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illgM **m •fit Mf" -p- at'FPLBKHST TO THE Pivneer-Eocpress. 1EMBIlfA, Eome NORTH DAKOTA Friday, Oct. as, UM I0RDS OF PATRIOTS, Prominent Stump Sound Money, Protection and National Honor. RECENT CAMPAIGN ORATORY for Ages. on Makers of History Record Utterance! Which Are Bound to Live 1 What the Republican Party Stands For. MAJ. MoKIXIjGV. "The political situation of the country is peculiar. We have had few parallels to our present political condition. We have but one political party which is united, and that is ours. (Applause.) Discord reigns in all others. Our tiine honored opponent, the Democratic part}-, is torn and divided. Two national con ventions have been held by it and two national tickets presented, and their plat forms are totally different on every sub ject and in almost every section. The Populist party has merged its organize tion into that of the Chicago Demo cratic and St. Louis silver organizations, and their allies are for the most part harmonious except that each one baa a distinct and different candidate for vice president. (Great laughter and ap plause.) "Happily the Republican party was never more closely united than uow, both in fact and in spirit, and there were never better reasons for such union, and never greater necessity for it than new. (Cheers and cries of 'That's right.') It is wedded, devotedly wedded, to iarty principles. It stands as it has always stood, for an American protective tariff which shall raise enough money to con duct the several departments of the gov trnment, including liberal pensions to the Union soldiers. (Tremendous cheer ing and hurrahs for McKinley.) A tariff that will stop debts and deficiencies and make the treasury of the United States once more safe and sound in every par ticular. (Applause.) It stands -for a re ciprocity that seeks out the markets of the world for our surplus agricultural and manufacturing products without sur rendering a single day's wages that be longs to the American workman. (Ap- lause.) It believes in preserving a market for the American farmer (applause), in the opening of the Ameri can factories for the American working man (applause), and the opening up of a foreign market wherever it can be done with profit to all the great interests of the United States. "It is. too, for sound money (great cheering), every dollar worth 100 cents (renewed cheering), every dollar as good tinned cheering), and it is op- as cont to the free and unlimited ge of silver, and the issuance of ir- feat applause.) It has always kept 1 Per at a parity with gold. It proposes to keep that silver money in circulation zold and silver give work to American citizens (ap plause), markets to American farmers (cries of 'That's what we want,'), and sound money to both. (Tremendous cheerings and cries of 'Hurrah for Mc Kinley F) We are now convinced after three years of experience, whatever may have been our political relations in the past, of the truth of the observation of Webster, made more than half a century ago. You will recall that he said: •That is the truest American policy which shall most usefully employ Ameri can capital and American labor and best sustain the whole American population.' (Great applause.) "Agriculture, commerce and manufac tures will prosper together or fail to gether. Equally true also were the words of John Quincy Adams, 'That the great interests of this agricultural, min ing and manufacturing nation are so linked in unison that no permanent cause of prosperity to one of them can operate without extending its influence to the other.' (Applause.) We cannot have commercial growth and expansion with out national and individual honor. "We cannot have commercial prosperity without the strictest integrity both of government and citizen. (Renewed ap plause and cries of 'That's right.') The financial honor of this government is of too vast importance, is entirely too sa cred to be the football of party politics. (Great applause and cries of 'Good, good.') The Republican party has main tained it and is pledged to maintain it. It has more than once stood between good fnith and dishonor and when it gave up the control of the government our national honor had never before been so high and unquestioned. (Applause.) The Republican party is pledged to main tain the credit of the government which is intimately associated with its spotless name and honor, and this it will do un der any circumstances and at any cost. (Great cheering.) "It taxed the credit of the government In the days of the war to its utmost ten sion to preserve the government itself, which, under God, it was happily en abled to do. Following that mighty struggle it lifted our credit higher than it had ever been before and made it equal to the oldest and wealthiest na tions of the world. (Applause and cries of That's right.') It is pledged to maintain uncorrupted the currency of the country of whatever form or kind that has been used by national au thority. It made the old greenback as good as gold and has kept it as good as formever I M'f i' I *y 4 .1 M,V old since. It lias maintained every of American money, whether sil ver or paper, equal to gold, and it will not take any backward_ step. (Great ap od, plause and cries of 'Goo No good.') party ever went out of power which left so magnificant a record as the Repub lican party. (Cries of 'That's right.') Onr great war debt was more than two thirds paid off, our currency unquestioned, oar credit untarnished, the honor of the union unsullied, the country in its ma terial conditions stronger than it had ever bee& before the workingmen better employed and better paid than ever be {ore, with prosperity in every part of the esm :Ji$v republic andAn no part an Idle working man who wanted to work. (Tremendous applause.) Bryan fbr Fiat Money, -a EX-SENATOR WARNER MILLER. Mr. Bryan at heart caret nothing for :he free coinage of silver. Mr. Bryan Is first and last a believer In fiat money, iud he is only using the free coinage silver to arrive at that finally. This is a serious charge to make, but if I sannot prove it I will apologue publicly for it In the September number of the Arena —just last month—there is an article on the currency by Mr. Bryan, in which he criticises Mr. Cleveland severely for Using bonds in time of peace, and espe cially for selling them to a syndicate. He says: "When the United States, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation, opens its mints to the free and unlimited coinage of gold and silver at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1 it will bring real relief to its peo ple, and will lead the way to the restora tion of bimetallism throughout the world, it will then be prepared to perfect its financial system by furnishing a paper money invested with legal tender quali ties and sufficient in volume to supply the needs of the government. Its paper money will not be loaned then to favor ites, but will be paid out in the expenses ttf government, so that all may receive the benefits." This is fiat money, pure and simple. Mr. Bryan proposes to stop taxation and pay the expenses of the government by printing fiat money. This government once launched upon that boundless sea would as certainly fall and go down as Sid the French republic, which was set dp at the close of the last century by lot of theorists and revolutionists. They issued during a few years forty thousand millions of francs of fiat money called assignats and mandats. They gave a legal-tender quality to it, but while it could pay debts they could not compel people to take it in pur chase. In other words, they could give legal-tender quality to the money, but they could not give purchasing power to it. From day to day it was issued, Until finally it all disappeared as utterly worthless. Not a single franc of it was tver paid or redeemed, and the people who had parted with their property for it were rendered paupers. Their oroperty was gone and the money they aad received was valueless. Shall this be a lesson to ns? And *an we contemplate the probability of putting into power as President of the United States a man who holds such news? In my humble opinion there is jut one way to bring us back to prosper ty and to the path of progress, and that to return to the system of adminis tration which has been of such great jenefit to us in the past, and to follow in that path, to follow the lamp of ex jerience. To do that every true, honest American citizen, without distinction of arty, should unite in this attempt at •estoration. and should by an overwhelm ng majority stamp out now and lorever die heresy and the folly of a cheap and lebased currency. Bryan as an Orator. HENRY D. ESTABROOK. But Mr. Bryan I know somewhat, and Snd in his habits of life many things •o admire. He is a man of undoubted ralent, a talent for the stage, perhaps, rather than for statecraft. He is a kind husband and an indulgent father. He joes not smoke or chew, drink or swear, steal or gamble—in short, he has not a /ingle redeeming vice that I know of, anless it might be lying and even there I have had spells of thinking he believes himself. Moreover, Mr. Bryan is a man Sf rare eloquence, although anyone read ing his speeches would be pardoned for doubting the assertion. Reduced to cold type his words bocome mere rant tnd bombast, while those self-same words, spoken in Bryan's voice—a voice fts mellifluous as the sweetest pipe in yonder organ—would stir your heart, Just as would the voice of a great sin ger, by'the very quality of tone. Add dsome, graceful presence ani igine that Tt\ matters very little 11 u. and preserve side by side gold and silver and paper, each the equal to the other. 1 gquare garden was in the attempt to ar-1 tna1 Bryan's audience what ays, so long as he keeps on saying it. 'he mistake he made in Madison ?qual truth and appropriateness apply co another famous Nebraskan. whose ex ploits are inseparably linked with "the history of Omaha whose habits are as regular as the sun. whose character is ps impeccable as Bryan's own, whose bresence is just as handsome, whose howers of speech were formerly just as treat and have wrought many an audi ence to tears, to laughter and to fren fey a man who, like Bryan, was pos sessed of a talking devil, and who today. In Madison square, New York—that bourne from which no Nebraskan seems tver to return—is feeding breadcrumbs to the sparrows. That man is George Francis Train. And it must be remem bered that Mr. Train once ran for the presidency, just as Mr. Bryan is doing, on a ticket of his own. I say that the ticket on which Mr. Bryan is running for the presidency is essentially his own, although two other gentlemen have prevailed upon Mr. Sewall to stay where lie is, whereas Tom Watson wants to know. He wants to know where he is "at." He wants to know whether he is a candidate for the vice-presidency or only a vermiform appendix. An Assault on the National Govern ment. DON M. DICKINSON. Let us see what confronts us. What is this free government that we hear nbout from the rostrum only occasion ally on the Fourth of July and gala days? But a word about this funda mental expression. Up to the estab lishment of the American government, the earth for the object for which gov-1 crnments are formed. The theory is that this is the best government and the only free govern ment which achieves for the people all systems and every republic In tbe world had failed when our fathers formed the United States of America and gave us a place in the family of nations. (Applause.) What was the peculiar part of the government which promises permanency, which promises a republican or demo cratic form of government, that conld ...... i, Scott, then in command of the United governments had failed on the face of |^'g rwer ors, lodging absolute tion, the execution o: judgment upon laws in it failed tn nad tried emper- It was this: We established a If: 0 y§ Congress, can you go, thus far and no further, as laid down in this written doc ument. We named an officer to execute the laws,, called the President, conferring upon him certain powers to execute and carry out the provisions of Congress. His powers were conferred and limited by the written constitution it had never been done before. What then? Still further check in this new experiment To what tribunal or what umpire shal^ it be referred to decide upon the question whether Congress goes beyond its writ ten license under this constitution of the United States, and to what umpire shall it be referred if the President shall go beyond the powers conferred upon him by this constitution of the United States? We had created a congress independ ent of the President we had created a President independent of the con gress, within the powers conferred by the written instrument. Then the fath ers decided that another check was necessary this President and this Con gress, that we have set up, may go the way of the French republic, or the Roman republic, and of other systems of government that have been formed even with a written constitution they may agree upon a certain construction. We will set up here a tribunal, far re moved from political contest, the Su preme court of the United States (ap plause), with power to say to the public body and the representatives of the state and the Senate: "Thus far shall you go in dealing with the rights of the peo- Eold tbl **t MVi Bryan] le, thus far and no farther, and we that you are forbidden to do these things by this constitution of the United States." (Applause.) They said further that the President, occupying the office of the greatest po tentate on earth, with these great pow ers conferred upon 1dm. he may /trans thls constitution of the united "inter- way of Impeachment before the Senate, and if the Senate and the President agree, that power would be futile, so tfiat we willDname this great tribunal, politics, partisan from gress of the United States, that decision shall be final and binding on all the people of the United States. (Ap- PS! sisted, party been casually mentioned in connection ment in effect that the President of the with it—one trying to get off and the I United States cannot execute the fed other trying to get on. Here, you ob-1 Grai serve, is a sort of political cerebus, with I conferred upon him by Congress and the not the best of feeling between the ca-1 Constitution of the United States, except nine collaterals. Mr. Bryan's predica ment is not without embarrassment. He must feel as bewildered with these two appendages as the proverbial cat with a like number of tails. He has probably what have we today? In the first place, we have thiB extraordinary proposition made. We find the powers conferred upon the President of the United States to execute the laws of Congress in these two things we find that by the law of Congress the Presi dent must see to it that the mails .of the United States, the communications be tween our commercial people, shall be kept open that the mails shall go at all hazards. (Applause.) We find Congress providing, as be tween the states, that tne President shall execute the law regarding the free trans mission of freight and merchandise from state to state. We find this power re- and find in the declaration of the platforms made at Chicago a state- Jaws cannot execute the power bv leave of the governor of the state (applr.use), and this is declared, fellow citizens—mark it well—this is declared by a body of people that came together at Chicago and declared that they were Jacksonian Democrats. (Laughter.) Why, gentlemen, in 1832, John C. Cal houn advised that a convention gather in the state of South Carolina to con sider the question whether President Jackson could execute the law for the collection of tariff, this high protective tariff, and to execute the tariff law in the state of South Carolina. That con vention declared that the federal gov ernment, through its President, had no power to execute that federal law in that state without the leave of the govern ment of South Carolina. What did Jackson do? These people call themselves Jacksonian Democrats, and I speak by the card. Before the latter end of 1832, Jackson ordered Gen. armjes, of legisla- laws, and all one man, and to establish his military headquarters in the capital of South Car olina, in the first place. (Applause.) On the same day he ordered the two most powerful ships in the American navy to Charleston harbor. Next he or dered the troops of the United States available on the Atlantic coast to con centrate within striking distance of South Carolina. (Applause.) And he sent word to John C. Calhoun, not by iublic proclamation, but in private—they higher than Haman. plause.) IpplsIatiire^^make la^^a^ongreM^we I Srnt^ should ^stoiTtogS'r at SK &WeS that lerisfatwe by «me. Senator Tillman of South Caro a written constitution—thus far, Mr. I Una, chairman of the committee on reso- (Laughter and ap- No New Sectional Issue will be Tol erated. SENATOR THURSTON. My fellow citizens, there are other rea- AN EXACTING PATIENT. Dr. Bryant "There, sir gaze at any object, your -wallet» for instancet looks as large again, doesn't it?" Uncle Samt "Maybe, but it doesn't weigh any heavier —Chicago Inter-Ocean. lutions, who represents neither the old heroic South of Lee and Gordon and Buckner and Hampton, nor the- new South of enterprise and energy and activ ity and increasing manufacture, stood up in the Chicago convention and pro claimed a new sectional issue, the South and the West against the North and the East. Anew sectional issue between the North and the South! Why, God forbid! Illinois sent out the flower of her man hood to the nation's battlefield under Grant and Logan and Oglesby and Palm er to put an end to sectionalism be tween the North and the South forever. Illinois gave Lincoln to the restoration of the Union, that in his hallowed mem ory the hearts of all the people might grow together in close and lasting friend ship. My father went out under Wis consin's flag, and gave his life that there should be and should remain a united people. I have crossed the old Mason and Dixon's line. Two weeks ago I went from Washington to Richmond in four hours—it took some of you four years to make the same journey. I have clasped in right good fellowship the hands of the men who fought upon the other side. The heroes of that great war—South and North—will never again enlist in another sectional strife. It does not matter whether the Ameri can cradle is rocked to the music of Yankee Doodle or the lullaby of Dixie, if the flag of the nation is displayed above it and the American baby can be safely trusted to pull about the floor the rusty scabbard and the battered canteen, whether the inheritance be from blue or gray, if, from the breast Of a true moth er and the lips of a brave-father, its little soul is filled with the glory of the Ameri can constellation. A new issue between the .West and the East! why, God-for bid! I am a part of that mighty West. I know its brave, enterprising, pioneer people. I have seen them rescue the nvfttt into A. garden. sistance of the Bast, by the use of money which represents the accumulated sav ings of two centuries and a half of East era thrift. The great West cannot live and thrive without the cordial, co-opera tion and support of the strong East, and the East cannot live and grow and thrive as it ought and should without the cor dial co-operation, friendship and support of the mighty West. United, we are a nation powerful' for the welfare of all sections divided, we are at the begin ning of the downfall of the republic. Nebraska put one star in the azure of the flag, and Illinois put another, but when they took their places in the flag they were no longer the stars of Illinois and Nebraska, but the stars of the great est nation of the earth, shining for the welfare and protection of every section and all the people. Labor Needs an Unvarying and Re liable Currency. FRANK S. BLACK. CANDIDATE FOR GOVERNOR OF NEW YORK. "No man's labor of yesterday or last year can be preserved, except by some representative or token of it, and money is the almost universally adopted agent for that purpose. Nothing in the world should be so anxious as labor that the token which represents it should be un varying and reliable. Who can preserve until tomorrow the labor of to day? It cannot be done, and the only means of securing its benefits is to re ceive and preserve some token which shall stand in its stead and which may be used as future needs may require." And further on the speaker said: "If a man is robbed, it is a crime and he may have redress. If a bank fails and pays him only 53 cents on the dollar, it is a misfortune, and he is not yet without hope of recovery. But if he votes away 47 cents of every dollar, it is his own fault, and he has nothing to condemn but his own folly, which will remain with him much longer than his money." Effect of Inflation. SENATOR LODGE. Well, it is easy to mark up prices, man can go over his stock of goods in the morning and mark them up with a blue pencil but you cannot go over the salaries and the wages of this country with a blue pencil in the morning and a During our war, when we had an in flated currency and prices rose, the aver age price of commodities rose 89 per cent. labor rose about 40 per cent. There was a net loss to labor of about 50 per cent., a net reduction of wages to that extent. Labor always, in case of a depreciated currency, lags behind oth er priccs. It is inevitable all history and all experience shows it. They tried it in France in the last century they tried the inflation of the currency to the last extent. You read the history of that neriod you find in the debates of the French convention at the time of the Revolution—which resembled a good deal, in many respects, the convention at Chicago—you find it constantly said: "We are so great France is so powerful, so civilized, so free, that she can raise the price of money, she can maintain any system she wants." And they issued the assignats based on the public land there was land behind them all they were not merely irredeemable paper v,7V^ ':.4 H4.\# i- t'^l 6CT A PAIR oroui^, FREE SILVC& SPecTAaes *NIWJBLE: V^AlTM they went on, I think, to the amount of $8,000,000,000. and finally the whole structure collapsed. The government would not take them, the paper became absolutely worthless, and when that pa per became worthless it was found, not in the hands of the speculators no, it was found in the hands of the manu facturers, of the business men, of the workingmen of France. It was on them that the loss fell, because they had ex changed their labor and their earnings for this worthless paper. That is the history of all attempts to juggle with the currency. The loss lands always in the same place, and we can form no ex ception to the great natural laws. Jugglers with the National Credit. CHAUNCEY DEPEW. "Bryan and Sewall and Watson pro claim a revolution. These jugglers with the national faith and national credit. with business and prosperity, with labor and employment, arc recklessly endeav oring to precipitate one of those crises in which capital and labor and homes and wages are inextricably involved. The right of revolution is divine, but it must have supreme justification. Under our constitutions and institutions and laws as they exist there is before us in the promises of the Populistic leaders nothing but an invitation to embark upon that sea of repudiation and dishon or which has wrecked every nntion and every people that ever embarked upon it. Tnis revolution promises to destroy the Supreme court, to prevent the issue of bonds and the use of the credit of the country for any purpose, to debase the currency, to issue, if need be, irre deemable paper and .fiat money, and to destroy the validity and the inviolability of contracts between individuals. It proposes to seise Jhe, raUways and the telegraphs, to entlgajygfa.. vngm» and foverniMNHtf to'destroy thews elements of American liberty by which the government governs and the Individual has unlimited opportunity for industrial business, pro fessional and political honors and emolu "No one has ever doubted the wis dom of the fathers of our republic. A century of experiment has abundantly know," and overwhelmingly justified their fore- Replied the angel. Abou spoke more low, 1-!- a sight, statesmanship They saw the horrors of the French revolution, and they made up their minds to guard their country against the ex cesses of temporary mndness. They created the executive and the legislative branches of the government and made them subject to frequent submission to the will and judgment of the people, but they enacted a written constitution un der which the executive and the legisla tive branches must act, and then they created that new feature of government, that palladium of the rights of the peo ple and the permanence of our institu tions, an independent judiciary, a court which could say to a wild Congress: •You have overleaped the boundaries of tbe constitution and you must bring yourselves within its limits.' They knew from the precedents of liberty behind them that the judiciary can nlways be trusted. There are two places under our constitution where neither wealth nor power gives any advantage to the individual, where the richest and the joorest, the most exalted and the hum ilest stand on the same plane one is the ballot box and the other the court. And yet this Democratic and Populistic al liance proposes to destroy this majestic tribunal and make it simply the echo of the party caucus which controls Congress this year and may be driven into ob scurity next." Integrity of the Courts, EX-SENATOR JOHN C. SPOONER. "There is another proposition in that platform which ought to strike terror to the heart of every good citizen, what ever his political affiliations heretofore may have been, and that, is the proposi tion which even shocked David Bennett Hill (laughter), whom I am faintly hop- S3? SPOL I whenever the Supreme court of the United States, in the exercise of the juris diction vested in that tribunal by the con stitution, renders a decision which is not agreeable to Congress, they shall will be more complaisant. You recollect, ladies and gentlemen, that the Supreme court of the United States is created by the constitution. There are three sub divisions of our government, each inde pendent of the other. The executive, the legislative and the judiciary. The Supreme court of the United States has been, from the beginning, an honor to constitution in creating it, in making it I Its head. j)d patriotism. I But clieerliy still*- and said, I pray thee* sir, Write me as one not liable to err." proceed to pack that court in some way. Bryan and his followers do not want to with judges who will reverse it, and who this country and its line of decisions, I killer. He meanders through the Last the great men who have been upon that I making silver speeches and the mills ana bench shedding luster, upon our jurispru-1 factories close in his wake. dence and upon the jurisprudence of I wM which may be Intended to be tive body, m»y be a revolutionary body,. we take comfort in the fact that we can' rely upon the patriotism, upon tbe wis* tlom and upon the fearlessness of the judiciary. (Applause.) The man who makes It Ws business in .public or pri vate life to destroy the confidence of the people in the judiciary is a public ene my. (Applause.) It is a cowardly thine to do. It is the next meanest thing to whispering something about the charac ter of a woman and nothing on earth.* can lie meaner than that. (Applause.)' It is the next thing to it, to pass on friendly comment and impeachment upon judges, autl the integrity of their pur poses liecnuRe a judge cannot come down from the bench and resent an in suit like that. I say the people in this, election ought to see to it that no Presi dent is elected upon platform which' calmly proposes, by unmistakable sug gestion, to make the Supreme court of the United States, and other courts'in. our system, the mere football of polities,, the mere tool of passions. (Applause.) "I think Mr. Bryan thus far in his talks—and he says, I understand, that he never sees a crowd without wanting to talk to it—and I sympathize with him a little in that respect: I used to feel that way myself (laughter), but it was when I was a good deal younger than I am now, and didn't know a great deal when I was about 80 years old (laugh- ter), although I never expect to know as. much as I thought I knew then (laughter)—Mr. Bryan in his speeches has not much to say about this packing of the Supreme court, but it is in their platform. That fact itself is another reason which justifies the Democrats of character and respectability in a re volt against the nomination made and platform promulgated at Chicago." THE BOOSTKR HE WORE ON HIS HAT.. Come, pause for a while In your play. My boy, And put down your ball and your bat. Attend to me well While a story I tell Of a man wlio was tempted to stray. My boy. And the rooster he wore on his hat. This man was a laborer skilled, My boy Contented and happy thereat For his job was secure. And his wages were sure, But his heart with a longing was filled. My boy. For a rooster to wear on his hat. One day some demagogues came, My boy,. (For demagogue read Democrat), And spouted and brayed In behalf of free trade. Till they set all his fancy aflame, My boy. For a rooster to pin on his hat. He whooped like an imbecile loon. My boy.. For a candidate fussy and fat, Whose inflated renown Soon collapsed and caine down And It felt like a punctured balloon, My boy,. hat. On the rooster that sat on the hai Now his partisans float In the son] Along with the bill they begat. 'S& boy. The cuckoos all sigh For their vanishing pie P' And the rooster Is sick witn the roui Poor rooster that rode on the hai And poverty sits in the seat. My boy,. .Where competence formerly sat, And the laboring man, Through this fatuous plan. Is now left with nothing to eat. My boy,. But the rooster he wore on his hat. Then take warning and never forget, My boy. Free traders are blind as a bat. Their promise of good Is adversity's food. And the laborer long will regret. My boy. The rooster he wore on his hat. —Indianapolis Journal. ABOU BILL BRYAN. Abou Bill Bryan, may his tribe decrease! Awoke one. night from a deep dream of peace .And jatw. .vtVibln mooulleht nt hi* room,. MaKlng It rich'' tt W Stw CT^llice lnbloom, An angel #rltlng in a book of gold Exceeding gall nad made Bill Bryan bold. And to the presence In the room he said: "What writest thou?" The vision raised: And. with a look of what he might expect, Answered, "Their names who'll get It in the neck." "And am I one?" asked Abon. "I don't The angel wrote and vanished. The next It en in J* again with a great November light. And showed the names of those knocked gak ley-west And lo! Bill Bryan's nnme led.all the rest! —Lincoln (Neb.) News. COME HOME. "From Thomas Watson." O! Bryan, dear Bryan, come home with me ,10W' The pops are all ready to run: You ssid you were coming right beak to the P'atte, As soon as yonr talking wns done. Come home, come home, Bryan, dear Bryan,, come home. Poor Altgeld is dying and Boies has gone flat, Don't talk any more, but come home. O! Bryan, dear Bryan, come home with me now, Why don't yon come home while you can?-. Free silver's all right (for the heathen), that's so, But yon can't stuff it down a free man. Come home, come home, Bryan, dear Bryan, come home, .. McKinley Is ready to give yon a blow. That will knock you quite flat, so come home. —Lincoln (Neb.) Call. CAMPAIGN NOTES. Is the story true that thousands of laboring men are wearing McKinley but tons who intend to vote for Bryan? We rather guess not. The laboring man is not that sort of a hypocrite, if we cor rectly estimate him, and it is an insult to him to'say otherwise. Mr. McKinley said: "Good money never made hard times." Mr, Bryan, said: "Money can be too good." Will in determining which is right? Among the best speeches being made in this campaign are those coming from that little two-story porch at Canton. It requires no argument to see why tni,j ab0ut protection It is the mills and not the mints that millions of workers want opened. Stop the wheels in the head and let the wheels in the machine shops go around. The most pressing money question is that of wages for the people and a rev enue for the government. Bryan is now being callcd the business- After the world, have abundantly vindicated I nonKreBB the farmer who votes for him. the wisdom of the framcrs of the mugt perpetual and in providing for the inde- compos mentis boundary line, pendent and fearless action by reason a farmer's illustration of the 50-eent tbe life tenure of its judges. "I do not like to hear men cast suspi cion upon judges. Our last reliance is in the integrity, the courage and the in dependence of our judiciary. When the people are swayed by passion, when Con gress may go wrong, when tbe Senate, reading Bryan's wool record in. ]l|a have a forgiving disposition tg be on the wrong side of" silver dollar is that it would be like offer ing for sale a calf labeled "This is twins," and demanding double price for it. And still some people pretend to think that farmers are not watching pub lic affairs. f|Vi 1 Ii 1 Vi