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B.O. WEST. Editob. "By diligence and patience the mouse ate in two the cable ." AU communications, qeuries and other matter intended for this department should he sent direct to B. G. West, 224 Front Street, Memphis, Tenn. THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVEN TION DISCUSSED. John C. Calhoun, in speaking of the Constitution and government of South Carolina of 1790 arid sub l This sequent amendments, said: government, like that of all the other States, was divided into three departments—the Legislative, Ex ecutive and Judicial. The govern or, judges and all other important ■officers of the State were elected by the Legislature—the governor be ing ineligible as his own successor. The local officers were elected by the people of the respective coun ties to which they belonged. "The right of suffrage, with few and inconsiderable exceptions, was universal. The lower and upper divisions of the State became an That part known as tagonistic. 'the upper country' was the most populous section, but power was so distributed under the Constitution, as to leave it in a minority in every department of the government. This state of things lei to discon tent which continued to increase with the growing population of that section, until its violence and the destruction and disorder which it occasioned, convinced the reflect ing portion of both sections, that the time had arrived when a vigor ous effort should be made to bring it to a close. For this purpose a successful attempt was made in the session of 1807. The lower section wa£ wise and patriotic enough to 'propose an adjustment of the con troversy, by giving to each an equal participation in the govern ment; and the upper section as wisely and patriotically waived its claims and accepted tlio compro mise. By this arrangement poiver was divided equally between the two sections regardless of their re spectite populations. To carry it into execution, an act was passed ,during the sesssion to amend the Constitution. By the compromise, the Senate, which consisted of one member from each election district, except Charleston, which had two, (one for each of its parishes), mained unchanged. This, in con sequence of the organization of: the lower district into parishes, and then again into election districts, gave to the lower section, with less population, a decided preponderance in that branch of the LogislT u-' To give the u rge p~ re to • 1 and all other important officers un der the government were appointed by the Legislature, an equilibrium in every department of the govern ment. By making the election dis tricts the element of which one branch of the Legislature was con stituted, it protected the agricultu ral and rural interests against the preponderance, which the concen trated city population would other wise acquire; and by making taxa tion ©ne of the elements of which the other branch was composed, it guarded effectually against the abuse of the taxing power, effect of such abuse would have been to give the portion of i he State which might be overtaxed, an increased weight in the government proportional to the excess; and to diminish, in the same proportion, the weight of the section which might exempt itself from an equal share of the burden of taxation." Mr. Calhoun, in the conclusion of his historical review, said: results which followed the intro duction of these elements in the Constitution, in the manner stated, were most happy. The govern ment, instead of being, as it was under the Constitution of 1790, the government of the lower section, or becoming, subsequently, as it must bave become, the government of the upper section, had numbers constituted the only element, was converted into that of the concur rent majority, and made, emphatic ally the government of the entire population—of the whole people of South Carolina—and not of one portion of its people over another portion. The consequence was the almost instantaneous restoration of harmony and concord between the two sections." The The Our object in presenting Mr. Calhoun's [description of the gov ernment of South Carolina is to ! commend the patriotic examples and self-denials of the two distinct sections of the State, and to show that all forms of government are not suited to all communities, and must be varied to suit the peculiari ties of each. In the formation of a new Constitution for this State, we should proceed from the stand point of her physical formation, the character of her present and prospective inhabitants, ami the absolute political necessity of a "full vote, a free ballot and a fair count," under .powers that will secure to the pa triotic intelligence of the State the control and administration of the government, and thereby develop the higher intellectual and moral qualities of the people. [continued next WEEK. I distribution of "The Republic is yet in its infan - t he usual periods 'ending star >zon. lous of 1 1 ■ ISC' in -'•a wer, T£ The Funeral of Folly. A friend of the whole country and of the Round Table asks the publication of this editorial from the Birmingham 'Daily News. Its purposes accoad with those of the Round Table and we are glad to give it place: In old times, in 1858-9 and '60, it was the main business of the pol iticians, North and South, to make the people of the two sections hate one another. When the late fiery and eloquent Mr. Keitt and other rousing South Carolina orators of that vivacieus period railed out against the abol itionists and denounced the North with astounding fury, the counter part of these Southern "hotspurs," as they pleased to denominate them selves, would rush across the floor of the House or Senate and con gratulate these Southern orators and subscribe for thousands of cop ies of these blood and thunder har angues and send them all over the North. Then a Kellogg or Thad Stevens would get upon his haunches and howl at the South, and when the good Northern orator had exhaust ed epithets of detestation and abuse and read mournful pages from Un cle Tora'k Cabin and abuse Southern people as red-handed negro-killers, Southern Congressmen of the furi ous sort would rush to the seat of the sweating abolitionist and sub scribe for a hundred thousand cop ies of his flamboyant remarks, and these would burden Southern mails for a week, and this absurd process of continental exasperation was prosecuted day and night by the blathering politicians through three or four years, till the innocent, un suspecting people were prepared for the horrible business of throat cut ting and for slaughtering one an other. The politicians North and South, who only wished to double the number of offices and soft pla ces for themselves by doubling the Unions, set the people at work kill ing one another and burning one another's homes and starving one another in loathsome prison pens. • The deluded peoplfi had absolutely ii) themselves be 1 fore they discovereji what folly it was. The soldiers had learned the lesson well and made peace—actual, honest peace. But the rascals who really brought all these uncuinbered griefs upon the many and the poor and who really dug all these grav.s could only justify their crimes by perpetuating baseless, unreasoning exasperation of sections, still deified the negro and in veighed against tlie white mam and the Southern hotspur has dwindled in to a croaker. He sticks to office and eats crow and very humbly, lie isn't as full of indignant fury as aforetime and the Southern peo ple are getting tired of him. In fact it is time that both clas ses of old figure-heads of Northern and Southern sectionalism was de cently interred. They are too old to learn new lessons. They will re-read their old speeches, those of Southern leaders m do to rouse the North to fury and those of North ern pyroteehnidal patriots promul the South They should content that the task was well and thoroughly done, and suffer another generation of popular leaders to re trieve their errors and build monu ments in attestation of their "wis dom and valor." When they ave dead, and not till ben, it seams, the people of the -th and of the South, will learn ith of of one another, and ' them, we would fain hope, we the convocation of Allions at Chicago. In there the birth of a , let us celebrate the >e North and South the old. Heap hon U down Heaven's names: recount on battle fields Us; but for all 1 that the sec T begat have ouud Table. ! killed a million o They gated to exasperate against the North. r five feat ivernment ion to the xes, are with trecedents in nent. ient or mod ae fortunate ing political It is forces, one in the direction of un mitigated despotism, the other to ward the extreme of licentiousness. It was a compromise between the advocates of the arbitrary and di vine hereditary authority of princes and of the unrestrained liberty of the people. The English revolu tion of 1688 had opened to the world a new and brighter political era. The blood of her martyred patriots was tho seed of republican liberty. were founded on the political prin ciples of the English Puritans. The republic was the outgrowth of their faith, reduced to practice. The leaven hidden in the motives that inspired the army of Cromwell, by constaut increments, spread with undiminished power to the infant colonies, and gave new life to the friends of liberty. From the prec ious seeds planted by the hands and watered by the blood of Sidney, Hampden, Russell, and their illus trious compatriots, have been gath ered the purest and richest offer ings ever laid at the altar of human freedom. Theirs was the weary and almost desperate struggle of the undisciplined multitude against the organized forces of despotic power It was the guage of battle thrown down to the plunderers of the people. It was the bread win ner against the tax-gatherer was the mighty and irresistible on set from the last ditch into which the poor had been driven by the greed of princes. It was the sud den closing of the awful breach be tween the middle and higher elass ses, caused by repeated and wanton infractions on the basal laws of so cial and political existence."— Round Table. American institutions It "The yery genius of our institu tions has engraven on our chief corner-stone: 'Equal rights to all men, special privileges to none.' The distinctions of caste, the lordly pretensions of the titled aristocracy of hereditary monarchies, with- all their splendid retinues and embla zoned escutcheons were so repug nant to their idea of republican simplicity, that our fathers engraft ed a provision in the Constitution against the granting of titles to an American citizen. Warned by the experience of their ancestors, an object of the deepest concern with the American patriots was to insti tute a government based on the consent of the governed: that the sheltering ægis of the Constitution should protect all men in life, lib erty, and the pursuit of happiness. 'We, the people,' is written between all the lines of the organic law. On every line and syllable, then sovereign will is ineffaceahlystamp ed. Judicial blindness may misin terpret, and partisan treachery dis tort its plain and emphatic provis ions, but it will remain forever the proudest monument to the wisdom, patriotism, and virtue of the found ers. He who lays Ins profane hand on this solemn covenant of the peo ple is the meanest enemy of his It is the base and crown of race. the Union, its girdle of strength, the only sure pledge of its lasting security. In the pc: beneficent principles the safety and happiness of hun dreds of millions of human beings 3 r et unborn, public has reached the ends of the earth. The security of public lib erty, under the benign operation of equal laws, impartially administer ed, has awakened universal confi dence in the possibility of a govern ment by the people, and kindled fresh aspirations for liberty among the oppressed of every land and clime. The darkest political night the world has ever known would rpetuity of its are involved The fame of our Re succeed the overthrow of constitu tional government in America." Advertise in The New F armer. The danger to our institution» is not in a war between sections of our common country, butin a revo lution, in which, the great masses, maddened and driven to the verge of desperation by the continued abuses of onr system, shall strike down all form» and break through all constitutional restraints and rush madly into the vortex of an archy. The danger is, that as a logical and necessary result of the most pernicious class legislation and the most wasteful extravagance by the central government, requir ing the imposition of burdens, grievous to be borne, the ever-wid ening breach will form an impassa ble and un fathomable chasm be tween the rich and the poor, be tween those who tax and those whe toil. The danger lies in a complete divorce between the representative and the constituent, the loss of sym pathy between the subject and the sovereign, the absolute control and subversion of all the functions of government by the satraps of the money power. These are momen tous issues and en the wise, practi cal solution of them, must largely depend the peace and good order of society and the well-being of the State." "The consuming avarice of the Thracian king who so bitterly re pented the goide.i gift of Bacchus was not more fatal to his hopes than the harvest of woes which await the money kings of America. Like causes willalw effects. There should be some lim it to human greed. To the most produce like unobservant student of the history of popular government, the signs of the times are full of evil por tents. The wisest statesmanship and the purest patriotism, alike, de mand a return to the strongholds raised by the founders of our sys tem ;'to those lnrpregnatJle ba 1 varies in which liberty and equality may stand intrenched forever. ! lefore the Ship of State further tempts the sea, it is well to consult her log book and note well her bearings. 'The prudent man foreseeth the evil and hideth himself; the foolish puss ou and is punished.' '' The best, place to rot manure is in ttie soil. If you want a Family Vehicle Buggy or Road Cart, one, ten or carload at cheaper prices than ever known, write at once to '.V.S.T'rr.co&Cc.Mem phis, Tenn., and get prices aa& largo cateJcgwo FKSK. a* POULTRY YARD. Wo have fowls amt eggs for Bale of eight varieties: Hrov.n and White Leghorns, Buff and Partridge Cochins, Plymouth Locks, Light Brahmas, WyandoIteH and Games. BOOS FOI! HAU!. Brown and White I eghorns and Plymouh Kocks nt $1 50 for J:i. Light Brahmas. Games and Wyandotte» at $2 oo for îy. T. E. VICKERY & BROS., HARTWELL POULTRY YARD HABT WELL, GA. •p 'S a taw rûSl o.u a '|1 suîB AND HALF FARE EXCURSIONS TO MIL WAUKEE, WIS. On account of the Knights of Pythian Biennial Conclave at Milwaukee, Wis., July 8 to 12, 1890, the Queen and Crescent Route will sell excursion tickets at one fare for the round trip on July 4, 5, 6, and 7, good to return until July 21, 1890. Tickets on sale by all agents of this and connecting lines in the South.