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ASHTABULA, Q , AUGUST, .' 1876. Pi SOFPL SPEECH OF Hon James A. Garfield, OF OHIO, In the House of Representatives, Friday, August 4, 1876. Friday, August 4, 1876. Can the Democratic Party be Safely Intrusted with the Administration of the Government! j T- Tae Home bping In Committee of tbe Whole on the bill (H. E. Ko. to trans fer i.'-e connector Ind.an niiairs rroin the Interior Department to ths War Depart ment, Mr. Oarheld stud: Ms. CkairmaK: I regret that fbe speech ot tae gentleman from Anssiamppi (AW. Lamar) has not yet appeared in the Jteierd, so that I might have had its fell And a titectio text before oileriag my own remarks in reply. But. bis proposiuons were so , clearly and so very ably tated, the doc trine that run through it were so logically connected, h will be my own fault if i fall to nader.t!iud and appreciate the 'general cope asa purpose oi nis tpeecn. la the catsct, I desire for myself and far a majority, at ieaet. of those for whom I apeak, to express my g ratitade to the gentle man lor ail that portion M tu speech which cad. for ita object, toe removal ul tbe preju dices and unkindly feelidirs that have arisen among citizens of the Kepuhiie in conse quence ot th late war. to bstever faults tba spoor aisv hare, its author einrcwei! an earnest desire to make progress In the direc tion ot a Getter undemanding between the Ko,-.,h and the South; aod ia that it meets my Boft hearty eencarrenceaad approval. I wili attempt to nate briefly what I un derstand to be the logic of the gentleman' speech. He sets out wiii deploring the eviis of party, aod expressing the belief tiiat the great man of the American people are tired -of much that belongs to party, and, locking beyond and above mere party prejudices aud pn&fcions, they greUy desire to remove public corruption, aad reSona the manifold errors and evils of administra tion and legislation ; that those errors and eviit consist mainly of two things: First, of a generally corrupt state of public ad ministration ; and second, of a deplorable state of the civil service; that this state of anairs ii buttressed and maintained by an CDormoat myon00,0Oeivil oEne-holders v and l"' 0 more expectants for office ; and that be-.-ause of thia vast force tba people nave hitherto been nuabia to aaketboro fama uiey desira. This is his major prem ise. The nPTt point, his minor premise, is that tie KepubLcan psny is incapable of eilteuug tae great reforms which the people desire; p4 his eonclusiou from these prem ises i that the Democratic party ought to be brongkt Into power in the cowing .leo tioa. ...... Iflis was the aammary, aad, I may sav, abrupt, eoneluaioa of his reasoning. The grentieinin seemed to be aware that th era mic ht be some apprehension in the minds J ot ue people tuat it wauld not, quite yet, ba ai to recall the Democratic party to power; and be endesTored to quiet those apprehensions by-stating In the first place that there need be no fear that the South, lately in rebellion, -would again control the roferaien t; that they wera prostrated; that their institctioat had been overthrows that their industries had baen broken up; that in their weak and broke ooditko there need be no fear that they would atrain be placed at the iead of pubiie anairsj-and. finally, that iiUi had nn:td with the Democratic -vt from choice, but forced to do it bT, ilnwaihie Becsssity as their only means of protection. u ww amena ptac-e, It! ere was apprehea Roa, be said, that tD Democracy, if they uiig jiuuB, wouia bos preserve tu bentaoent reBultg oi the war. BtUheaa ures us that this fear is groundless; that we pOT-ie ci vit eontn nave no aspiration which are not boundc ipy the horizon ei the Union; that t- J as the Democ racy of the Nov-f:- -onesUy and sin cerely, the (.sht&J . - of the war; and that they eao be trusted to preserve all the good that has been gained. i Again ha says it is feated, ea &e part of many, that the eelored race, lately eas laved, wui net be safe in the full en ioyment of aii the rlghU resulting from the war and guaranteed by the amendment to the Coa atitation. This, he alno assures us, is a grouBdiSs fear, because the people of the ' bOTtn Muers;Rr.a the colored race, appro-' eiate their qualities, and are on Such a foot ing of friendship and regard that ther are in fact better fitted to meet the waota of that people and kelp them along in the way of civilization, enlightenment and peace than those who are further removed from aueh .knowledge. he emphases the statement that the 8euth cheerfully accepts the results of the war; -sod Bilnit that mcah good has been achieved by the Republican partr which oupht to be preserved. I was gratified to hew the gsntlemaa speak of Linooln at the "iUcsuious author of the ercat act of emancipation." That admission will be welcomed everywhere by those wh believe in the justice and wisdom of that great act WhUe speaking of the coadition of the Sou;ii aad its want ie deplores two evils which S5ict that portion of our country : First, Federal supervision; and second, sesrrosconiianey in its political affairs. In that connection, it will be rememberei, be quoted from Joha Stuart Mill and from Gibbon ; the one to show that the nut deplorable form of government is where the slave governs : and from the other to show the oviis cf a government which is in -arien baad. Th geatlesnan represented the Both as nffericg the com pot Ue erils de picted by both toese greet writers. Xiat I may be sure to do him justice I uote a par rauu from the Associated Proas report of hit kpeeoAt Ji?ev wl'sIV?1 of thBt wonitraction 90 I I P (inw race to its support ao4 drive the-eth-rae to its oppueition Ma ,oti fiibuoa. toe hi,tor.. Aat toe Djo-,t aonird and eppressirs systeia of sov ernniei:t winch eould be conoeived of is that' tabjett the a art ve of wintry to tae domioistioB e( hisslfty. , Haalso uotod bow John n Hurl h'.ld to the effout that hn a gov rameut is aduiinistered by rulers not respon sible to tbs peopioyerni, bat to some other community, h is one of the worst of otmeeir-bleav-menw. and be said that the hideous system ostasliiicoe te ths booth is a sonpasM of tLose two Tic-ujus systems. . Ihe peupls are ubj.-.'ctea to the domiaatioa of their former slave. Md ara Toted over by people whose eoDstitMau wsra aotibe people for aaoa thsv sooaia act, but th federal covsrnnisBt, NoJ have stated of course very briefly, but I hope with entire fairness the scope of the very able speech to ' which we listened.' In a word it is this : be Repub lican party is oppressing the 8outh ; negro suffrage is a grievous evil r there are serious corruptions in public affairs in the national legislation and administration j the civil service of the country especially needs great and radical reform ; and therefore the Democratic party ought to be placed in control of the government at this time, by the election of TUden and Hendricks. It ha not been my habit, and it is not my desire, to discuss mere party politic -accept - la fkVgreat fet'slkflve forum. And I stall do so now Ehr in so far a fair review of the gentlemaaw wpeeofe rcqnirsa. My re marks shall ka responsive to his; aud shall disauks party history And party policy only as the logic of bis speech leads ito that domain. . . From most of th premises of the gentle man, as matters of tact and history. I dis sent) some W tisesn ewe andoabttdly cov rest. Bat, for tb aaka tf argumaat only, adsiiUinsr that all his premisea are Correct, deny that bis conclusion is warranted by his premises; and, before I close,! sliaU at tempt to show that the good be seeks csu not be oeenred by the ascendency of the Deaaoeratis twrv St this time. : Before entehag npoo that field, however, I must notice this remarkable omsaiOB la the kieie of bis speech. Altbougb he did state Uiat the country m'ght consider itself free from some oilae aajggr wnicn are ap prehended as tae result of Democratic as ceadeHCV, he did not, as I reiftember, by any word attempt to prove the fitness of the De mocracy as a political organisation to ao cosaplssh too refers whsob ho so msaa de sires; aud without that affirmative proof of fitnea hi argument is aeceanarUy as ab solute failure. , It i urecisely that fear which has not only made the ascendency of the Demo- cratis party so long ifiipbeeiUe, but has matf it WKSoaapeteet to render tnt servio so secessary to .rood srowusseat aha aer- ti SBSunuuaiK; wtr pwuun.iviH acq no9orabl apposition a tee aominaat party. Often ta biuncar ana , lauit ol by the people because of the violent, reac tionary, aud disloyal spirit of the Democ racy. He ten trs tbat is lone of the well-known lessens of political history and philosophy that the opposition party somes in to pre serve an orysaailta -tfe saeasarM wniea their antagonists snsntratatedt and tbat conservative opposition party u better fitted to AooQmplish uch a work -thaa an aggressive radioal parly wao ougnly pioneered tne way , ana Drougnt in the changes. And to apply this max lm xo our own situation ce tells us that the difference between the Republican and the Democratic parties upon tile iatcos which red to the war aod tbose whioh grew cut of it, war vather difteKnee of time than of subataaeo; tbat tbe Democmcy ioUowed in are slowly in the itepuoltean path, nut have at last am red, by prudent and constitutional methods, at the same reaulta; and hence they will be . j ..... . j : , i sure to guars securely ana enema iai to fully what tne P-epublicans rained by reck. less aud turbulent methods. There is some truth in these " glittering enlities," but. as applied to our present situation, they are en titled onry to ae eonsiaerasion which we give to the. bright bat fantasise pictare of L topian cream. . I abar ail that renleman's asnirationi for peace, for good government at; the South; and 1 believe I caa safely assure him taat the great majority of the cntion snares th same aspiration. Bathe will allow me te say that be has not fully stated the ele ments of the great pYobten to be solved by ue -siasesmananm of so-sav. i n, aifiiai field is aaach aroadar thaa tL view he -baa taken. And .before w au auree that the remedy be propose ia an adequate ana. we must take in Uia whole field, comprehend ue conditions ot uie problem, and then if his remedy is sufficient. The chlaee ne proposes is not use tne oramary cnange of h ministry in England when the govern ment is defeated on a tax bill or acme rou tine theasur of legislation. Be proposes to tarn over tne custody and manage ment ( Wfr Bowaratnent to party wnioh ha persistently- and with the rreatest bit tersffls resisted ail the great change of the last tnteea years, change which were the necessary result of a vast revolution a revolution in national policy, in social political ideas ft revoiut on wnose cause were not the work of a diy nor of a year. butofgenentticiisaudeentaries. The scope and ebaraeter -of that mighty revolution must tort the basis of your ladgment when we inquire whether such abange as he prop-jtge is safe and wine. xa q its among Lu nroBOsiiiaa -w must aot torget tbat as tne .result of this resolution the South after ihe great devastations ef war, the great loss of life and treasure, the overthrew of its social and Industrial sys tem, was called upon to confront ihe new and difficult problem of two races ; One just i Kowm irvm dcdistiw 01 survery. ana tne . t u. m .. )iwt.-Jl l.uv.n J t . ' race, to b .brought togefaer on terra of equality, oeiore - in taw. new, li!ncult, deliaste, nd dangeron qaostioaa bristle out from every point : of that problem. DukwiHiiiiufttu vi -whs aiiusuun. the other band, we see the Worth, after leaving its 350,000 dead upon the field of oarae ana Dnaging nome its ow,ooo maimed and wounded to be eared for, crippled In It industries, stageerinjr under the tremen- don berden of -pablie and urivate debt. aad both Kortfc and Soath weighted with unparalleled harden and losses the nation suffering from that iooseois g of the bonds of social order which .always follows a great war and from the resulting corruption both in the public and the private life of the peo ple. These, Mr. Chairman, -Constitute the vast field which w must aansv in order to find the path, which will soonest lead onr peiovea country to the highway of peace, of liberty and crosreritv. Pwji tram th shock 6f battle; the ..higher peace of our streets, oi our homes, of . our equal right we must make secure ly making the con quering Mesa cf the war everywhere domi pantnd permaaenL - With ail By-heart t lain 4t) U...nl1 M1. BU..l . The WarairrpbholoBerkndrh battle so ra iaricNt . and I look forward with 5oy and bope to the day when our brave "people, on fa, heart, one in then SBptration for freedom and peace, shall see that the darks ea through whieh are have raveled was part ef that stern but beneficent disci4ine by which the Great Disposer of event ha been lead ing us on to a higher aod nobler national life. But such a re salt can be reached only by eemprekendicg tha whole meanmr of revoiutkm tbrongh which wa hare passed aad an still - passing. I nay -still passing ; for I MfBembar that after the battle of anna come the battle : f history. Tha oaose that triuaoohs in the field doe not always triumph in history. And those who earriod the war for union and equal and universal freedom to a victorious issue can never safely relax their .vigilance until the ideas lor which they fought have become em bodied in the enduring forms of individual and national life. Has this been doatf Hot yet, I ask. the Kentientaa in all plainness of speech -and yet an aii kindatss, he correct in his statement tbat the coaqusred party the results of the war? -JEvenif tney no t remind the gentleman that aeerpt l not 7tr7 troug word. I, go further. I ask him if the Democratio party have a&onttd ui renuu oi tne war : ig it not anting too much of human nature to xpeet such unparalleled 'changes -to be ant nalv . cepted, bat, fat so short a time, adopted 4y men iu wwvug mju uioepcBueDi optulonar The ttaronisma which- arav rim tn tK warovad grew out of. it were not bora in a day, nor eas they vanish in a night Mr, Chairman, g.aat idea travel slowly. ' and for a time, noiselessly as the goes, whos feet were shod with wool. . Our war of independence wa a war of idea, of Ideas evolved out of two- hundredyears of slow -and silent growth. When-. on hundred years ago, our lathers , I announced ai self-evident truths the declara tion that all men are created equal, and the only just power of govemnenta is de- rrvea irons toe consent oi tae governea, they ottered a doctrine that no nation had ever adopted, tbat not one kingdom on tha earth then believed, t et to our tatnert it wa so plain that they would not debate it Thsy announced it a a truth " self- evidesat. j, Whence esune tha immortal truths of the Declaration f To me, this-was, for yean, th riddle of oar history. I have searched long and patiently through the book of the audnnatru to una we germs irom which the Declaration of Independence sprang. I found hints in Locke, in Hobbes, ia Kosseau, and Fenelon ; but they were only the hihta of dreamers' and philoso pnera. 1 he great aoctnnes oi tne Declaration germinated in ' the heart of our - father! "and - wens developed, under the new influences of thin wil derness world, by the - same . subtle mystery which brings forth the rose from the germ of .the rose-tree. Unconsciously to themselves, tne great trutot were grow ing uuder the new conditions until, like Ue century-plant, they blossomed into the matchless beauty of the Declaration of In dependence, whose fruitage, increased aad increasing, we enjoy to-aay. It will not do, Mr. Chairman, to speak of tae gigantic revolution toruugu wnicn we have lately passed aa a thing to ba adjusted and settled by a change of administration. It was cyclical, epochal eestorywide, and tA hAjitnriied in its broad and errand ne. gpective a revolution pf even wider scope, s far aa time is concerned, than the lie vo lution of 1776. We ha re been dealing with elements and lorces which nave been at work on this "continent more than two hundred and fifty years, I trust I shall be exensed if I take a few mo menta to trace some of the lead ing phases of the great struggle. And in doing so, I beg gentlemen to ae that the ssbjoct itself lifts us into a region when the individual sinks out of sight and is ah - serbed in the . mighty current of great events. It is not the occasion to award Draise or nronounce condemnation. Tn sueh a revolution men are like insects, tbat iret ana toss in tne storm, out are swept onward oy tne restless movement ol ele ments beyond their control. I speak of this revolution not to praise the men who aided K, or to censure tne men who resisted it, but as a force to be studied, as date to be obeyed. in tne year lozu there were planted. upon tins continent, two ideas irrecon cilably hostile to each other. Ideas are the great warriors of the world ; and a war that ha no ideas behind it is simply brutality. an . . , , ... ins two raeas were tanaeu, one at nym outh Rook from the Mayflower, and the ) other front a Duteh brig at Jamestown. I XT: s -1 1 . , - - Virginia, t. One was ths old doctrine of Lu ther, that private iadgmentau politics a well as religion, is the. right and duty of every man; and tne otner tnat capital should own laoor, mat tne negro nad no rights of man. hood, and the white man might justly buy, own and sell him and Mb o&prine forever. S?hne fr?fttn And annalirv nn fttiA nn..n and on the other the slavery of one race and the domination of another, were the two germs planted on this continent la our vast expanse of wilderness, for a long time, tnera wa room tor ooui: and their advo cates began the race across the . continent, eacn developing tne social and political in titutions oi their choice. Jttoth had vast Interest in common; and for a long time, neither was conscious of the fatal antago nisms that ware developing. For nearly two centuries there wa no so- nous collision ; but wben the continent be- gau tofUlup.and tbepsopleberan to against each other; when the itoundhead and the Cavalier came near enough to rasas- are opinions, the irreconcilable character of the two doctrines began to appear. Many oonsoientious men studied tne subject, and 1 came to the belief that slavery was a crime, sin, or as Wesley said, ''the turn of all vil lainies." This belief dwelt in small minor ities for a long time. It lived in the church es and vestries, but later found its way into the civil and political organisation of tha country, and finally foand its way into this Chamber. A few brave, clear-sighted, far seeing men announced it here, a little more than a generation ago. A jjredeoessor of mine, Joshua R. Giddings, following the lead ot jonn uuincy Adams ol Massachu setts, almost alone, held up the banner on this floor, and, from year to year, comrades came to hi side.. Through evil and through goon report ne pressed at : question upon the conscience of the nation, and bravely stood in hi place in this House, until his white loc 8, iiKe the plume of Henry of Navarre, showed . where the battle for free dom raged most nercely. . And so the contest continued, the sup porter oi slavery oeiievrag Honestly and sincerely that slavery was divine institu tion; that it found its high sanctions in the living oracle of bod and in a wise political philosophy; that it was justified by the necessities ot their situation: . and that slaveholders were missionaries to the dark sons of Africa, to elevate aad bless them. We are so tar past the passions of that earlv time that we can now study the progress of tne struggle as a great and inevitable development, without sharing in the crim ination and recrimination that attended it ii botn aide eouio nave seen that it wa a contest beyond tieireontrol ; if both parties could have realised the truth that "unsettled questions have no pity for the repose of nation." much less lor the fate of political parties, the bitterness, tne sorrow, the tears, and tne diooq mignt nave oeen avoided. Bet we walked in the darkness, our paths Obseared ey tne smose oi tae connict, each following his own convictions through ever increasing fierceness, until i the debate culminated in " the last argemeat to whieh king resort' . -, , This conflict of opinion was not merely one of sentimental feeling; it involved our whole political system ; it gave rise to two radically different theories of the nature of . - - .V our government: iub oruii ueiieving ana holding that we were a nation, tne Booth insisting that wewere only a confederation of sovereign States, and insisting that eaoh State had the right, at ita own discretion, to break the Union, and constantly threaten ing secession where the full right of slavery wre not acknowledged. , 1 xaas tne aeiense and aggrandizement of slavery and the hatred of abolitionism, bo came not only the central "idea of the Dem- pcratic party, but its master passion ; a pas- aion intensified and inflamed by twenty-five I year of fierce political contest, which had not only driven from its ranks all those who preferred freedom to slavery, but had absorbed all the extreme pro-slavery dements of the fallen Whig party. Over against this waa arrayed the Republican party, asserting the broad doctrines of na tionality and loyalty, insisting that no State had a right to secede, that secession was treason, and demandipg that the institution of slavery should be restricted to the limit of tbe States Where it already existed. But here and there, many bolder and more radi cal thinker declared, with Wendell Phillip, that there never -eoold be union and peace, freedom and prosperity, until we were willing to sea John Hancock under a black skin. That we may tee more clearly tbe opln ioai which were to be settled by war. 1 will read two passage' from tbe Congrtisionoi Globe, not for tbs purpose of making a per sonal point against any man, but simply to show where honest men stood wheu that contest was approaching its crisis. I read front a speech mad on the 19th day of De cember, 189, by th distinguished gentle- i i . 1 I I I l I . ic to the it e it of the held tion that 1867. the shall had law that up tried, to uon and tha cuted wa the to uese tnat never out equal in of above and glared upoa Southern (senators as though fire of teU were burning in his heart. ..'It,.,:.. . roatlelciDusfrniuoi the war in th h !. n tw.t man from Mississippi, fMr. Singleton, then and ifnOa member of this Hoae: Ths South wrll sever submit to that state of 1Aiacs.'-i.taattrs net what evils eenw upon os ; it scatters cot how deep w may hare t wade taroah blood ; we are bound to keep oar slaves in -their presant position. Aad let me ask von. what sood would roa hrina to lbs slaves by this process of abolition? Yon may possibly have Uoohjoat ha view of benefiting ue gun w ucucuuui uw wmi. ikvvtiwis but suDDOse yon could carry out roar plans an coo4ne us to ear present area, and suppose the lastituosa ol slavery stwala obelisk itself, what would you hive done? Ton know it ii impossible for us to live on terms of equality with them. It is not to be supposed for a mo ment that wa caa do so.- The result wonM ha a war between the races, wnica would perhaps involve the utter annihilation of one or th other; and thus you see tbat instead pf bene fiting mthsr roa would hsv brought disaster poa potn. But I tell you here, to-day. that the institn tioa of slavery must be sustained. The Snuih has made aa its mind to kea tne b!uik mm im oonuae. it we are sot pernuttafl to do this iaside of lbs Union, I tell you that it will ba does outside of it. Yes. sir. and we will ex pand this institution i we do net intend te be co aimed within our present limits ; and there are not men enough is all your borders soeree three million armed men in the Santh and prevent their gains into th arronndin wm tones. In the course of that debate, the name gentleman said : .: I ass one of tha who have said, and her repeat it. if the blak Kseublicaa party elsot a rresiaem, i am (or dissolving tne union. I have no donbt the gentleman fairly and faithfully , represented the opinions of his State. Not long before the date of this peecb, it wUl be remembered that two dis- tinguished 'members of the BeDublican party had uttered their opinions on this question. Mr. Linooln bad said, that it was impossible for a eountry to remain partly slave and partly free. And Mr. Seward had said, that there wa an irrepressible eontuot between tne system of free aod slave labor, which could never cease antil one or tne other was wholly overthrown. The Republican party, however, disclaimed nSfat or purpose to interfere with slavery 18 e States; yet they expressed the hope th' the time would come when there should be no slave under our flap. In re- spouse to that particular opinion, the dis- biuwm uvui aimjibhidpi, ijrir. Lamar,) then a member of this House, on tae iou uay ot ueoemoer, isoa, said this: I was apen the floor of tbs 6eoate when your mar. L':ii:. IT k? 1 . f'i pciww, ' iui,ui a, c3waru. sknnonnesa mat siartunr programme ol anti-slavery senti meet and action. And .sir in hi. A ultation he eaalaimed for I beard bim myself tuni u nopea to see tae gay when than would not be ths foot-prmt of a singls slave upon this continent. And when he uttered this atrocious sentiment, his form seemed to dilate, his pale, thin faoa, furrowed fcj the uues ui inougai ana evu pasauins, kind Led with malignant triumph, ana his eye glowed I have read this passare to mark tkn neignt to wnica the auxagonism had risen in 1S59. And this passage enable na to measure the progress he has since made. i mars it nere as one of the notable sign of the time, that the gulf which intervenes between the position then occupied by the EVHNcuiMiuvi, mmmippi ana tne posi tion he OACnnlna tOwfov ill .n A amr, .n waC that it indicate proirees Worthvof all praise. 1 congratulate him and the coun try that, in so abort tune, so great change has been possible. ; jnow last the gentleman if he ia suite sure, as a matter of fact, that the Democrat party, us Boutbern as well as its .Northern wing, have followed his own illustrious and worthy example in the vast progress he has mad since 1859? He assures us that the transformation has been so complete, that ue nuuou can salary tragi an the most pre- party who stood wiih him in 1858. If that true, I rejoice at it with all my heart; but the. gentleman must pardon me it I ask hint assist my wavering faith by some evi- dence, some eonsoling proofs. When did the great transformation take place? Cer tainly not within two years after the deliv ery oi tne speecb l have onoted: for two yean from that time, the contest had risen muea Higher; it - had risen to the point of open, -terrible and determined war. Did the change come . during? the war? O. no: for ia the four terrihln years ending in 1865, every resource of courage and power that the Southern State could muster was employed not only to save slavery but to destroy the Union. So transformation had not occurred in I860. When did it ocearf Aid onr anx ious inquiry, for th nation ought to be anre that the great change has occurred - before can safely trust its destinies to the Dem ooratie party. Did it occur in the first epoch of reconstruction the two years im mediately following the war? During that period the attempt was made to restore cov- ornments in the South on the basis of the White vote. Military control was held pen rally: but the white population of the Southern States were invited to elect their own legislature aad establish provisional governments. , . la the laws, covering a period of two and half years, 1SG5, 1566 and a portion of 1867. enacted by those Legislatures, we ought to find proof of the transformation if had then occurred. What do we find? What we should naturally expect: tbat a people, accustomed to the domination of slavery, re-enacted in almost all of the Southern States, and notably in the State Mississippi and Louisiana, laws limitinr rwtrivuiis; kiw iiuercj im tae ooiored man; vagrant laws and peonage laws. whereby negroes were sold at auction for payment 01 a paltry tax pr line, and in a slavery as real as the slavery of other dava. I believe that this was true sf nearly ail of the Southern States; so that the experiment of allowing the white popula tion of the Sooth to- adiust that very Ques proved a frightful failure; and then it wa th national Congress intervened. They proposed am act i reconstruction, an act wnioh became a uw on . tne zu ei March, .. .. And what was that act? Gentlemen of South, you are too deeply schooled in philosophy to take any umbrage at whai; I now say, for I am dealing only with history. You must know, and certainly do know, that the great body of th nation which had carried the war to triumph and success, knew that the eleven States that opposed the Union, had plunged their people Into crime; a crime set aown is the a law signed by fj-"'''ent Washington at the very top of tf t catalogue of crime; the crime of trer p and all that follows it You certainly a,11 ' that, under law. every man who. voluntarily took arms against tne union, coma nave oeen convicted, and hanged, as a traitor hi country. But I call your . atte: - to the fact that the oonqnering nation said, in this great work of reconstruction, "We will do nothing for re venire, everything for Dermaceat Deace:" you know there never was a trial for treason in this country aunng tne wnoie oi strue-crle nor alter it: no man was exe for treason; no man was tried. There no eipatriation, no exile, no eoufisca tion after the war. The only revenge which conquering: nation gratified was this: In saying to the South "You may oome back your lull place in the union wnen you ao tmngs: loin wiui tne otner sums in putting into the Constitution a provision the national debt snau never oe repudiated; that your rebel war debt shall be paid: and that all men, with regard to race or color, shall stand before the law; not in suffrage, but civil rights; that these great guarantees liberty and public faith shall be Jilted th reach of politioal parties, above a as by mrm or . -2. and to even port the by (Mr. et exists from tae 01 and of had fniml took the ernor aad the things tne the not mony State the that on House the legislation of States, above the legisla tion of Congress, and shall be aet ia tha serene firmament of the ' Constitution, to bine as lights forever and forever. And under that equal sky, under the light of that equal sun, all men, of whatever race or color, shall stand equal before th law." tnat was tn plan of 1 strnetion offered to those who had been in rebellion, offered by s gen erous and brave .nation; and I challenge the world to show an act of equal generos ity to a conquered people. What answer did it meet? By the advice of Andrew Johnson, a bad adviser, backed by the ad vice of the Northern Democracy, a still worse adviser, ten of the eleven States late ly in rebellion contemptuously rejected the plan of reconstruction embraced in the Fourteenth Amendment of the Constitu tion. They would have none ef it; they had been invited by their Northern allies to stand cat, and were told that when the Democracy came into power they should be permitted to come back to their places without guarantees or conditions. This brings us to 1468. Had the transfor mation occurred then? For remember, gentlemen, I am searching for the date of the great transformation similar to that which haa taken place in the gcntlesnaa from Mississippi, We do not and it in 1M8. On the eontrary, in that year, we find Frank P. Blair, of Missouri, writing these words, which a few days after they were written, gave him the nomination for the Vice Pre. ideney on th Democratic ticket: There is but one way to restore government aad ths Constitution; and that is for the Pre-ident-eleot to declare all the aet And the constitutional amendment with them : to declare all these siets Ball and void, compel the army t undo its usurpations at th bouvh aad disperse th carpet-bag fetste governments aad allow the white people to reoriraniie their owa government and eteet senator and Kep resantaUve. Because he wrote-that letter he su inated for Vice President bv the Democrat ic party. Therefore, as late as Jnly, 18, the transformation had not occurred. Had it occurred in 1872? In l7l an1 1872 all the amendments of the had been adopted, against the stubborn rj- , wuuiuc ui toe iormera and southern De mocracy. 1 eau yon to witness that, with the exception of three or four Democratic representatives who voted for the aholitinn of slavery, the three great amendments the Thirteenth, the Fourteenth, ana th Vit. teenth, met the determined and trolled op- pvtnuNivi uie isemucracy or tnis country. m;u ui mc amcnuiaents now so praised by the gentleman, was adopted against tha whole weight of your resistance. Anil tmt year after the adoption of the last amend V V ii piatiormsney " - ' - W .UU VUltl. In 1871 and 1872 occurred throughout the South those dreadful aeenea muicm1 K ftl Ku-hUax organisation, of whieh I will say only this, that a man JacHeprincepi among wjv vciuwrnH u: uie Kia.ve-cr,m mo Mute Be verdy Johnson, who was aent down to defend those who were indie ted for their crimes, neid up his band in horror at the shocking barbarities that had been perpe trated by his client upon negro ciliaena. I rier to tne evidence ot that eminent man, a aafficient proof of the character of that great conspiracy against the freedom of the eolored race. So the transformation had not come in ue days of Ji.a-b.lux of 1871 and 1872. Had it come ia 187J aad the beirmnW nf 1874? Had it come in the State of Missis sippi? tlad it come in one-quarter of the States lately in. rebellion? Here is report uuui n nouunuiiB commitiee OI tnis House, signed by two gentlemen who are still mem bers, Mr. Conger and Mr.Hurlbnt a Biaue a late aa December, 1874, in which were u uisciosea, py innumerable wit nesses, the proof that the white-line orraai- M"vs, n ariueu military organisation formed within the Democratic party, had leagued themselves together to prevent the enjoyment of suffrage and equal rights by me t-uwicu uicu ui uie ooutn. witnont de taining the House to read them now, I will quote two or three paragraphs from Uiat re- part, dated December 14th. 1874. and printed House Document No. 266. 1 it the if THE "WHITE LINE." Ibis rntsnor ormniation hu t ... umcd definitely in th State of Mississippi such precise form and so distinct aaexuunee in tne state 01 iOUMiaaa, but is ungues- tianably an extension into Mississippi of th bit league organisation, whose head quarters are in fiew Orleans. In H'ma county it is sometimes called the "White Line." and bv that nr.ma is famili..) .nntD- 1'by the leading papers of Vicksburg, as well ashy aom of th prominent witnesses before. committee. 11 is also known a 'DeonLe'i elubs;" but in all instances the formation of utiiaDior civu organisation is a companied establishing; within the elubs themselves a wuitAry organisation, oinoereu, equipped and armed. Tba the elubs aad the tax-payers league are opea associations, apparently directed toward objects in which all eitiacas might iawfnily unite, but eon trolled from within by the mili tary aad partisan organisations whose purposes special ana nmawiui. Th purposes of these elubs or white-line companies are these, a they are openly avowed secretly eherishedv Tacy are first te make a census and enroll ment et all toe white men in tne Mate. Tc incorporate into the interior military organisations ail the whites who will join with them. . S. To set aside, by whatever means may be trceessary-, the election of colored men to office, to nullify ia practice the enabling aad en forcement acts ot uongress, granting and en forcing the right of all citiiens, without dis tinction ef color, to hold offices, if properly elected to men. 4. To allow none bnt white men to b elected mce or to bold omce. And how was it about tbe same time and later in other States? Here is a re upon Lonisana, the report from which gentleman quoted, a report that ex hibits the same condition of affairs; signed the gentleman who sits in front of me Hoar.) Although by a minority of the . committee, It is a report of great power and indubitable truth. . I quote from page 18: Th Whits League is an organisation whieh in New Orleans, and contains at least twenty-five hundred to three thousand members, armed, drilled, and officered as a military orsranisation. tlrsanisatioaa bctnif same nam xtna torowgoout many part toe state, . . . . w , the 14th of September. 1874. it arose anon attacked the polio of th city, the pretext the attack boing tn seiture 01 arms which It imported from th North: and having de- thorn with considerable slaua-hter. it posession of th btate House, overthrew Ktata government, and installed a new Gov is office, and kept him in power until th United btate interfered. Ibis ruing .was planned beforehand. ... Tha While Leasue of New Orleans Hself was i a oonstaat meuao to th Kepablisansof whole btate. . We cannot doubt that the effect of allthen was to prevent a lull, ire and lair lec tion: and to intimidate th colored voters aad wnite nepuoticans. So the transformation had not occurred in August, 1874, I come down now to 1875, to late autumn of tbat year, and ask if the transformation had then occurred. I will detain the House by reading the testi cf the cloud of witnesses wnica around me. but will print a few specimens of tha proof, most of them relat ing to the recent State election in Missis sippi. While I say, to the honor of the gentleman from Mississippi, that in bis own he spoke against the organization of White Line, It is unquestionably true he was not supported by a like action the part of tha great mas of hi political associates. With the permission of the I will quote from number ot pa per In his Bute, which say with the ut- if ' and the is and that aad of his a oa toe etch tioa, cf a clubs to r mean rend prises the ba You nam tive ' man. pey, vi W. Calvin Albert nion the th right cur should as other around our most boldness that though Colonel Lamar spoke against the White Line, and though the State convention ignored it, yet back of tha convention, and back of the gentleman himself, the White Line waa formed and carried the election, and intends in the same way to carry the next The following quotations need no comment: [From the Columbus (Mississippi) Index, August, 1875.] Already do we see signs in our State of the good effects of the color line. Prior to its or ganisation there was no harmony or unity of actios among tha whites. Xbe negroes had perfected their race in organisations and were able to control the polities of tbe (State, The whites, after having attempted every scheme to secure an intelligent government and a co operation of the negroes in this behalf, wisely gave it up and determined to organize them selves as a race and meet the issue tbat had presented itself for ten years. Now we receynite the fact that the State is most thoroughly aroused, more harmonious in its astions, and more determined to succeed iu the euming election than it has been since the days of secession. So the grand result of the color line has been accomplished ia organising the white people of the tat and placing them in a position to control the eoming eleotion. No other policy could have effected the result. [From the Shubuta Times.] Call it what you please. Some call it the col or hoe. It looksto us like the white line. It shall be seen who in this emergency can choose to st .pi with the negroes as against the whites. Mark them. [From the Handsborough Democrat.] We are m favorof the color line as a princi ple, a necessity, and a policy- [From the Meridian Mercury.] Rally on the color line, boys, beyond the platform, -evwy man to his color and colors, and make these nro pretenders to govern this great country to oome down, else put 'era down. W hat do the young men say to the eld men's battle-ery in this political campaign, "otep across the platform, boys, and go for 'ess,'1 [From the Forest Register.] The body of the Democratio party will carry thehr colors of the White Line over the ritate. -Sowe of ths auxiliaries in a scout or .bush whacking maneuver may use a mild conserva tive faoe over the hag. but still it will reet on a whit Journal. To the radicals we sar lust superintend your structure ; we will raise our owa fiag aad colors. The Yicksburg Herald, speaking of tbe Stat Democratic convention of August 9, 1875, says: The color line was by eemmon consent ignor ed, ft was only mentioned incidentally, and it was not " kilied -off" either by the speech of Cdlonel Lsmnror by a vote of the convention. The representatives of the people expressed no : opinion on the subject. The convention left each county to manage ita own affair in ita ' own way. Hnulflnii lliA fit. I. Tiamnnrmtln nlaft- form of Augusts, 1875, the Columbus Index say: We stand on the color line, because it hi 1 tacitly indorsed by the platform, and because we believe it to be the only means of redeeming this and other counties from negro rule. Again, from the same paper; Tbe necessities of the Stats of Mississippi re call this injunction and give emphasis to the parallel put none but Democrats in office. We flare gained a great victory bull Kun or Chickamanga. Let us follow it up to th securing of results. Th white people must be welded into on eoaipaet organisation. All differences of opin ion, nU-nenenai aspirations, must be settled within our own organisation, and from its decision there must be no appeal. Otherwise each recurring election produces its disorders. [From the Meridian Mercury.] Our corrcspoadent at Running Water Mills makes his points well. His positions cannot successfully be contradicted. The miserable bunglers who have put the negro in the Consti tution have certainly written themselves down asae all. When we accept "results of the . war" we do not accept the notion of statesmen, but the blunders of unreasoning malice and stupidity, and of eourse we continue to accept cnbT a long as we are compelled to. [From the Jackson Clarion.] ADDeal after anneal has been made in vain to colored people. No more appeals will be made to them. [From the Alabama Examiner.] The Dresent contest Is rather a revolution than a bolitioal eamDaigm it is the rebellion. ' yon see it te apply that term. [From the Forest Register.] In this connection we will state that the men who ally themselves with negroes this conflict need not expect any better late than they: fact is. they will be the first to suffer. the Caucasian can And them at all when trouble comes. In July, 1875, the Raymond Gazette, whose editor is now a member of the legislature. which is published only eight miles from Clinton, where the bloody riot of last September occurred, made this startling de mand f ' - Thtrs ara those who think that the leadera of radical party have carried this system of fraud and falsehood just far enough in Hinds . county, and that the time has come when it . should b stopped peaceaVv if possible, for cibly if necessary. And to tnis end it is pro posed that whenever a radical pow-wow . to be held, the nearest anti-rad-ioal club appoint a coaimitt of ten discreet, intelligent, aod reputable citi zens, fully identified with tbe interests of the neighborhood, aad well known as men of ver acity , ta attend a representatives of the -navers of the neighborhood and the countv. . true friends of the negroes assembled, and whenever the radical speakers proceed to ui&laad the negroes, and. open with falsehoods deceptions and .misrepresentations, the AAinmlttee stop them rixht then and there, and compel them to tell truth or quit the stand. The Clinton riot was the direct outgrowth this demand. What follows? The same fiaper, of date July 26th, 1876, shows that riciou policy ha been renewed in ' Hinds county, as follows : DEMOCRATIC CENSORS. Tha nanntv executive committee of the Dem ocrats aad Conservatives cf Hinds county held meeting at ttaymona tne oueraay, atwnica, motion, it was ordered that each club in cennty appoint a special committee whose business it shall be to attend any and every n,iwi KMtins held in its vicinity, and that of said committees shall report lo its own .ink.nil tnthis executive committee the ac- attendance, aad general tone and temper said meeting. A SYSTEM OF COERCION. -....l Bvatm nf coercion was adopted throughout th t-outh by Democratic and associations agreeing not to employ negroes who voted the Republican ticket, not lease them lands, nor to furnish them with allow them to obtain for themselves any of subsistence. The proofs of this are overwhelming. I from the Chirlruaiv Mestenger a com munication from Bueaa vista, Mississippi: Bnsi Vista. Mississirri. Jannry 1. 1878. Kmvun Mikwixcbr: Tha followins list com th frccomcn that have been reported by member cf th lluena VistaJtmooratio Conservative Club as the one-third mat won id refused to recontrsot for the year lnTrt. arc requested by the club to publish taotr ta to Messenger. A SYSTEM OF COERCION. C. A. M. PULLIMAN. Secretary Baene Vista Democratic Conserva Club. Fred. Crow, Frank William, Bary Holli- John iiom, iKi,rci ai,v.iMt, Jo jnoore, nenry vul"""'. Anderson Williams. Kd. Bramlett. John ruiiiam. Ben. (. "ay nruu, "u. x. .i-i, Tf Mil, VUKSUIDI. tfSKS Walker. Henry woodatd. Lawaon uliim, Huddlestone, Martin Pulliam, l.d. Kyle, Oray. John Buchanan, lan. rands. Conor, . Nathan, Jim Fulliam. pi oasktn. 0115 ruiiiam. jium ws, i. I'eatherston, Shadi Love. Milliard Fields. 'Wcarc not familiar with the names of all leading darkies in Hueaa Vista, but it oc curs to us that many of them do nut appear up nn lint Mint to us. We may not understand the action of the Buena Vista club, but Impression was4nstonenira oi toe labor s'! were to be discharged, and that one-third include such turbulent, vicious rnsrais ' Fred Molntosb, Prise Had die tone, and wh once held high carnival in that sec tion. Let us hav no wiiii:ng the devil th stump,' friend,, but let carry pledge both in spirit and Utter,"