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HOUSTON, January, 1876.
Pursuant to a call of the President, the elub met at t be Court Houea at eleven 'clock h W. S Bate presiding.. On motion of Captain Fran Buraitt, tse fol lowing resolutions were result 1. That we solemnly uecl.ire our pnreose to stand to and abide by our pi --iires made during the canvass, and that we will hold in utter de testation any man claiming to be a conserva tive democrat who by any equivocation shall in the least rioiate the sacred promises made by as previous to the election, either as a elub or individuals. 2. That at no time and under no eirenm stanoee will we employ loose waa era jatawiaa as leaders in the radical party. 3. That we will not employ any laborer who has been discharged by any member of our elub because of his past political oourpe. i. that the member of this elub are requested to send into the secretary the names of all per sons turned off by them under the above reso lutions and that the executive committee of toe county is requested to publish their names. 5. That every other club in the county if n-qdet- to take like action. 6. That oor papers are requested to publish these resolutions and the names of persons sent to them by the executive committee. 7. That colored men are invited to join this '"fbat thu club meet the lirst Saturday in J. B. GLADNEY, Secretary. [From the Okolona (Mississppi) Stats, November 18th, 1875.] ' The radical party of Mississippi contend that intimidation won the white-line victory. It is not the first time, neither wi'.l it be the last time in which intimidation has been euoeesFfuily used. The white men have been iutimidalod in times past, and we wonder whieh has the best of tbe bargain. We are so situated that we are oblisred to fight the devil with fire. Let the white men not be afraid to intimidate evil doers. Intimidation is legitimate, perfectly le gitimate. . , Ex-Governor Benjamin G. Humpries, of Mississippi, made aspeech at a reunion of the Thirteenth Mississippi Confederate In fanta?, at Meridian, on the 22d of Novem ber, 1875, in which he said: We hsve surrendered none of our convictions and still claim the right of vindication. In looking back at our pait actions and I motives, and tbe wrong we have suffered and are still suffering, we confess that we have no regrets far the choice we made between the "hitcher-law license of majorities in the Union and the sa cred security of self-government in the Siatos, between the Federal and Confederate govern ments. We are not conscious of a solitary der eliction of duty, either as eitiiens or soldiers, and feel that truth, reason, and religion excul pate as from wrong doing. We know we were right, and thoutch crushed to earth we should ever remember and teach eur children to re member, our cause was just 1 We are still proud of toe cause and glory in the fight wt made. After the election, the Meridian Merewrg of November 20th, 1875, says : We have to contend with the blunder of the fifteenth amendment while it stands as best we ' can. Ridicnlous appeals to tii reason and judgment of the negro have been the cause of incalculable injury in the inflation of his vanity and making him believe be waa of real consequence as a governing element in the body politic. Now that the negro in this State is down and his personal self-oonoeit well knocked out of him, it is probably a fit time fur the white people to impress upon him that the white people will in future control toe politics of this State, and that he should keep himself in his proper sphere and leave to the intelli gent white man the exclusive use of statecraft for th6 best interest of both races. Impress him continually with the idea of his unfitness for the ballot and his proper plc on election day away from toe polls. i i [Here the hammer fell] 'ine Chairman. The time of the gentleman baa expired. Mr. savage. I more that hi time be ex tended. Air. Hale. I hope that another hour may be given him. Toe Chairman. That will be the effect of an indefinite extension, to whioh the Chair hears no objection. Mr. Gar&eld. I could fill many columns of our Jleeord with evideuoes like thoae above quoted from the gentleman' own State. In the light of this testimony, is it possible for us to believe that the trans formation had occurred in the gentleman' own State in the election of that Legislator that made hiui a Senator? If the testimony of the Democratic press of Mississippi is to be credited, the late elec tion in the State of Mississippi waa tainted with fraud and managed by intimidation unparalleled by anything in our recent po litical history. Let the gentleman explain this striking fact There are many thousand more colored than white voters in Missis sippi. In the election of 1873 the Republi can party had 22,978 majority; in the elec tion last autumn the Democratic party had 30,922. How came this change of more than 53,000, in the short space of two years, if there was a free and uncoerced vole of the electors of that State? The President of the United States has seat to the Senate a letter addressed by him to Governor Chamberlain, under date of July 26th, 1876, from which I read a few words of high official authority, bearing upon' the point I ant no discussing, He says: The scene at Hamburg, as cruel, Moodthirstr, wanton, unprovoked, and as nnculied for as it was, is only a repetition of the course that has been pursued in other Southern States within the last few years, notably in Mississippi aad Louisiana. Mississippi is governed to-day by officials ehosen through fraud aDd violeuoe, such as would scarcely be accredited to sav ages, much less to a civilised and Christian people. How long these things are to eon tin ue or what is to be the final remedy the wraat Kuler of the universe only knows, but I have an abiding faith that the remedy will come, and come speedily, and I earnestly hope that it will oome peacefully. There hag never been a desire on the part of the North to humiliate the South. Nothing is claimed for one Mate that is not freely accorded to all others, unless it may be the right to kill negroes and Republi cans without fear of punisnmeDt and without loss of cacte or reputation. This has seemed to be a privilege elaimed by a few States. But it is aside from my purpose to go in-1 to the question of the validity of the late j election in Mississippi. That subje3t is be- ing investigated by a committee of the Senate, and X shall be surprised, if from the evidence they have taken, the do not 1 concur in the opinion I have expressed. I desire gentlemen to remember that th great question I am discussing is, had the great transformation taken place among j the gentleman's constituent is the late autumn of 1875 ? The answer of hi own. people is over whelmingly in the negative. I now aak, 'had the transformation oc curred in the winter and spring of the present year? I hold in my hand the report of an ad- drese of Rev. Taylor Martin, of Charlotte, North Carolina, the town to which Con gress lately gave a mint building, to be need for school purposes. The address was made on Decoration Day, May 5th, 1876. I quote: The South is to-day ruled over by the miser able thrall of Yankeeuom; but they cannot miuiU oar chivalry -and patriotic devotion to the "lost cause." We have lought for our rihu, but in God's dispensation w are vanquished, but not cowed. Slavery was a aiviue institution, and we must have that institution or the South will ever be bankrupt. Ihey speak of our cause as toe "lost cause." It so, shall it be lost forever? No! a new generation has sprung up, and at a not tar distant aay then will be tan aad bars" Boating proudly over ear sunny Bou.h. la to next political campaign we must, even if in the minority, support a Southern man who will build np our interests and hurl til Yankee pickpockets from our midst. We an t-j-dy united to the puritanical boat by an aruiuiai tie; but we are a distinct people, and (iod and the right will enable us to show to the world the truth aad tae equity of our claim. Our utesuien now in Congress are the cream ef that body, andaretheonly element mat reboots credit on the Uuited States, is it not better to nan on to the "ost cause" than to stay ia a government of oorrupuon f Mr. Yeatea, With the consent of the gen tleman from Ohio, I want to state that I have sees under the signature of the gen tleman from whom he has just quoted a statement denying in Mo every word of what has just been read; and a number of gentlemen who heard the speech certify that the quotation is false in every par ticular. Mr. Garfield. If that be the fact I will cheerful . y strike the extract from my speech. I never before heard iu authenticity denied. Mr. Yeate. There is no doubt of the cor jectaess of my statement. Mr. Garfield. Let the extract and the denial stand together. But, sir, I will quote a recent utterance of public opinion, the authenticity of which I am quite sure no gentleman will deny. They will neither deny the ability nor the prominence cf ! Robert Toombs of Georgia, formerly a Sen a tor aDd a Secretary of the Treasury. On the 25th of January, 1876, he addressed the Legislature of Georgia by invitation; and the following extract from that speech will show how far the trans formation hits taken place in Mm and in his followers: "We got a good tcanv honest fellows into the flrst Legislature, but I will toll you how we rot theut there. I will toll yea the truth. The newspapers won't toll it to yon. We got them there by carrving the black vote, by intimida tion and bribery.and I helped todo it! I would have scorned the people if they had not done it. And I will bay them as long as they put beasts to go to tha baiiot-boxl No man should be given the elective franchise who has not the in telligence to use it properly. The rogue should not have it, for government is made to penish him: tbe foot should not have it. for govern ment is made to take earn of himi Now, these miserable wretches the Yankees have in jected five millions of savaires into the stomach of our body-politic, aud the man who says he accepts negro snffrere, I say, accursed be he! I will accept everything; I will accept Grant and empire before 1 will accept such a Demo crat! The poor, ignorant negro talk of him governing von and me! It takes the highest or der of intellect to govern the people, and these peor wretches talk of governing as! Way, they can't perpetuate their own negro power. In the countries where they were in the majority they did not preeerve their power and perpetu ate their rule. My remedy helped us to break that up. We carried them with us by bribery and intimidation. I advised it and paid my money for i,! Yo all know it, bat won'tsay it. But I wiil say it. fori fear ne man, and ant prepared to render an account to none but the Ureat Judge, before whom I must appear in a few years, for my enemies have thought my Services to my country so great that they have done ma the honor to exclude me from again serving my people. 1 contest that honor With our chief, Mr. Davis. I am just a rod as he is, and he is no bettor than I am. demand that they shall place me beside him. I thank them for itl It is very few things that I have to thank them for, but I do thank them tor mat. In view of the testimony I have offered, we must wait for an answer to the question, when and where did the transformation occur T It occurred long ago in the philo sophical and patriotic heart and mind of the gentleman from Mississippi ; but has it occurred in the majority of the eleven millions who joined with him to destroy the Union, to perpetuate slavery, to defend the cause that is now "lost ? " Had it occurred last week in the town of Meridian, in the gentleman's own State? I quote from the Meridian Mertury of J uly 29th, 187 " - We heard Lamar's Scooba speech, and while his truth to his beloved South, perhaps, flamed out a little more than common we remarked nothing inconsistent with his ether speeches we bad heard or read ef, Tha morning of his arrival here tbe Mercury contained a sharp fling at him about tbe summer oration, and that night at the court house he ventured to chastise us sharply for it in tbe house of our mends and was boisterously applauded, we consoled ourself that th applause might have been more in compliment to the excellence of the oratory than in satisfaction at our castiga tioa. We had our revenge, though, in taking which we inaugurated the policy of the can vass in spite of him which carried the Stato like apruirie on fire. , Re, and others who wanted to dress np in a nice starched and ironed wbita shirt that would hame the bloody shirt, estab lished a laundry at Jackson on the 4th of Au gust, and a great many patronised it and earn out in snowy white fronts to present themselves creditably before tha northern publio senti ment. Xn their party pow-wow of that day, dis regarding the deep under-current of publio opinion, they -declared by formal resolution against the waito-lin policy. - i'hs Alercury bad sounded the depths of that under-current, and we knew it would not do. In heartwelclt with the platform, but our judg ment assured us that tbe eaavase must be lost on it, aad that to practice it were a fatal error. We denounced the platform upon the instant, and took what care we could that Lamar's speeches upon his national reputation should not ruin our canvass. We called, upon the peo ple to "step across th platform" which de named it, and form the White Line beyond it. The summons was mnsio to their ears, and the unconquered and unconquerable Saxon raoeof Mississippi rallied to tu slogan. . We have got the State; we know how we got it; we know how to keep it; and we are going to keep it, withoat regard to race numerical ma jority. Mr. Chairman, after the facta I have cited, am I not warranted in raising a grave doubt whether the transformation occurred at all, except in a few patriotic and philo sophic minds? The light gleams first on the mountain peaks; but shadows and dark ness linger in the valley. It is in the val ley masses of those lately in rebellion that the light of this beautiful philosophy, which I honor, has not penetrated. Is it safer to withhold from the custody and supreme control of the precious treasures of the Republic until the midday sun of liberty. justice and equal law shall shine open mem wiia unciouaea ray i , In view of all the facta, considering the ceuturies of influence that brought on the great straggle, is it not reasonable to suppose that it wilt require vet more time to effect the great transformation ? Did not the dis tinguished gentleman from Massachusetts Mr. Gborgjs F. Hoak sum up the case fairly and truthfully when he said of the Southj'ia his Louisiana report of 1874: Tbey submitted to the national authority, not because tney would, but because they must. They abandoned tbe doctrine at titato sovereign ty, whica tney bad claimed made their duty to their Stales paramount to that due to the nation In catie of counici, aot because they would, bat because ihey must. They submitted to the Con stitutional amend men la, which rendered their former alavea their equals ia all political rights, not because tbey would, but because they must. The passions which led to tha war ti pasatoas whica the war excited, were left untamed and unchecked, except so lar as their exhibition was restrained by the arm oi power. - The gentleman from Mississippi JMr. La KAr says there ia no possibility that the South will again control natioual affairs, if the Jjemocracy Be placed again m power. How is this? We are told that the South will vote as a unit for Tilden and Hendricks. Suppose those gentlemen also carry Kew York and Indiana. Does the gentleman believe that a northern minority of the De mocracy will control the Administration ? Impossible 1 But if they did, would it better the case? . . ' Let me put the question in another form. Suppose, gentlemen of the South, you had won tbe victory in the war; that you had captured Washington, and Gettysburg, and Philadelphia, and New York ; and we of the North, defeated and conquered, had lain prostrate at your feet. Do you believe that by this time you would be ready and willing to entrust to us our Garrisons, our Phillipses, and our Wades, and the great array of those who were the leader of our thought to eutrust us the fruits of your victory, the enforcement of your doctrine of State sovereignty, and the work of ex tending the domain of slavery? Do you think so? And if not, will you not pardon us when we tell you that we are not quite ready to trast the precious results of the nation's victory in your hands ? Let it be constantly borne in mind, that I am not debating a question of equal rights and privilege wiibin the Union, but whether those who so lately sought to destroy it ought to be chosen to control its destiny for the next four years. I hope my public life has given proof that I do not cherish a spirit of malice or bitter ness toward the south, f ernaps tney w. ay I have no right to advise them ; but at the rk of being considered impertinent I will express my conviction that the bane of tbe southern people, for the last twenty-five years, has been that they have trusted the advice of t he Democratic party. '1 he very remedy which the gentleman from Missis sippi Mr. Lamas offers for the ill of his people, has been and still is their baoe. The Democratic party ha been tbe evil genius of the South in all these yean. They yielded their own conscience to you on the slavery question, and led yon to believe thai the North would always yield. They made you believe that we would not fight to save the Onion. They made yon believe that if we ever dared to cross the Potomac or the Ohio to put down your rebellion we could only do so across the dead bodies of many hundred thousands of Northern Democrat. They made you believe that the war would begin in the street of our Northern cities; that we were a eommniity of ahop-keepera, of sordid money-getters, and would not stand against your fiery Chivalry-. " Yon thought us cold, alow, lethargic; and in some respects we are. There are some dif ferences between as that spring from lOrigm and influences of climate differences not unlike the description of the poet, that , Bright and fierce and tick! is the Sooth: AjuI dark and true and Under ia the North, differences that kept us from a good nnder landing. 1 - Yon thought that our coldness, our slow d ess.. indicated s lack of spirit and of pa triotism, and yon were encouraged in that belief by most of the Northern Democracy; but not by all. They - wanted you at Charleston in I860. And when the great hour struck, there were many noble Democrats ia the North, who lifted the Sag of the Union far above the flag of party ; but there was a residuum of Democracy, called in the slang of the time "copperheads," who were your evil genius from the beginning of the war till it close, and ever since. Some oi them gat in these seats, and never rejoiced when we won a victory, and never grieved when we lost one. They were the men who sent their Vallaudigbams to give counsel and en couragement to your rebellion and to buoy you up with false hope, that at last yon would conquer by the aid of their treachery. I honor, you gentlemen of the 8outh, ten thousand times more than I honor such Democrat of the North. I said they where your evil genius. Why, in 1861, when we were almost at the cul minating point of the war, their Vallandig hams aud Tiidens (and both of these men were on tbe committee of resolutions) attered the declaration, as the voice of the Democra cy, that the experiment of war to preserve me union was a iailure and that nostuities should cease. They asked ns to sound the recall on our bugles, to call our conquering armies back from the contest, and trust to their machination to save their party at the expense of a broken and ruined country. Brave soldiers of the lost cause, did you not, even in that hour of peril, ia your heart of hearts loathe them with supremest scorn ? But for their treachery at Chicago, the war might have ended and a hendred thousand precious lives been saved. But your evil genius pursued you, and the war went on. And later, when you would have accepted the constitutional amendment and restoration without universal sufierage, the same evil genius held you back. In 1868 it still deceived you. In 1872 it led yon into A gulf profound as that 8erbonlaa bog . Betwixt Dam lata and Mount Caslua old. When armies whole have sunk. Let not -the eloquence of the gentleman from Mississippi Mr. Lamar lure you again to its brink. Mr. Chairman, it is bow time to inquire as to the fitness of this Democratic party to take control of our great nation and its vast and important interests for the next font years. I put the question to the gentleman from Mississippi Mr. Lamar what has the Democratic party done to merit that great trust ? fie tried to shiw in what respects it would not be dangerous. I ask him to show in what it would be safe. I affirm, and I believe I do not misrepresent the -great Democratic party, that in the last sixteen years they have not advanced one great national idea that is not to-day exploded and as dead as Julius Caesar. And if any Demo crat here will rise and name a great nation al doctrine hi party has advanced, within that time, that ia now alive and believed in, I will yield to hear him. A pause. Ia default of an answer, I will attempt to prove my negative. l What were the great central doctrines of the Democratic party in the presidential struggle of 1860 ? The follower of Breck enridge said slavery had a right to go wher ever the Constitution goes. Do you believe that to-day? And is there a man on this continent that holds that doctrine to day,? Not one. That doctrine is dead and buried. The other wing of the Democracy held that slavery might be established in the Territories if the people wanted it. Does anybody brld that doctrine to-day ? Dead, absolutely dead I Come down to 1864. Your party, under the lead of Tilden and Yallandigham, de clared the experiment of war to save the Union was a failure.- Do yon believe that doctrine to-day ? That doctrine was shot to death by the gum of Farragut at Mobile, and driven, in a tempest of fire, from the valley of the Shenandoah, by Sheridan less than a month after its birth at Chicago. - Come down to 1868. You declared the constitutional amendment revolutionary and void. Does any man on this floor say so to day ? If so, let him rise and declare it. v - Do you believe in the doctrine of the Broadhead letter of 1863, that the so-called constitutional amendments should be dis regarded? No; the gentleman from Mis sissippi accepts the results of the war 1 The Democratic doctrine of 1863 is dead 1 I walk across that Democratic camping ground as in a grave-yard. Under my feet resound the hollow echoes of the dead. There lies slavery, a black marble column at the head of its grave, on which I read : Died in the flames of the civil war ; loved in it life ; lamented in its death ; followed to its bier by its only mourner, the Demo cratic party, but dead I And here is a double grave & Sacred to the memory of squatter soverignty. Died in the campaign of 1860. On the reverse side : Sacred to the memory of Dred Scott and the Breckinridge doctrine. Both dead at the hands of Abraham Lincoln i And here a monument of brimstone : Sacred to the memory of the rebellion ; the war against it is a failure ; Tilden et VaHandighamfuxrv.nl, A. D. 1861. Dead on the field of battle ; shot to death by the million gun of the Republic Tbe doc trine of secession ; of State sovereignity. Dead. Expired in the flames of civil war, amid the biasing rafter of the confederacy, except that the modern JBneas, fleeing out of the flames of that ruin, bear on his back another Ancbwea of State sovereignty, and brings it here in tb' ' Ton of the honorable eentlemen from ' J ' wmattox district of Virginia, Mr. i. Laughter. All else is dead. , . Now, geutleaicn, are you sad, are you sorry for these deaths ? Are you not glad that secession is dead ? that slavery is dead? that squatter soverignity is dead ? that the doctrine of the failure of the war is dead ? Then you are glad that you were outvoted in 1860, in 1861, in 18S8, and in 18'. 2. If yon have tears to shed over these losses, shed them in the grave-vard, but not in this House of livintr men, I know that many a southern man rejoices that these issues are dead. The gentleman from Mississippi Mr. Lama ha clothed his joy with elo quence. Now, gentleman, If Ton yourselves are glad that you have suffered defeat during tbe last sixteen years, will you not be equally glad when you suffer defeat next November? Laughter. -But pardon that remark ; I regret it ; I would use no bra vado. Now, gentlemen, come with me for a mo ment into the camp of the Republican party and review its career. Our central doctrine in 1860 was that slavery should never ex tend itself over another mot of American soiL Is that doctrine dead T It is folded away like a victorious banner ; its. truth is alive forevermore on this continent. In 1864 we declared that we would put down the rebellion and secession.'" And that doctrine lives and will live when the second Centen nial has arrived! Freedom, national, uni versal, and perpetual our great constitu tional amendments, are they alive or dead ? Alive, thank the God that shields both liberty and Union. And our national erediU saved from theassaults of Pendleton; saved from the assaults of those who struck it later, rising higher aad higher at home and abroad; and only now in doubt lest its chief, its only enemy, the Democracy should triumph in November. Mr. Chairman, ought the Bepublican party to surrender its truncheon of command to the Democracy ? The gentleman from Missis sippi says, if this were England, the minis try would go out in twenty-four hours with such a state of things as we have here. ' Ah, yes ! that is an ordinary case of change of administration. But if this were England, what would she have done at the end of the war? England made one such mistake a tbe eentleman ask thia country to make, when she threw away the achievements of the grandest man that ever trod her high way of power. Oliver Cromwell had over turned the throne of despotic power and had lifted his country to a place of master ful greatness among the nations of the earth ; and when, after his death, his great scepter wag trAnsferred to a weak though not unlenial hand, his country, in a mo ment of reactionary blindness, brought back the Stnarts. England did not recover from that folly until, in 1689, the Prince of Orange drove from her island the last of that weak and wicked line. Did she after ward repeat the blunder. For more than fifty years, pretenders were seeking the throne ; and the wars on her coast, in Scotland and in Ireland, threaten ed the overthrow of the new dynasty and the disruption of the empire. But the solid phlegm, the magnificent pluck, the round about common sense of the Englishmen steadied the throne till the cause of the Stuarts was dead. They did not change as soon as the battle waa over and let the Stnarts come back to power. And how was it in our own country, when our fathers had triumphed in the war of the Revolution ? When the victory was won, did they open their arms to the loyal ists, as they called themselves, or tories, as our fathers called them ? Did they invite them bacxT not one. Ihey confiscated their lands. The States passed decrees that no tory should live on our sou. And when they were too poor to take themselves away, our fathers, burdened as the young nation was with debt, raised the money to transport the tories beyond seas or across the Canada border. 1 hey went to England, to France, to Novia Scotia, to New ;Brunswick. and especia'ly to Halifax; and that town was such a reso't for them, that it became the swear-word of our boyhood. " Go to Hali fax " was a substitute for a more impious, but not more opprobrious expression. The presence ot tories made it opprobrious. Now I do not refer to this as an example which we ought to follow. O, no. We live in a milder era, in an age softened by the more genial influence of Christian civiliza tion. Witness the sixty-one men who fought against us in the late war, and who are sitting in this and the other Chamber of Congress, livery one of them is here be cause a magnanimous cation freely voted that tbey might come; and they are welcome. Only please do not say that you are just now especially fitted to rule the Republic, and to be the apostles of liberty and of uessings to the colored race. Gentlemen, the North has been asked, these many years, to regard the sensibilities of the South. We have been told that you were brave and sensitive men, and that we ought not to throw fire-brands among you. Most of our people have treated you with justice and magnanimity. In some things we have given you just cause for complaint; but I want to remind you that the North also has sensibilaties to be regarded. The ideas which they cherished, and for which they fought, triumphed in the highest court, the court of last resort, the field of battle. Our people intend to abide by that verdict and to enforce the mandate. They rejoice at ever) evidence of acquiescence. They look forward to the day when the dis tinctions of North and South shall have melted away in the grander sentiment of nationality. But they do not think it is yet safe to place the control of this great work in your hands. In the hands of some of you they would be safe, perfectly safe : but to the hands of the United South, joined with the most reactionary elements of the northern democracy, our people will not yet surrender the Government. I am aware that there ia a general dis position ''to let by-gones be by-gones," and to judge of Iparties and of men, not by what they have been, but what they are and what they propose. That view is partly just and party er roneous. It is just and wise to bury resent ments and aniinuities. It is erroneous in this, that parties have, .organic life ti spirit of their own ''ani i-Jdunyljiallty and character which outlive the men who com pose them ; and the spirit and traditions of a party should be considered in determin ing their fitness for managing the affairs of a nation, ror this purpose 1 have reviewed the history of the democratic party. I have no dieposition nor would it be just to shield the Republican party from fair and searching criticism. It has been called to meet questions novel and most difficult. It has made many mistakes. It has stumbled and blundered ; has had some bad men in it ; has saffered from the corruptions inci dent to the period following a great war; and it has suffered rebuke and partial de feat in consequence. But has it been singu lar and alone in these respects ? With all its faults, I fearlessly challenge gentlemen to compare it with any party known to our politics. Has the gentleman shown that the Democratic party is its superior either in virtue or intelligence ? Gentlemen, the country has been testing your qualities dur ing the last eight months. The ' people gave yon a probationary trial by putting you in control of this House. When you came here in December last, the same dis tinguished gentleman to whom I am reply ing, addressed you on the evening of your first caucus in these words ; There has been for some tlmtln th pnblio mlud a conviction profound and all-pervading that the civil service of the country has not been directed from consideration of publio food, but from those of party profit, and lor corrupt, sel nsh, and nnpatiiotlo designs. Tha people de mand at our hand a sweeping and thorough re form, which shall be oonduotad in a spirit that win avcare the appointment to places of trust and responsibility of the honest, the expert an oed. and lik capable. " That is cound doctrine ; and I have ad vocated here and elsewhere and during the last eight years. I remind him that the pernicious doctrine that "to the victor be long th spoils," is of Democratia origin ; that nearly half s century of Democratic tradition and practice hag fastened upon the country. We found it, and have been cursed by it ever since ; and though some effort have been made to reform it, the good work is hardly begun. When, there fore, the gentleman from Mississippi, Mr. Lama, as chairman of the Democratic caucua, at the opening of the session, an nounced the doctrine I have quoted, we had reason to hope that a new era of civil ser vice had dawned upon the Capitol. But what performance has followed his high sounding proclamation? No sooner did this reforming party take possession of this House, than it began the most wholesale, sweeping changes of officials from the high est to the humblest employees of the House, that has been known in our history. Many of these officers had come to us from our Democratic predecessors; but they were almost all dismissed to give place to hungry partiasM " 8irtv-eTen Union soldiers, who were nuthfully loins; their duties here, were turned out, and among those who filled their nlaee were fbrtyevea rebel soldier. Mr. WILLIS. May I inquire of the gentleman how many Union soldiers were put in office? Mr. GARFIELD. I do not know the precise number. ... Mr. WILLIS. If the gentleman will in stitute a comparison he will find that it k decidedly favorable to the Democraticparty so far as patriotism and favoritism to Union soldier is concerned. Mr. GARFIELD. . The facts do not bear the gentleman out in his statement. This is the practice which followed your pro fessions of civil service reform. Mr. HOLM AN. As a matter of justice and fair play the gentleman from Ohio cer tainly knows and should admit that a large number of disabled soldier whe are Repub licans are still holding offices in this House. Mr. CONGER. I object to the gentle man from Indiana iuterrupting the gentle man from Ohio. Let the gentlemen oppo site give our side an opportunity to be heard for once. . Mr. GARFIELD. I am almost through and will soon yield the floor. In answer to the gentleman from Indi ana,! understand that a considerable num ber of Democratic Union soldiers were appointed ; but I was discussing civil-service reform and the' declaration of the gentleman from Mississippi Mr. Lakas that appointments to office shoutd not be used as party rewards. I desire to glance for a moment now at the career of this House at what they have done and ommitted to do. Passing by their treatment of contested election cases, their appointment of officers, employees, and committee-clerks who have reflected no credit upon the House, I desire to ask what valuable work of general legislation has this House accomplished ? We had hardly been here a month, when, among the first things demanded was that, in disregard of the deep feelings of tbe northern people, it was proposed to crown Jefferson Davis with full and free amnesty, notwithstanding he had contemptuously declared he never would ask for it; and this was to be done, or no amnesty was to be granted to any one. And when we ob jected because he was the author of the un utterable atrocities of Libby and Anderson ville prisons, the debate which followed disclosed the spirit and temper of the domi nant party. We were hardly in. our seats when the gentleman from Virginia Mr. Tuckxk brought in a bill to repeal a statute of 1866 which no Democrat had before that pro posed to disturb, so far as ' I know ; a sta tute which provided that no man who voluntarily went into the rebellion against the Union should ever hold commission in our Army or Navy. And a Democrat from my own State, Mr. Baunimo, the chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs became the champion of that bill ; and this House passed it Again, we had passed a law to protect the sanctity and safety of tbe ballot in national elections, so that the horrors of the Ku Klux and tbe white-liniam should not run riot at the polls, and among the earliest acts of this House was a clause added to one of the approbation bills te repeal the election law ; and to effect that repeal they kept up the struggle lately under the fierce rays of the dog-star. Ihey have been compelled by a Republican Senate ' to abandon the attempt. Again, what have they neglected ? Early in the session, indeed in the first days of it, a proposition was made, introduced by the gentleman from Maine, TMr. Blai , so to amend the Constitution as to remove for ever from the party politics of the country the vexed and dangerous questions of church and state by preventiag the use of the school funds for secterian purposes. That amend ment was sent to the Committee on the Judiciary to sleep, perhaps to die ; for it is said to have been three times voted down in thai committee ... Again, the Secretary of the Treasury officially informed us that his power was exhausted further to refund the debt ; and that if we would give him the requsite au thority he could refund four or five hundred millions more at so favorable s rate as to save to the Treasury at least 1 per cent, per annum of the whole amount The Senate passed the.bill more than six month sago, but this House has taken no action upon it. Our revenues have been threatened with a deficit and our industries have been shaken with alarm by bills reported to the House but never been brought to a vote; for exam ple, the tariff bill, floating lazily upon the stagnant waters of the House. it. it 1 of As idle as a painted ship , Upon a painted ocean. . , a promise to free-traders, a threat of danger to manufacturers, but with no prospect or purpose of acting upon it. - And the Government has been crippled by the withholding of necessary appropria tions ; withheld, as I do not hesitate to say, for the purpose of making political capital at the coming election, in which the gentle man from Mississippi desires his party to succeed in the name of honesty and reform. His colleague was frank enough to, declare that he wanted to reduce the general appro priations, so ss to have money enough to devote to some scheme for his section, such as the cotton claims and the Southern Pa cific Railroad. But party necessity has held many wait ing scheme and claims in leash. They are anchored in the lobbies and committee rooms of this House till the election is over. There is the bill to rei'nnd the cotton tax to tbe amount of $60,01)0,000, waiting to be launched, when the election is over. A subsidy of a hundred millions upstairs 'racinc railroad committee-room ) is wait ing to oome down upon us for the So a Pad Be Railroad, when the election i Ser. There are $38,000,000 of private -jlaims, southern claims, war ' claims, waiting to burst up from the committee-rooms below stairs, when tbe election Is over. While these things surround ua; while the very earth shakes with the tramp of tbe advancing army of schemers, who are coming "with the Constitution and an ap propriation," the gentleman from Missis sippi thinks that as a measure of reform the Democratic party ought ' at once to be brought back into power I Meanwhile what has been the chief em ployment of this House ? It has divided itself in a score of police courts, in the hope of finding corruption. Like thoae insects that feed upon sores, it has hoped to live and thrive upon tha : corruption of others. Like that scavenger of th air, the carrion bird that buries iu beak In the rot ton carcass, so the Democratic party seek to fatten on the refuse which is here and there thrown out of the publio service. This House ha adopted eighty-three res olutions of inveatiiration. beside legion of resolutions of inquiry of 1 the several Departments. Twenty-fire standing com mittees and eight select committees, up to 80th of June, in all thirty -th-ee com mittees, have been raking all the alums of the nation, to find, if possible, some savory morsel with which to impregnate the air during the coming election. ' And -what have they found? Has any -one of these committees found that a single dollar has been stolen from the Treasury of the United States ? If so. let them declare Why, sir, the Republican party tor the last three year has been investigation ia . own administration far more effectually than you have investigated it It has had nnt oniy tne courage of its opinions, but the courage to punish its owe rascals. Hat, gentlemen, alter all that mav bs I said of corruptions and wrong doing, do you snow, on mat ground, any good reason why the Republican party should surrender the Government to Democracy ? Would it better ? It is a matter uf official record that the Treasury suffered a far greater per centage of loss, by migmanxgement and ; defalcation, under your administration than has suffered under ours. - ' In an official letter to the Senate, under date of June 19, 1876, the Secretary of the Treasury copies from his records the aggre- , gate losses by defalcations and toe loss per 1,000 in each period of four years since 834 in all the Departments and Bureaus of the Government Without quoting the table at length, the grand aggregate stands thus: From January 1, 1834, to July 1, 1861, the total disbursements of the Government were $1,369,97702 52; the total defalca tions were $12,361,722.91; or a loss of $9 03 , to the $1,000. From July 1, 1861, to July 1, 1375, tbe totaldisbursementwere$12,666,892 669.63; the total defalcations were $9,905,206.37; or a loss of twenty-six cents to the $1,000. In the latter period the disbursements were nearly ten times as great as in the former, and the defalcations one-third less. Is this country so given over to corrup tion as the gentleman from Mississippi suggests ? I will answer by quoting two . distinguished witnesses. Iu his able speech on the impeachment trial, one of the Dem ocratic managers, the gentleman from New ' " York, Mr. Lord, said: Senators. I am one of those who believe In pro- t gross. 1 belleva that this age ia the best saje which the sun has ever shewn upon: I believe there is more of religion, more of humanity, -more of love, mare of charity in thia at loan ia aay age that has preceded It. a There Is now a higher and healthier sentiment than In any former age. Men are held to omelal responsibilities now. thank: od, that they never -were before. The time has been In th recollec tion of many of yon when a person thought he . had a right to use his official position for his own advantage; but that time baa gone by, and a good deal of what we see and hear which leads a great ' many so mournfully to aay that the age 1 going ; backward and we are receding to barbarism, very much which occasions the apparent Increase of wrong arises from the higher demands of a greater civilisation, front the higher plan of aa enlightened people. Now, I ask the Clerk to read a paragraph which I have marked from the centennial address of Rev. Dr. Storrs, a man fit to be the teacher of his race. The Clerk read as follows : I scout the thought that we aa a people are . worse than our fathers. John Adams, at the head the War Department 1776, wrote bitter laments of tha corruption which existed in even that in fant age of th Republic, and of the spirit of venality, rapacious and insatiable, which was ' then tbe most alarming enemy ot Amerioa. Ha declared himself ashamed ol the age in whieh ha lived. - In Jefferson's day ail Federalist expect ed the universal dominion of French Infidelity. Ia Jackson's day all Whigs thought the ewontry gone to ruin already, aa if air. Biddi had had the eatire public hop locked np in tha vaults of his terminated bank. In Polk's day tbe exdtemenia of tha atexiean war gave life and germination te many seeds of rascality. There never haa been a -time, not here alone. In aay eoaatry, whan the fierce light oi inoeaaaat Inquiry blaaing on aaea ; in public life would net have revealed forces of evil like those w have seen, or when tha con demnation which followed the discovery would have been sharper. And it ia among my deepest convictions, that, with all whleu has happened to debase and debauch it, the nation at large waa never before mora mentally vigorous or morally sound. Mr. GARFIELD. Now, Mr. Chairman, after all the fearful corruption of his time described by John Adams, our fathers never thought it necessary to call the tories back to take charge of their newly-gained liber ties. I will close by calling your attention again to the great problem before us. Over this vast . horizon of interests North and South, above . all party prejudices and personal wrong doing, above oor battle hosts and our victo rious cause, above all that we hoped for Land won, or you hoped for and lost, is the - grand, onward movement ot the itepnoue to perpetuate its glory, to save liberty alive, to preserve exact and equal justice to all, to protect and foster all these priceless princi plea, until they shall have cry stalized into the . form of enduring law, and become in wrought into the life and the habits of our people. And, until these great results are accom plished, it is not safe to take one step -backward. It is still more unsafe to trust interests of such measureless value in the ; hands of an organization whose members ' have never comprehended their epoch, , have never been in sympathy with its great movements, who have resisted every step of its progress, and whose principal function has been ft To Ue In cold obstruction across the pathway of the nation. . It is most unsafe of all to trust that or ganization, when for the first time since the ' war, it puts forward for the first and second . place of honor and command, men who in our . days of greatest danger esteemed party above country, and felt not one throb of patriotic ardor for the triumph of the imperiled Union, but from the beginning to the end hated the war, and hated those who carried 1 our eagles to victory. No, no, gentlemen Y our enlightened and patriotic people will not follow such lead- . era in their rearward march. . Their myriad faces are turned the other way; and along , their serried lines, still rings the cheering cry, "Forward 1" till our great work is fully and worthily done. Loud and continued -applause. t turnt slim voim evo the last cannibal feast was held in Kandavu, on of the Fiji Islands, xne remains ui me pita in wuicn the bodies were burned are still to be seen, .. UA KTMiaiprnftn1' at tha hannnpt ia not only alive, out nas tne nonor to represent, . on the island, in an official capacity, Her Majesty Queen Victoria. We regret that no journal of that period has preserved a record of the speeches that were made and the songs that were chanted on th ooca--ion, but we doubt not that "the feast of reason," which took place, was accompa nied with all the hilarity that was uitable. : .i-i . . . Somebody started a ailly story that the President, through his friends, intended to ask Congress to pension him in the sum of $10,000 a year after the fourth oi March . next. It was thought important enough to be pointed out to him, and he pro- 1 nounoed it ridiculous. He also contra dicted the report that he had lost money, and said that, with an insignificant excep- ; tion, he possesses all the property which he had when he because President. Oiav einnaii Commemaf. . Bret Harte' popularity in Germany seems well attested by the fact that four different German translations of "Gabriel Conroy" are announced for appearance there alinoet simultaneously.