; and till every free State in every branch of its government, fell into the hands of active and aggressive anti-sla very men; and finally, a President was elected by a sectional anti-slavery party, ' on a sectional anti-slavery platform, who himself declared that this Union could not endure “part slave and part free.”— And yet at the South, even after secession began, it was with difficulty any State was induced to secede, except South Car olina. In every other Cotton State there was a large minority against secession; "and up to April loth, 1861, North Caro lina, Virginia, Tennessee and Arkansas refused, by large majorities, to secede; while Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky and Missouri adhere to the Union to this day. In the very midst of secession, if any fair and adequate compromise had been pro posed by Congress, especially if the “Crit tenden propositions” of December, 1860, bad been adopted, secession would have perished. Mr. Davis and Mr. Toombs both declared that they would be content That is the declaration of Mr. Pugh. It is the testimony also of Mr. Douglas.— But those propositions never received a solitary Republican vote in either the Senate or the Houso. “Hence, the sole responsibility for our disagreement,” said Douglas, on the 3d of January, 1861., “and the only difficulty in the way of an amicable adjustment, is with the Republi can party” r f- Sir, these are facts which it is useless , to deny and senseless to quarrel with; and they are part of the many circumstan -1 ces upon which I found my immoveable i hope*)f a final restoration of the Union, ' in spite of the folly and madness and [ wickedness every day exhibited, uniting , the South and dividing the North and • West. [ The South is now well nigh united as i one man; and for nearly three months we have met with little else than defeat. ■ What united the South ? What changed i the fortune of the war? In the begin ■ ning it was declared to bo for the Union ) and the Constitution. These were noble - objects, and success attended our arms.— - Before the battle of Bull Run, Mr. Crit i tendon sought to offer his now often quo ited resolution defining the objects of the ; war, and the Republicans did not allow it ■ to be even so much as received. It was met with sneers qnd contempt. The day • after tho battle, when Washington was i full of escaped soldiers and fugacious con i gressmen from the battle field, it was of • fered again aqd without objection;, Bjit two men, both Republicans, voted against ——■ , ' '■ ' t • that part of it. I voted for that part of it, but not for the first, because it did not speak the whole truth; because it did not denounce the Abolitionist disunionists of the North and West also, and hold them responsible too. Six hundred thousand men were soon afterwards enlisted. The victories of Hatteras, Port Royal, Mill Spring, Donaldson, Roanoke, Winchester, Sfewbern, Island Ten, New Orleans, Nor folk, and others all followed. Then was the hour for wisdom and sound policy.— But no, it was the exact time selected by Abolitionism for the very saturnalia of its folly and madness Every scheme and project of emancipation, execution and confiscation, Congressional and Executive, of the whole session, was pressed forward, and many of them consummated, during this same period of victory. The war was everywhere to be perverted from the spirit of the “Crittenden Resolution.”— And with what result? The South, be fore that time divided, was now united as one man. Even the Border Slave States were shaken to the centre, and thousands of their citizens driven into the Confede rate service. The armies of the South were rapidly filled up. A spirit was breathed into each man's breast which made him a host. It was these things, and snob infamous orders as Butler’s at New Orleans, which inspires their armies, making them invincible—and not over whelming numbers. Victory everywhere was theirs. McDowell, the Seven Pines, Front Royal, Winchester, Cross Keys, Port Republic, James Island, Vicksburg, and the Great Seven Days Battle of Rich mond, all followed. The men, and the women too, of the South said, If indis criminate execution, confiscation andeman cipation are to be the rule of the General Government, let us perish, rather, on the battle-field. This is what Abolitionism has cost us already—an unnecessary and injurious civil war, a united South, a divided North and West, a diminished Federal army, an increased Confederate army, the one dis pirited, the other confident, fifteen months of the most vigorous war, with the largest army and most numerous navy of modern times; and yet not a single State restor ed, but a public debt of a thousand mil lions of dollars incurred, and two hundred and fifty thousand brave men lost to the army, no man knows how. For all this Abolitionism is responsible. Let it an swer at the bar of public opinion. Let the people judge. Let the inexorable sen tence go forth, and just and speedy judg ment he executed upon it. These, men of Dayton, are my opinions. They are my convictions. And yet for these 1 am denounced as “disloyal?” What 1 is loyalty ? Obedience, faithful ness to law, or in Norman French, to Loy ; and there is no higher law than the Constitution. Whoever obeys the laws is loyal; whoever breaks them, whether in authority or a private citizen, is disloyal. There is no such thing yet in the United States, thank God ! as loyalty to a Presi dent, or to any Administration. And yet I have heard of loyalty to Abraham Lin coln ;to a man—a public servant —whom the people can make and unmake ! Who ever talks thus is fit only to boa slave.— If these men mean that I am opposed to the Administration and party in power, and to the doctrines and policy of Aboli tion, and think them false to the Constitu tion and disastrous to the country; if they mean that I am a Democrat, devoted to the principles and policy, and faithful to the organization of that grand old par ty which made this country what it is, and am for the old Constitution and the old Union, then I am disloyal and bless God for it. But if they mean.-that I am. false to the Constitution, untrue to the Union, or disloyal to the country of my birth, }n thought word or deed, then in the lan guage of an eloquent citizen of Indiana, (Mr. Vorhees,) “they lie in their teeth, in their throats and in, their hearts, -rr (Loud cheers.) What is an Abolitionist ? Whoever is for indiscriminate confiscation in order to strike at slavery, is an AboUtionist. — Whoever is for the emancipation and pur chase of the slaves of the Border States, and the pretended colonization of them abroad but really their importation North , and West to compete with our own white ' labor, is an Abolitionist. , Whoever wopjd reduce the Southern States to territories | in order to strike down slavery in them.Ry power is an Abolitionist. ~jYboe ver uin favor qf arming the ; slopes,; or of declaring slavery abolished by executive or military is an Abolition- ist. And, finally, whoever is for convert ing tho war, directly or indirectly into a crusade for the abolition of slavery, is an Abolitionist of the worst sort; and he who votes for those who favor these things, is algo hn .Abolitionist in practice, no matterwhat his profession or his pari ty name may be. Whoever is opposed to these projects and votes accordingly, and is for the Constitution as it is and the Union as it was, is a truly loyal citizen, whether he fights secession rebels in the field or Abolition rebels at the ballot box. And now, men of Montgomery, if you desire that the rebellion at the South shall be suppressed, that the Confederate ar mies shall be dissolved, and that the Con stitution shall be maintained, the Union restored, and all laws obeyed, unite with me at the ballot box in speedily and for ever crushing out the execrable Aboli tion rebellion in the North and West. Whoever feels it his duty to fight arm ed rebels at the South, let him enlist at once; let him not buy up a substitute, but go himself. Whoever remains at borne, it is his duty to join with me against Abolition rebels in our midst.— This is loyalty—this is fidelity to the Union. The hour of trial and of vindication will soon come. The great hereafter is at hand. In six months —I repeat it— in three months—in six weSks, it may be —sooner or later, come meantime what may, the question will be eternal bep- ERATION OR THE UNION THROUGH COM PROMISE ! Which will you then choose —not now, not yet; for amid arms reason, too, is silent; but when it does come ? Come it will and then you must choose between the Union which our fathers made, or hopeless, cheerless, eternal and belligerent disunion. I believe that the Administration will declare for separation. Then as now and ever, I shall be for the Union and against separation. Sir: the choice must be made and made soon.— We have already an enormous debt. A thousand millions would not pay it. We spend three millions a day. How long can you stand that? Our army of six hundred and thirty-seven thousand last January, has melted away to four hundred thousand; and now three hundred thousand more volunteers are demanded ; and will soon be in the field. Yet only fifteen months ago, just seventy-five thousand militia were called out and the “insurgents” offi cially commanded to disperse in twenty days I A government paper currency of hundreds of millions is upon us; and a taxation the most enormous and upjust ever levied upon any but a conquered people. A tariff, too of from forty-one to one hundred and thirteen per cent, as if to heap up the utmost measures of the load, is now added. Stand in the door way of your farm-house and behold and feel nothing, nothing not taxed, except the air you breathe and the bright sunlight or star-tight of heaven ! And yet you must pay it to the utmost farthing. None bat a madman or a traitor will talk of resis tance or repudiation. It was not so in Democratic times. For sixty years that party governed the country in peace and prosperity and with wisdom and sound policy. Try it again. lam a party man more from conviction than inclination.— There musk he panties under evSery free government, and if there are not good pan ! ties, there will be bad ones, and “when bad men combine,” said Burke, “good men associate.” Why did the Democrat ic party alwaya govern this country, wise ly and well, and all other parties fail ? ,Because our institutions are Democratic, and the principles and policy of tho [Dem ocratic party are consistent with them; just as a piece of .mechanism can only he made to work upon the principle or-tbeofy pn vbioh.it is constructed. Thatiisithe philosophy of the historic fact,- Bat the Democratic could not conduct the British government three months without signal #nd disastrous failure. Let the peo ple hy these things to heart. Let them restore the Democratic party to power, if they would be rescued at. last. And, meantime, ; if the President would be sus tained, let him resist fearlessly the spirit of Abolitionism ; let him adhere: to the , Constitution; and himself obey Jill UWs and execute all laws; Ist him unmuzzle the press, unfetter fee tongue, and give freedom again to assemblages of iths poS | pie and tP elections,t let him .liberate his so-called prisoners of Stats, and hnnoefortii without due process of law ); in a Word, j let, him look tojoye, : aotifear,.to,law, into terror, iss the suppo* of hlsiadminisUn tion j end every true patriol ip timllaod will rally round him; and then in God's good tiqae, onr eyes shall yet be gladden ed, dark as the hoar now is, with the blessed vision of the Constitution main tained, the Union restored and the old flag of our country known and honored once again in every land and anon every aea.— (Great and long continued cheering.) How to Grow Beautiful. Persons may outgrow disease and be come healthy by proper attention to the laws of their physical constitution. By moderate and daily exercise men may be come active and strong in limb and mus cle. But to grow beautiful, how ? Age dims the lustre of the eye, and pales the roses on beauty’s cheek; while crowfeet, and furrows, and wrinkles, and lost teeth, and gray hairs, and bald head, and totter ing limbs, and limping, most sadly mar the human form divine. But dim as the eye is, as pallid and sunken as may be the face of beauty, and frail and feeble that once strong, erect, and manly body, the immortal soul, just fledging its wings for its home in heaven, may look out through those faded windows as beautiful'as the dew-drop of a summer’s morning, as melt ing as the tears that glisten in affection’s eye—by growing kindly, by cultivating sympathy with all human kind, by cher ishing forbearance towards the follies and foibles of our race, and feeding, day by day, on that love to God and man which lifts us from the brute, and makes us akin to angels.— Dr. Hall. Prayer.—As every sacrifice was to be seasoned with salt, so is every mercy to be sanctioned by prayer. As gold sometimes is laid not only on cloth and silk, but also upon silver, so prayer is the golden duty that must be laid, not only upon all our natural and civil actions, as eating, drink ing, buying and selling, but also upon onr silver duties, upon all our most religious and spiritual performances. “ Prayer moves the hand that moves the universe.’' An Edo in a Bottle.— To accomplish this seemingly incredible act requires the following preparation: You must take an egg and soak it in vinegar, and in process of time its shell will become quite soft, so that it may be extended lengthwise without breaking; then insert it into the neck of a small hot- ’ tie, and upon pouring cold water upon it, it will assume its former figure and hard ? ness. This is really a curiosity, and will , baffle those who are not in the secret to , find out bow it is accomplished. The Cup of Life.— Hope writes the poetry of the boy, but Memory that of the , man. Man looks forward with smiles, but backward with sighs. Such is the wise providence of God. The cup of life is , sweetest at the brim; the flavor is im . paired as we drink deeper, and the dregs are made bitter that we may not struggle when it is taken from our lips. A young man becoming engaged recently, was desirous of presenting his intended with a ring appropriately in < scribed; but being at a loss wbat to have engraved on it, called upon his father for advice. “Well,” said the old on, ''When this yotf see, remember we.” The lady was much amprhfcd a few days after, at receiving a beautiful ring, with this inscription :—“When this you see, remember father!” 19* “Wall, what next f” said Mrs. Partington, as she interrupted i Ike, *ho was reading the war news—“the pickets were driven in flve miles! Bless my poor sou), but what will make a strong fence 7 ' I suppose they had to be drivertii) deep, to keep the secessionaders from digging out under them.” ''' ' :r<v 1 * r i.-ji-tr - . ........—l_ iV'- <;a A writer thinks that much might 1 be gained if speakers in prayer and con- •*. ferencc meetings would observe the mil ler’s creed-(—“always shut the gate when ; the grist is put.” I sulT •; i 1 . >ll • r * ,, W 1' * p!"! A gentleman rode up to a puhhe I house in the country, and asked, “Who is i the master of this house ?” “I am Wf. • WAepUed ihe,J^dlord., ) ‘‘mjwf*!Wi > feeq load afrpyt three weeks” . v j * ■-(! *9“ An old maid*who I*B overtime ih ’ regard to cleanliness about her bouee,onc 1 sevubhed her sitting room floor Until she l , fell through into the cellar. i " " 11 ‘siewS' > . t J9* He who knows hit ignorance ie - the possessor of the rarest kind of vahia -1 bio knowledge, cl* ! qn: /oi