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New farmer. (Winona, Miss.) 18??-1???, March 05, 1890, Image 4

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M ...SI
•5c.it Contribution!« liver
a the Unco tjuesllon.
One •>
he race problem nomi
ical questions iu this aud
of ;he Union, and is ti.esub
iievous disputation in Congres«
Docs it not
the American people to
urn ■
>:■ n
other Sri
ject of !■
and Urn
ins Date
met hod i
done exc
sionute uiscuestou,
point ud unsectional pntrioti-m ?
Ov. g b, .mportance I approach its dis
cussion fully conscious of my inability to
aneecssfuby meet the demands of the pres
ent occasion; but,, impelled by a high sense
the firm reliance on divine
Providence and patriotic intelligence to
make good anything I may say calculated to
impress the people of the dangers to ilia
free insU. rations won by our sires of the
Revolution nud left "as an inheritance to
their r .sterity forever." All separate and
distinct races of people have their peculiar
instincts, traditions and characteristics,
hence their mixture as political equals in the
sum community has in the pm>t, and must
in tho future, lead to confusion and tumult.
I am not the enemy of any rneo in their
original community state, us all are alikethe
créai mu of a divine Providence and subject
to Ilia laws. Nor am 1 the enemy of the
American negro. He is not here of his own
volition, but was brought to this country the
victim of the white man's cupidity; nor is
he re possible for tho evils which tho me
morial i ) intended to remedy,
orated slate tho white man's lust for domin
ion inve-t d him, without bis agency, with
certain political Prärogatives, and u class of
political marauders have by many devices
ma le him the dupe, sport and active instru
ment in furtherance of their igtioblo ambi
tion. :'h» crime of his original enslave
ment tu no greater than the crime of his
onfi iin is men' and tho subsequent use
r. In the conflicts of party
aghaut the country.
sonn legal and constitutional
) remedy the same, and can this bo
•pc by agitation aud calm, dispas
frorn a non-partisan
of dui
In bis lib
ma le
aud the political
the negro has been tho helpless victim iubis
liberated stato no less than in his state of
slaver ;, ith 1 ss considerate protection for
his iif .. U mould not, then fore, condemn
him foi the eins of the unscrupulous white
man who hat used him wrongfully, but
should uni.: to shield him against tho wink
ed political machinations of such men. and
government upon the durable
basic tif intelligence und virtue that reli
gio,! morality aud knowledge may abound,
and tl.ii-, M'iitRti! the examples of tho found
ersjoE the United states. For myself, I have
many guileful remembrances of the negro's
fid-■till' ami friendship to me and mine.
m He to the present day I have
bei a tho subjvct of his w atchful care and
kiudii ss. 1 it mv boyhood one of that raco
r mindful of my good, always loyal
t ies. He now sleeps the sleep
h beside the grave of my father. He
latuo iron inclosure. It was
tO his
du tin
ts v
the v.i.h of ;ay parents that it should ho so, j
; the pleasure of'their children and
Iren to execute tlleir desires to tho
letter. "When I visit tho grave of the one I
also visit tiie grave of the other. My wife
was long eu iuvuld. For months and years
colored women nursed her and administered
to her wants with a friendly, sublime devo
tion. When sho died they were there to pre
pare her body for tho casket. Day after day
these beloved servants have of their own
volition scattered flowers upon her grave. I
would bo false to her memory wore I to
wrong them or ooaso to euro for their wel
fare. 8o long as I have a homo they shall
have a home. tnong that race I have many
of which .1 have unmistak
able ev idea, o, and this friendship is heartily
reciprocated. This race problem is, howev
er, not one of more sentiment or personal
frie lUhip. It is n governmental question
.'U tho present mid coming generations
i vital interest, hence challenges tho
attention of the most profound and thought
ful stal'ism .uship of the country.
sinceio fri.
in Wi:
tl.o greatest pleasure I will now
quote from the
in reply to Mr. Ingalls of Kansas.
Fin vaid wo have urged that ours, to use
me language of the Senator from
is tho conquering and iuconquer
ablo nice, through which man alone has
taken possession of the physical and moral
world,' and that 'history contains no record
of two separate races peacefully existing
upon terms of absolute social and political
equality under the sumo system of govern
ment. Antagonism is inevitable. Thsy
become rivals and competitors, and in the
"In vain we have appealed to those of our
own blond here to remember that tho negro's
only evolution, before ho wns made a citi
zen, was from barbarism to slavery, and to
cease tho vain attempt to »et him in powsr
above the Anglo-Saxon, who»o status in the
world is tho gradual development of centu
ries, and the result of much experiment and
many trials.
"It goes for nothing that a large propor
tion of the Southern people, myself among
them, would gladly surrender any part of
t hoir representation in Congress and in the
Electoral College if that would relieve them
from the heavy straia to which they must
constantly subject themselves to save them
selves. The fact that we cannot divide our
vote nor break our solid front in a single
national or congressional election without
our being foroed as a consequence to sur
render all that depends on our local elec
tions: that we cannot yield tho outer line
without inviting an assault which, in that
case, could no longer be resisted from the
black horde which threatens ns upon inner
defenses that protect tho local governments
which wo cannot surrender without destruc
tion to tho sacred iuterests of society which
wo must defend—this fact, which involves
everything for ns, and shows the extremity
to which we aro driven, seems to weigh
nothing against tho commonest considera
tions of party expediency. The warfare
goes on against us ruthlessly and unspar
ingly; whole communities aro arraigned
without discrimination, aud the crusade con
tinues against the good and bad alike."
President Harrison said in his inaugural
address that "the sympathy and help of our
the vi;
Kan i\
la for supremacy ths woakerhas gous
people will not be withheld from any com
I munity struggling with special embarrass
; monts or difficulties in connection with the
I suffrage, if the remedies proposed proceed
upon lawful lines nud are promoted by just
and honorable methods." The memorial
just read for Uto consideration and action of
this House proceeds upon lawful linos and
for tho
It is founded on Article 5 of tho Const!- I
tutiou of the United States of America, !
praying "the Congress" for lia- abrogation '
iifteenth amendment to said Consti- :
tution, iu order to remove special embarrass- !
meats or difficulties in counoelion with snf- I
frage, and doe«, therefore, harmonize with i
the declaration of the 1're.ddeut of the
L'uited States.
This amendment was rejected bv the .
States of California, Delaware, Kentucky, '
Maryland, Oregon aud Tennessee. Net. 1 !
York, which had agreed to it, withdrew con
sent to its ratification before it was officially
proclaimed, on the doth of March, 1S7<!. to
be part of the Constitution. Twenty-nine
States out of „ thirty-seven voted to ratify.
Nino of these voted under duress and force,
otherwivo the amendment would not have
been ratified. This amendment not only
enfranchised the negro, but eliminated from
said Constitution one of the original essen
tial principles, without which the Constitu
tion would not have been adopted by tbs
convention of 1787 and ratified by the States.
It deprives the States of the light to regu
late the elective franchise in such manner
as may to them seem beet calculated to in
sure their domestic tranquility aud provide
for their general welfare without congress
ional interference with its exorcise. Though
brief iu words it is the entering wedge to an
entire change of our system of government.
Since its adoption occurring events have
made it clear to unbiased intelligence that
my conclusions are well founded, ns it has
been a prolific source of moral, social and
political evil to the whole country, besides
seriously militating against the material
prosperity and agricultural improvement of
the Southern States. When adopted, in
stead of the publio mind being guided by
tho benignant rays of broad, far-sighted
statesmanship, it was disturbed by a spirit
of fuotiou aud led b.v passion and discolored
mediums of sight, heedless of the faot that
"as vice does not sow the scad of virtue, so
neither does these elements of discord, cul
tivate the fruits of reason," or conduce to
the peace and happiness of society. Unless
we are misled by tho lights of history and
the current events of tho paat twenty years in
our own country, so long as this amendment
remains iu the Constitution, it will cause
angry disputations and
f t 1
nmong the people nnd resistance to the oxe- j
cution of the law. Its very nature is cilcu-!
lated to give activity to race antipathies and ;
render insecure life and property in commu
nitres where the races approximate equality
in numbers; and where the colored race pro- j
dominates, violence, tumult and iusur'rec- j
tion are sura to follow. Its friends proceed .
tion the fallacious idee that to give a man •; i
voto will itself qualify him for the judicious
use of it, however ignorant he may bo, and I
however well calculated it may be to dis- j
d betray tho grouteh.uler of libovtv ;
led by ottr ancestors fjir themselves ,
and their posterity, and which it wits intend
ed should be perpetual; and however much |
it might expose the friou i of this charter of j
liberty to insult nud violence by tho mimons [
of power and usurpation; and however well I
calculated it might bo to provoke conflicts of
authority between tho States nnd their Fed- 1
oral head, and between incongruous races of j
meu in their ultimate struggles for political !
supremacy. This amendment, therefore, !
is a standing challenge or menace to the j
peaco and quietude of thirteen S'ates of the ,
Union, nnd is n fruitful source of angry dis- |
puiatiou throughout tho country. It will, i
like the fugitive slave law, suggest and give j
activity to every legal form of resistance of i
which the human mind is capable: for no !
law that is against the judgment and sensi- |
bilities of civilized society can ho executed i
without encountering stubborn resistance, j
especial _■ when Tended to subordinate tho
white race to the colored race, in order to !
give power to and perpetuate the rule of a !
particular party, Therefore, dous not lm- j
inanity ami justice to both racesdemand tho
abrogatiou of the fifteenth amendment? It j
must be apparent to philosophic statesman- ;
ship that the political equality of dissimilar !
and incongruous races cannot bo establish
ed and maintained in the siuuo community ,
by legal coercion without provoking resist- :
aueo from those against whom the law was j
intended to operate. Nopowerou earth can
overcome race antagonism, or promote pub
lie tranquility by tho use of such means.
No law can removo tho causes; they lie too
doup in the principles of our nature to bo
eradicated or surmounted. Men cannot |
law new and homogeneous beings out of
distinct nnd diverse races of men. He pos
sesses no such creative power. To nttampt
to do so by legal coercion will bring armed
coercion and armed defenses, which in tho
progress of events mny lead tothe deutiue
tion of our constitutional government and
burnt asunder tho bond of union, nnd ingulf
in a sea of blood the free institutions of our
fathers. Everywhere, in all nges, the negro
in his natural or community state has viewed
. honori
j oelabli

with invinciblo repugnance and "indigest
ible disgust." Its light is seemingly too
»trong for bis moral perceptions. He has
never shown any superior excellences of
character, except after having been brought
in contact with white men and subjected to
white civilization, aud when separated from
these enlightening influences and left to
himself he gradually returned to n state of
barbarism which tho late political history of
the West India Islands abundantly show.
Therefore tho attempt to give him control
by legal coercion over the, Anglo-Saxon race
in one or moro states, and power to control
national elections by solidifying his vote is
a crime against government and Christie.u
civilization, and a gross act of infldelity to
the whole country. North and South, East
and West, hence I am persuaded that it be
hooves every section of the Union as well
ns the Congress to examine this subject with
thoughtful and patriotic liberality becoming
brethren surrounded by the imminent dan
gers, contendiûg for the same valuable prize
nnd deeply interested iu beingforever bound
together by ties the most intimate in order
that some sound harmonious agreement
shall be reached for the good of both races,
and for tho preservation of enr wisely con
structed system of government. It occurs
to me as an incontrovertible truth that tho
spirit and high purposes which ntado the
Constitution can alone preserve it, with its
well defined delegated and reserved powers,
and to this end tho State and National Gov
ernments should bo confined within their
proper bounds and for tho purposes of their
establishment. The fifteenth amendment
ignores the fact that laws to be respected
and peaceably executed through tho regu
j htrly constituted ci
I l 'i riment inns? bo ,■ ■mined nr
! S'-'ht and .virtuous will of the people whom
' ^ l| '' tl11 ; niteiui '1 t° operate, and hence ig
: ,lt>iet ' rja ,' 1 ' sublime principles of gov
! ''I'umcni k- i It. It is equal, v trite that taws
I Hnc " !llv mainly impendent on f<
i , ' or otherwise, for their execution are
>» tyranny aud usurpation of pow
or, and as a sequence provo.ee insurrection
. l lu , J 1 ' 1 . 11 ' 1 ' ' L tlmse conclusions are well
' founded, should not the Constitution bo
! I mr 80 i. of any amendment calculated to pro
results so foreign to the prime obiects
our constitutional form of government?
refotie Tin: war afkiuan sea very
■ar 1 meu
was (lie cause of agitation and sectional
strife, until alienation took tiie place of fra
ternal feeling, which culminuted in a war
between the States, of which we have many
sad, mournful memories. The public mind
North aud South during this great strugele
underwent many changes. Immediately
following this war Southern statesman had
no voice in tho reconstruction of the States
upon the idea that the negro was rnoro worthy
of political power than the white man.
Hence tlio fifteenth amendment rekindled
the fires of irritation, w ar, passions and sec
tional strife and have kept thorn burning
with increasing danger to t ho peace and hap
piness of the people. Before the war the
negro's place in the Constitution w as that of
a slave. Since the war ho has been made to
occupy the place of an American citizen with
political equality with the white man, both
North and South. This change made the
political rights of tYie negro more sacred than
the rights of white man and of higher
constitutional import; It gives to Congress
the power to enforce his thus asserted supe
rior claims iu legal enactments overriding
the authority of the States. The country iR
now threaten'd with such legislation. The
white intelligence most deeply interested in
this race issue are, in self-defense, now in
search of tho most available menus fortheir
protection in harmony with the peace, pros
perity aud happiness of both races, and
earnestly invoke tiro co-operative aid of
in'! patriotic masses in every section of the |
Union that they may arrive at a just common i
understanding. If slavery had been aboi- i
isbed without war would it have been posai- j
ble to blot out the Constitution wiili the fit- j
! teenth amendment? Now that tho Union is j
; restored and every State occupies a place ou j
j the natl nal flag, each the equal and eo
equal of tho other, and the loyalty of the ■
; Anglo-Saxon race .fully restored North aud j
South, East and We«t, and who with one ac
cord "look with good sense and virtue and j
j patriotic pride to the Union as the templeof j
j their freedom —a tempi- founded in the af- j
. fections and supported by tho virtue of all j
i "b° bold in grab ful remembrance the |
founders of our government," should not j
I strife cease i ud gito i lace to fraternal rela- •
j tions? Is it wise under these auspicious j
; circumstances to Juitiuuo in th Coustitu- ;
, f '°u what del; be statesman-hip would
never have phicodrtheiv, especially when it |
| * 3 obviously a source of fretfulness and dis
j cord, crimination aud recrimination danger- j
[ ous to the stability of government?
I Tnr AnT10IjE SNr) amendments
' 1
1 I will now consider the constitutional nr- j
j * iclo and amendments. Articles of the Con- |
! stitution of the United States provides two j
! modes of amendment. The object of the I
j petition now under consideration is to in- !
, Yoke its exercise for the abrogation of the j
| fifteenth amendment.
i For abetter understanding of the subject |
j matter 1 will îviVi first to tho thirteenth i
i amendment, aud then to the fourteenth ;
! amendment, aud lastly to tho fifteenth ;
| amendment to the Constitution of the Unit- j
i ed States. j
j The thirteenth amendment abolishes ;
slavery and prohibits its re-establishment i
! within the 1 uitod States, or in any place i
! subject to their jurisdiction. The fourteenth j
j amendment provides that no State "shall j
deprive any person of life, liberty or prop- •
j orty without due process of law, or deny to ,
; any person within its jurisdiction the equal |
! protection of the laws." There is no pur- I
pose to disturb these amendments, but u
, moral and political determination to main
: tain and execute thorn in tho letter and spirit
j as the logical results of the war. It the
government hiul stopped with them tho
country would have soon tranquilized itFelf
nu d entered, with n new inspiration, upon a
career of civilization, liberty and prosperity
commensurate with man's capabilities and
| highest noble aspirations. The fifteanth
amendment provides that "the right of citi
zens of tho United States to voto shnll not
bo denied or abridged by the United States,
or by any State on account of raco, color or
previous condition of servitude, nnd that
Congress shall have pow er to enforce this
article by appropriate legislation." It will be
perceived that this amendment deprives tbs
States of tho right and power to regulate for
themselves the electivo franchise, without
Federal interference, thus subjecting their
internal domestic nn;l political affairs to
congressional supervision and complicating
them with national politics, not only in a
manner to keep olive unprofitable agitations,
but to engender new elements of strife ot
each succeeding election. "Tho National
Government was erected on the foundation
of the Stale systems; upon those founda
tions rest tho general fabric and all its great
and beautiful proportions; this magnificent
structure of freedom and human wisdom
cousisting in organized States united in ono
great national head, each depending upon,
supporting aud protecting the other," with a
connection so intimate that one cannot bo re
moved without prostrating tho other in ruin;
like the head and the body, separato them
and they die—infect them with corruption
and they decay—plant the seeds of discord
and violence in either and they are at once
imparted more or less to the wnolo body
politic. Shall we permit this noble politi
cal structure, reared by the wisdom aud pa
triotism of
to be vrarped from its groat purpose in a
contest over tho right of the negro to vote
and shape tho destiny of this country?
Purge it of the fifteenth amendment, re
invest the States with the right to regulate
the elective franchise in thoir own way and
thereby promote
Slates and tho United States, and between
the people, whito and colored, of every sec
tion of the Union that the great principles
established bv the American revolution may
endure fort
race an
thev are
harmony between the
. The elements of political
im am of the most sensitive
ud iu political contests for office
aasily inflamed and well calculated
to produce convulsions, tumults of infatua
tion and a wild race enthusiasm of a char
acter to endanger, if not overturn, all pnb
tl and raeo conflicts afford
mi designin'/ men of both races
opportunities to infect tho people with false
and mtscbievotm issue?, and with a degree
of licentiousness incompatible with whole -
Homo government. These conflicts worry
and fret and paralyze the statesmanship of
the country, and divert tho public mind
from tho great purpose of government and
center it in the race isi no with, so far, no
proper solution of the same. Temporary
conflicting policies and methods of more
than doubtful propriety will not euro the
evil. Tho Caucasian and Anglo-Saxon races
gave tho world, iu tho Constitution of tho
United States,"the first example of a people,
who, unmenaced by foreign force or coer
cion, and undisturbed by domestic broils or
uneasiness, cooly and deliberately met in
convention" and debated from day to day
until they accomplished wisely and woll tho
object of their meeting. Tho African had
never yet demonstrated his ability to wisely
administrate government when furnished
him ready made and molded after the most
approved forms. Is it, therefore, wrong or
unjust to assume aud maintain that any
policy calculated togivehim supreme politi
cal control over th3 white man in any one or
more States, or invest him with prerogatives
that will enable him by bis balance of pow
er to control national elections and dictate
national policies would be infidelity? A
Constitution, which a trial of a hundred
years has proved tho embodiment of human
wisdom, as also
lie, 01
a fragrant wrong
to the whole country North and South, East
ank West. The disfiguration of the Con
on by the fifteenth amendment and
retell of its powers iu furtherance of
• •pusof ambitious men and party mt
Bt it
the ■ :
th- di
premacy have caused many students of po
litical economy and some cf the more phil
osophic minds to conclude that American
rulers have lost sight of the true principles
of political economy and the science of con
stitutioual government in their wide depart
| rues fromjthe principles and examples of the
i founders of our republican institutions,
i They have introduced in their recent admin
j istratious incongruous mixtures of opinion«
j aud races and aud reinflamed sectional aui
j mosities and caused conflicts of interests
j between different classe« of mon in differ
'eat pursuits aud enterprises, and between
■ natural and artificial parsons. They have
j filled the country with swarms of officers,
who are, through taxation, consuming the
j substance of tho people. They have estab
j iished fiscal systems and arrangement in the
j special interest of commercial manufacture
j ing aud wealthy individuals and corpora
| tions, to the detriment of the common in
j terest and dangerous to constitutional lib
• erty. They have substituted their will aud
j interest, under the "general welfare clause"
; of the Constitution. for its cbrskB and bal
anccs. Their usurpations of power are
| gradually working a transformation of tho
government to consolidation and mouaicliy.
j or aristocracy founded upou wealth. The
Treasury Department of the government is
the chief head of these pernicious list
1 rangements, and is guided by the epecula
j live schemes of the mqney changers and
| mammoth combinations for the acquisition
j of great wealth. Unless the examples of
I the Bibie are meaningless and the lessons of
! history misleading, those disturbing ole- |
j monts, unchecked, will,
i i". convulsions and revolutions fraught with
; .no most momentous consequences. These
; infusions of incompatible principles and
j practices into our system of government
j with their execution by arbitrary methods
; for and against thorn ignores the idea that
i "morality and knowledge are necessary to
i good government, the preservation of liber
j ty and tho happiness of mankind," as also
j the doctrine that the stability of a republican
• government depends mainly upon tho iutel
, ligeuoe nud virtue of the people. It cannot
| bo truthfully denied that the onfrauchiso
I meut of the the negro may demoralized and
degraded government and has caused more
trouble and bloody conflicts and angry do
bates within the last twenty years than any
other visible cause. These political disturb*
auces in the Southern States were inflamed
and intensified by depriving n claBS of white
men of the right to vote or hold office as a
political punishment, and conferring these
idestimable privileges upon the black man,
and as a stamp of tho unworthiness of South
era whito meu and by these vengeful acts
subordinate them to negro rule,
Tho powers of the Constitution in author
izing Congress to pass naturalization laws
proceeded upon the conviction that tho two
races so dissimilar as tbs African nud Anglo
Saxon could not so assimilate themselves as
to peaceably dwell together as political
equals, ns is shown by tho passage of an act
of naturalization in 1790 by which an alieu a
"white person "may be admitted to the rights
of citizenship, thus prescribing all aliens of
color. There is iu this connection another
fact worthy of note, that Europeans, how
ever well educated, were not permitted to
vote or hold office until they had familiarized
themselves with our institutions and habits
of thought by passing through a probotion
ary state and then by proof iu the courts of
the country establish their worthiness. This
has been the uniform practice of the gov
ernment for the last hundred years. Even
now with three amendments to the Consti
who first made him anclsmentof bailor and
trade. Through this instrumentality tho
negro is hero—what to do with him is the
problem. Ilis elinugo cf habitation has
wrought no change in his natural instinctive
character, except to modfiy and »often his
savage nature and better prepare him forsus
taining himself in a community of his own.
Paul, while preaching in Thessaionia said ;
"God made all nations of men to dwell on
all the face of the earth, and determined
the bounds of their habitations." Will not,
therefore, any attempt to harmonize two or
more dissimilar races in the same commu
nity with equal political power fail? I do not
intend to convoy tho idea that the white man
is less imbued with race antipathies than the
calorcd; it is natural to both, hence doubles
the force of lav argument and demonstrates
the fallacy of any attempt io make one ho
mogeneous people out of two dissimilar
races of antagonistic impulses. The inevit
able results will bo annrcchy, tumult and vio
lence. As I understand history, it teaches
that all attempts to amalgamate and equalize
two or more distinct races of men in tho
same community has without an exception
proved abortive nud fallacious "Homo at
tempted this fallacy; she pursued a long con
quest, both north and south; she crossed the
Mediterranean; she extended her power
front ilia Atlantic Ocean to tho lied Sen; not
to go any further, upon the whole borders of
Africa, north of the mountains of Atlas,
upon which existed a tawny, a yellow, not a
black race, but a distinct race from her own
citizens; sho conquered by Scipio and by
others hundreds and thousands of these peo
ple; she took them to Homo and sold them
as slaves, sho went by Catsar end other con
suls and proconsuls,'to tho extreme north of
the continent on which she was situated and
took our ancestors, the ancient Seandenavi
ans, the ancient Saxons, Germans, or by
whatever name they may be called, and trans
ported them to Home as slaves. She thus
brought together three distinct rases of peo
ple—the Romans, native Sabines or Itali
ans, the Africans, tho Northern Europeans,
our own ancestors." These races after a
time wore liberated and place upon an equal
ity with the ancientltoman citizens. 'What
was the result? A perfect pandic-oninm
from that day existed. From that day weak
ness and imbecility and decay oommanced
and nothing was left in fifty years of her
physical or moral grandeur. Nothingmoie
was left than now exists, her
statutes nud temples. The experiment made
by soveral of tho most enlightened nations
in the West India Islands furnish modern
Xiroof of tho fallacy of all attempts to har
monize tho nenro aud white men as political
equals iii the same community; and like
causes will produoe like effects—tumult,
violence nud destruction will follow ail such
attempts. Tho whito man's universal rule
shows his natural superiority and inspires in
him a moral determination to assert nnd
maintain his supremacy. An well attempt
by coercive measures the absurdity of har
monizing the Catholic ami Protestant relig
ions in one church or religioun society. Tho
enforcement of the fifteenth amendment by
coercive laws must therefore in the future
progress of ploitical events nud in the sub
rogation. oriu the deportation, or m the an
nihilation of one of the woes, oriu amalga
At a celebtalion of Emancipation Day,
January 1, liiflO, in Charleston, S. C.. tho
orator of tho day; Rev. J. is. Lee, said: "1
believe tho ultimate solution of the so-called
race problem will be emigration, from neces
sity if not from choice. Amalgamation is
neither possible nor desirable. To obtain
our rights and maintain them by force, we
are unable to do. l-'or two people so dis
tinct from each other in their physical struc
ture, aud between whom there are such in
surmountable barriers naturally, to develop
in separate and distinct lines, dwelling to
getherhere, is about as reasonable as to sup
pose tliut two kings can reign on the same
throne at once and the same time. No more
faith can bo put in the Republican than 1 »
the Democrat'. They are both Anglo-Saxon,
and do nothing for us unless it is to their
advantage to do so, and they will throw us
. overboard, as in Uncle Bsn Johnson's story,
: a« t oon as they find us too heavy. We must
show our independence, and tho sooner we
do so the better. Let some of us leave, go
to Africa, if necessary; show that we can get
along without the Anglo-Saxon, and by this
epirit of independence make them learn and
appreciate our value. Independence and
emigration are, iu my opinion, the only so
lution to this groat question. " Such is the
published opinion of one of tho leading ne
groes of this country.
God destroyed one race by a deluge; he de
stroyed city aftercity which his physical laws
had forbidden to exist. The violation of
these laws brought upon them destruction,
so it must be with nil attempts to equalize in
the simio community distinct
is it wise, then, to shut your eves to the im
portance of a determined effort to remove iu
a legal and peaceable way ali hindrances to
good government aud tho peace and happi
ness of both rac
able difficulty, vviduot escape judiciul scru
tiny. To succeed wo must go to the root of
the evil and removo it. Until the negro be
came a voter he was not of his own option a
factor in the active party politics of the
country, but was u dormant element of po
litical power, always friendly aud submis
sive to authority. When ho became invested
with tho elective franchise it seemed to
change his whole character; hont once enter
ed into politics nud made himself an object
of deep solicitude to a certain class of party
managers and political aspirants; his suf
frage was courted by pandering to his ignor
ance, superstition and passions; his political
power was used to debnso government, his
race antipithies otherwise dormant were
roused into furious activity, which inflamed
tho passions of the community; thus society
was demoralized and government corrupted,
aud a great wrong done to both races. The
pernicious effects of negro enfraneisement
is now visible in national oloctions; his vote
in several Western States has become a para
mount object of party solicitude. It is said
that President Cleveland, to secure the ue
gro vote to the Democratic party, nppomted
from the Northern States more of them than
either of his Republican predecessors, and
it is believed that but for the influence of
Fred Douglas and the free use of Republican
money, he would have succeeded in several
Western States. With parties as now con
stituted they hold the balance of power inn
sufficient number of States iu tho North,
without Now' York, to elect tho candidates
for President and Vice-President of either
ono of the great political rivals of tho coun
try. Many of the political leaders, preach
ers, and school teachers, of the negroes aro
urging them to move from tho South into the
Western States to escape race antipithies
and "gain their civil and political rights."
Should they go in any considerable numbers
they will stir up and encounter the
from which they fled, as they will carry with
them in their new homes their own race an
tipathies. These antipathies are not peculiar
to climate or geographical divisions, or to
any one race, but it is an inborn principle of
man, a part of his being, which he, go where
he may, carries with him, and can no more
Measures of question-

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