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The British Labor Movement.
By Felix Morley, Final Article-Agricultural Unionism LONDON. One of the outstanding and most significant features of the British Labor Movement today i. tke S and unanimity with wh.cn agri cultural laborers are now. lining up side bv side with the iadutsnal pro eta. at Close to 400,000, ar nearly f fty per cent of all the -rai work ,u Grea Britain are now or""" It "r wnrkin in their behalf a me T -mfltfiv double tl aVAtthe end of 1917 only about 100,000 agricultural laborers were f oDiZli striking than increase of membership, and to a growing extent bound up with it, is the birth of bo 52ic spirit among the farm hands. A few years, and even months ago, all that the downtrodden agricultural workers of Great Britain thought Tbout WA1 an increase of wages which would enable there to sustain i thci. families on a standard of moderate comfort and decency. Today commun istic sentiment is a rea factor and spreading rapidly. Particularly in Scot land the demand for nationalization of the land is too strong to be longer ignored by the government. To understand this situation it i necessary to appreciate the present land system in Great Britain, a land system which is more medieval and intolerable than that of any other elviliMd state. Tt is fact, the reeog- nition ot wnicn is py "" lined to labor circles, im p of the English agricultural laborer -o- dtv is in one vital respect worse than of William t ne :t ....... nrimr the reiim Conqueror, over eight hundred years ago. In the year 1085 less than ten I- 'iL. '.. !;. i(tr!piiltiir.il ent. or me xjii8" -- .tion were completely divorced from land tenure. Today, at a per man. "Hook-worm diseas, anemia etc. i,nlf nf this same population are landless laborers not only with no chance whatever of achiving land ownership but even without any hope f o,ivnnfin from an economic and so cial position which is closely akin to that of the feudal serf. And while it ii most marked in the case of the agri cultural laborer the injustice of the English land system does not een duu with him. A great majority of the so called farmers, who employ tins labor, , nnlv tenant farmers subject to the autocratic control of a tiny minority of landowners -who exact tribute from every tenant and rareiy interest selves in practical farming. A few figures will make the situa inn clearer. There are at the present time aomefing over 600,000 agncul ni lnhnrors of various types in En? land and Wales. There are something under 300,000 farmers and live-stock raisers, almost all of them tenants on other peoples' property. There are i. t virion lnrcro landowners who in the aggregate own eighty per cent of n !. lund in England and Wales, -xact heavy rents from those who till it and give hunting and shooting par ties for their friends in return. That, in a nutshell, is the reason of the pros " rI1t agricultural unrets in Great Bri tain and the reason why "Hodge", as the farm laborer is called is now joining in with the labor movement in 'tens of thousands. Less than two per cent nf those who make their livine off the land own eighty per cent, of that land and in spite of possesing give little or no service in return. The first phase of the farm labor movement in England beg in 18:53 and is now ending. It was the phase, familiar in all industrial history, in which the serf class in its blind strug gle for something more than a bare subsistence found itself opposed by an nllinnce of the middle and upper clas ses. In this case it was the struggle of the unaided farm laborer against nn all-powerful combination of tenant firmora and landlords. The second nh;i.p nromises to be very much short pt than the first and may end in the nationalization of the land in Great Britain. It will be characterized by a fighting alliance of the tenant farm ers and their laborers on the one side as oppceed to the parasitic landlord clans on the other. This alliance is al ready in working operation in Scot land and is beginning to le iormeu in parts of England. Its watchword every whoTP is "nationalize the land." While the first agricultural laborers union WM launched in England in 1S33 it wan many years before organization Vegan to make tangible headway. The chief reason for initial delays was the prompt action of the government, com posed largely of "land gentry," in launching methods of terrorism against a movement in which they rightly say contain elements of dnnger to their comfortable position. It is interesting to note that the methods used in England then were very closely akin to those which seem to be popular in .another great, English speaking De mocracy today. The "cause of. the founding of the union was a warning by the farmers that the current waces of seven still lings ($1.75) a week would shortly be reduced to six ehillings ($1.50). The action nf the e-ovcrnment wns to throw the nix "evil-disposed" officers nf this labor fledgling into jail nnn u ruj afterwards to deport them to Australia. There Is not anace here to discuss the long, up and down struggle for organization which characterised the history of English agricultural labor from 1833 until the late war. m tnc main those efforts were unsuccessful at best the farm worker was difficult to oraranire nn isolnted individual, tin able to loin his fellows in association ai easily as the city worker. Add to this the fact that the ambitious among the agricultural workers migrated to industrial centers, that those who re mained were hampered by the lethargy of Ingorance, aiid that oppression of every sort was brought to bear upon the agricultural unions, and It Is not surprising that August 1014 found the farm workers In a poclal position as dcb-ised as ever and drawing an avdr f wage in England nnd Walls of just sixteen shillings (I4.O0V a week. Two factors have changed this situa tion almost overnight and account for the strong position of the agricultural May. The flrat of these is the on- 4..-.. tk. U rV,m' Union t n mnxt powerful organisation In England eater ,u disagreement with the statement ing oniy to unskilled and casual labor, into the field of agricultural organiza tion. The second factor is found in the passage of the Wheat Production Act, forced through parliament largely by virtue of German U-boat pressure in August 1917. When the English agricultural labor er built up his own union he would Ftart with an organization of a dozen or so members and a capital of a few dollars. Growth was slow and the first effort to ameliorate conditions brought pressure from the farmers and land lords. Generally resulting in collapse. When the Workers' Union organized a special branch for agricultural labor it started with a membership of a quarter of a million and a bank ac count of several hundred thousand dol lnm Merely bv fillinff out his member s iip card in the Workers' Union the farmworker found himself linked up with the industrial strength of organ ized urban labor. This one step brought his ultimate emancipation nearer than eighty years of effort at independent organization had done. One of the reasons which led the Workers' Union to organize the farm laborers, as told me by George Dallas in charge of the agricultural organiza tlon work, was the problem of having discontented or striking farm workers come to the cities and undercut the un skilled labor there. The reverse of this as also true; time and again where r.griculturnl laborers would attempt a strike against an unfair landlord or tanner the latter would bring in un employed from the cities to defeat the move. By successfully invading the agricultural field the Workers' Union has effectively protected both its rural ind citv members from scabbing of this sort, and tremendously strengtened the industrial power of both units It is note-worthv that the industrial organisers of the Workers' Union have been phenominally successful in lining up the farmhands as union members. The importance to the movement of the other factor of success the Wheat J'ro iluctiou Act, is found in its clause set ting up representative committees throughout the country for the con sideration of production, wages and other agricultural problems. On these committees the farm workers have an equal representation with the farmer-;, which meant in the first place a gov ernmental endorsement of the agri cultural workers' union as the only bodies able to elect farm laborers' representatives. Beyond this, however the power which they exert on these committee have taught the farm labor ers and farmers to cooperate and to look forward to the time when agri culture will be a socialized industry free from land-lord control. At every recent conference of farm laborers, delegates from everv county in E.igland have recorded the opinion that "no adequate solution of the rural problem is possible so long as tne land is privately owned." In ad dition a minimum wage, "adequate tc promote efficiency" has been estab lished throughout England and Wales by the Wheat Production Ac.t. Last spring this mTnimum was established' for adult male farm workers at the ridiculously inadequate figure of thirty shillings a week for six day week of fifty-lour hours in summer and fifty hours in winter. The Workers' Union has achieve! the most remarkable success in organ izing the agricultural workers, and is of particular interest because of Its successful combination of farm and in dnstrial worker. It is not, however, at present numerally the most impor tant of the rural unions. The Acricui tural Laborers' Union, successfully re organized out of previous failures in l!)12, :s entirely of, by and for the farm workers, and has an enviable record of successes accomplished both by peaceful negotiation and, where riegotiations were spurned, bv strikes In the county of Norfolk this union now exerts such power that no farmer will take on n "hand" unless the lnt er can show his union carr1. The A. L. U. now claims a membership of some thing over 200,000, nnd is growing steadily. The agricultural section nf the Workers' Union numbers 150,000 an! is also increasing. In spite of a certain amount of rivalry there is a close executive har mony between these two bodies. Both are cooperating on the immediate nim of Pritish agricultural labor a basij 48 hour week with n minimum wage of fifty shillings provisions which are likely to be forced through the forth coming Parliament. Roth ore urging their member to vote tke labor ticket end strengthen their political as well ns their industrial position, the results of which propaganda are now seen in every by-election in agricultural dis tricts. The rapid emancipation of the agri cultural workers, nnd the crowing co operation between him and the farmer ngainst the nbsentee landlord, is one of the most significant features of the new England which has been born out of tho war. The dukes nnd carls who own a majority of England nre boing faced with two alternatives either lake up agriculture as a serious bus! ness or sell out to those who will, and it Is note-worthy that for the most part they nre choosing the latter course Meantime tho sentiment fur nationali zation of the land nnd communistic ownership is spreading. One other factor growing out of the mini activity of tho Workers' Union deserves stress. It Is the close co operation between agricultural nnd ur ban labor which Is boing developed. Something which, combined with the work of the Co-operative BoetftUe, can be developed eo ns to eliminate the middleman whenever he operates as a food trust, and which is oltc paving the way towards an oquitabh food distribution lit the cltls, particularly vnmame in me timo or sudden omer gency. O A Subject People By Scott Nearlng Staff Writter, The Federated Press. Popular sympathy recently aroused over the plight ot "subject peoples" has gone out to Korea, India, and Ire land. Now comes a report on "Labor Conditions in Porto Rico" written by Joseph Marcus (a special agent of the United States Employment Ser vice) which strongly suggests the necessity of adding another to the long list of peoples which are denied "the right of self-determination." The American flag has been flying over the island of Porto Kico for twen ty years, yet the percentage of il literacy is still abnormally high. Dur ing the year 1917 and 18 "only 142.846 children out of a total of 427,066 of ichool age actually enrolled in the public schools." The difficulty, syas Mr. Marcus, "lies in the bad economic condition" in which the worker finds himsejf. "Porto Rico is an island of wealthy land proprietors and of land less workers." "Th.'re is a law in Porto Rico pro hibiting any single individual from owning more than 500 acres of land . . . With the American occupation the price of cane land rose very high trom thirty to three hundred dollars rnr acre and this induced many small holder to sell his land and" join the ranks of the laborers. "Under these circumstances the law limiting land holdings was not enforced and at the present time "of the best land in Porto Rico 537.193 acres are owned and 229,203 acres are leased by 477 individuals, partnerships, or corpora tions from the United States Spain France and other countries." The total wealth of the island is in tho hands of fifteon per cent, of th population. Fourteen per cent, of the wealth is in the hands of native Porto Ricans. Sixty seven percent is owned by Americans. Four fifths of the people of Porto Rico live in the rural districts. They build their little shacks on land that does "not belong to them; they work when work is to be had on the nearest plantation; the men in a pair of trousers, a shirt and a straw hat. "Throughout the island thousands of children of the ages from one to seven years go naked, in the towns as well as in the rural districts." When the laborer is at work he and his family share the following diet: Breakfast Black coffe, without milk end quite often without sugar. Lunch Rice and beans or rice and codfish, or codfish and plantins. Supper The same as lunch. This diet holds good while the labor er has steady work but during a large part of the year five ot six months there is no work. "How he pulls through the slow season is a mystery to many who are interested in the welfare of the laborer." The Porto Rican laborer is a sick are very wide spread The low enerev value of the diet together with the prevalence of sick ness have so undermined the endurance of the Porto .Rican laborer that a number ot experiments in scientific diet carried on by the employers themselves, resulted in increasing "the working capacity of the men from 50 to 100 per cent. Mr. Marcus finds that with an increase in waces which would enable the laborer to purchase some meat and dairy products, the rliarge of laziness nndv inefficiency which are frequently lodged aeains't the workers might well be withdrawn. The rfnvestigr-.tion upon which Mr Marcus bases his report about one dol lar per day. Laborers in the busy season were paid ninety cents per day, in the slow season seventy cents. The working day is from ten to twelve hours. On the tobacco plantations men's wage during the busy soason are from sixty to eighty cents a day and during the dull season from forty to sixty cents a day. Women receive from thirty-five to forty-five cents a day in the busy season and from twonty-five to thirty-five cents a dav in the dull season. On the coffee plan tations wages nre lower. Men receive irom nrty to sixty cents per day in the busy season and from thirty-five to forty-five cents per day in the dull season. If -.r iur Marcus reports that the needle industry is making considerable head way in Porto Rico. Men's and chil dren 'a suits nre manufactured by women operators who earn from three dollars and fifty cents to five dollars per week. Embroidery manufacturing, lace making and drawn work pnv from 91M to $4.00 per week. Tho work is done exclusively by womon. wetaued descriptions nre given nf iving and workini? and other industries. Enough' has been said here to indicate very clearly that ne American people, having assumed ho reaponsthility for directing the ives of 1,118,012 Porto Ricans, are far behind he standard of "health and decency ' winch civilization prescribes as the minimum below which human beings cannot be expected to live and to work. There arc subject people, i Europe and Asia livinR imdJr nW " able econom.c and social situations. There are also peoples in the West In dies aubjets of the United Rtntea, whose hfe tragedy has been intensified rather than relieved by the presence M the capitalist imperialists from the Larktn Conducts Own Case Jim Larkia of the working class is on trial in New York City for being partly responsible for the Left Wing Program, which has to do with the new class-principles enunciated by the Third International. Jim Larkin is Irish and has fln '"A No. 1" labor record in Ireland. But that is not what we are going to talk about. Jim Larkin is on trial in New York City and he is going it alono. Ho de cided he could make a better class fight than any lawer could make for him and he is right. He is holding down the stage in Judge Week's court in such commendable style that we wish the whole world of workers could sit in and listen and see. First let's say that if you "d. ask the average native what employment peo ple follow in New lork City he d tell you that there are ever so many machinists, carpenters, needle worke railroad men, ordinary working folk. Now comes it then that the jury panel in the courts show none of these work ers in itf You'll only need one guess to guess why. Here are the kind of folk that are being called to try Larkin: general in surance agent, carpenter superinten dent, underwriter of surety stock trader, chief cashier, cotton goods broker, treasurer for importers, etc. And now get this one prospective juror confessed that he managed a CO-operative store and one approved of the 1776 revolution and out both of tliem went by peremption by the prosecution. The first thing Larkin did in acting in his own defense was to challenge the judge, claiming that the judge was prejudiced and had proven it in commending the conviction of Gitlow and Winnitzky, two communists previ ously sentenced by this same judgo. The court decided, as could have been erected, that it was fit to sit in the case. The court and Larkin, all thru tho selection of the jury, stnged the class struggle in peppery language. The court, to facilitate presentation of the case, advised Larkin to take a lawyer. Fo this Larkin answered: 'I don't see that the form of presenting the truth matters verv much.". Larktn insisted that the jury panel wal not of his class and asked its dis missal. The judge refused. When a prospective juror seemed rattled about constitutional methods which might be persued to overthrow the government and admitted that he was not familiar with the constitution, Larkin said to him: "That is the reason why you have been f-oicially 'elected. ; lie jjjjjj ,,ttt tt tsstsr trssssstr ittttmsitsrtttt t r r The eiack Sheep. t- aottjHait0o6tt(tf Chapt. XXTX ting class factions and the creeds of PRISONERS DIFFER A8 TO AMNESTY. Comrade A. L. Rugarmnn one of our political prisoners confined at Leavenworth, writes Th Toller that he, among others in Leavenworth aro Delusion. In the little log cabin by the-iake Collins and Rudolph were absorbing book lore and cursing what Omar the Pagan called "The sorry scheme of things entire," These two were agreed on the general proposition that every thing in society needed cursing and in this work they cooperated beauti fully. They Were the Castor and Pol lux in the firmament of invective. On all othor subjects they differed as thoy differed in tempervment. 'J'ncy wero like the diamond and charcoal which are both pure carbon but the one is inky black and tho other sparklingly beautiful. So it was witn these men one was the incarnation of gloomy pessimism while the other had nn abundance of optimistic faith in tne latent power of the working class to emancipate itself from capitalist ic thraldom. The fact is both had a measure of such faith, but in the one it sparkled and shone forth at alk times in undiinmed lustre, wane in tnc other it was just present and often quite obscured by an exterior bitter ness which gave him the appearance of being a misanthrop. Rudolph was always sympathetic in his verabl dealing with human weak ness: especially if these weaknesses were found in the working class. If a work ing man died it was because capital ism had exploited him and if he turned "high jack" aud robbed his fellow workers of their hard earned coin then he could not help it. He would explain it as a result of his early bourgeois en vironment. With him a worker couid do no wrong to a capitalist or a fellow worker. In the first place it was an act of class consciousness in the second a (reflex of environment. With Collins on the other hand the question was entirely different. He insisted on almost puritanical ethics within the working class. On all mat ters ot deparvitvhc took a Darwinian view. Still when it came tc defining what constituted a workingman. Col lins was more liberal than Rudolph. In fact on this proposition their views were hopelessly at variance. To Rudolph a proletarian was a man whom the process of machine develop mcnt had robbed of his skill, his pa triotism, his religion, in short of every thing but Instability to work when ho found a purchaser in the labor market. A proletarian was a man who was forced to sell his life for the privilege of living. To him a man who possesses skill could not be a proletarian be cause he had something more to sell than his mere power to work. To fully appreciate the peculiarity of his views, on this subject his views on women are significant, to his mind women could not be classed as strictly working class creatures for when it became im- christiandom. This is not the fault of economic science or o a science of sociology. The terms of these sciences are as woll defined as any other descriptive or experimental science. In the realm of sociology and economics we are dealing with human interests and human af fairs, and our concept of wlat consti tutes our interest differes with temper ament as well as economic conditions. That is the reason it is physically and socially impossible to unite the masses of mankind upon any set of principles no matter how well founded they may be in the facts of life. The best brains in the working class differ according to temperament and will be followed by ihose who love and opposed by thoso who hate any given temperament regardless of the principle involved. It has been said that Jesse James had as many ad mirers in the United States as Billy unday. That does not mean that people are either religious fanatics or crimi nals; it simply proves that they fol low those who are agressive according to temperament. The mass follows men. They do not recognize a principle as big as an elephant. To the crowd it is not truth, expedience, or mutual aid that determines conduct, but rather the attitude of their chiefs. "I am for Paul, I am for Apollos, I am for Wilson, for Roosevelt, for Debs, for Haywood" or for who not. The sheep foliow the wethers. Economic circum stances cause power to gravitate in the direction of certain individuals and the masses to follow economically deter miner leaders or newspapers until hun ger exposes both leaders and papers as mere creatures of circumstance. Even as the two friends in the cabin who loved and trusted one another could not agree upon so fundamental an issue as what consti tuted the working class so the great mass of mankind with all their dif ferent phases of mentality due to heredity and environment can not be expected to ever co-operate to any great extent excopt they be forced to do so by a stong central authority which recognizes the economic neces sity for such co-operation. But I am digressing from tho story. Another source of continual contro versy between hese two friends was the question whether a worker had anv interest in the national lite ot the land of his birth or adoption. I call attention to this because it is alo a question which agitates the minds of all radicals and constitutes the blind rock upon which many a socialist ship has stranded. On this question they were agreed consciously and yet subconsciously they wore miles apart. They both derided the sentiment of patriotism as being a jingoistic fanat- :cism and in the very next breath asked this same juror that if a foreign er '"like Christ came to this country, do you think he could-become an American citizen." This horrified the court! At a point when Judge Weeks and a prospective juror who thought that the reason the cost of living was high was because workers did not work long enough hours, engaged in a convcrsa tion about economics. Larkin broke in by remarking: "Pardon me for saying so but I think that both do not know what they are talking about-" 'What class do you belong to" is Larkin 'a hot shot. Most of those asked don 't belong to any class and say they do not believe in classes.- So much like the religions fanatic who said ho did not beloug to any world nor believe in things worldly. A new trick was played upon those who are attending the Larkin trial, and the court room is crowded. At a specially well attended session tho names and addresses of all wlto attend ed were taken. An attempt at intimida tion, that 'a all. We have had the "no defense" trial and the class trial with lawcrs in Htructed to make a class fight. But tho best of them all, after all, is tho kind thnt Larkin is conducting, for he meets his class enemies face on and words are not softened by passage thru a repre tentative of the legal profession. There will be more of these tirals from now on. Voice of Labor 0 regarding amnesty for political prison era- coutalncd in the nrticlo recntly published in the Toiler "What Poli tical Prisoners thing of Amnesty," -r.sien uj comrade Wm. Madison licks, "Comrade Picks was not author ised to apeak for the radicals here" writes Sugerman. CEOH SOCIALISTS WIN. PRAfiUE, April 24. -Returns from elections in CechoSlovakla indicate I he new national assembly will havo 120 Socialist members out of a total of !00. Tho CIcrlcali, Agrarians and Na tional Democrats form the reactionary block with approximately ninety-three votes. The party affiliationa of the re mninder of the members arc scattered. LONDON. With tho moat critical period in its history just ahoad) tho Triple Industrial Alliance of dockers, transportworkers, miners and railway men will meet May 5. Announcement of the plan was made by a aubcoin mitec conaisting of Horry Cooling and Robert Williants of tho trnnsport work era, Herbert 8nth and Frank nodges of the miners and J. H. Thomas and William Cramp of the railwaymon. The purpose of tho conference ac cordlag to Williams, will be to deal with matters nriaing out of tho pre vloua conference and to strengthen tho allianco in readiness to meet any tests that may come. The statement it significant because of the fact that all three organisations are now In the midet of negotiation new demands. The railwaymon have put in a demand for a flat Increase of one pound a week for all the men In cludod in tfce January 1920 aettlement, which Involves a grow total of 17,000, 000 pounds a yoar additional outlay. The transport workers aro engaged In dolieate negotiations In regard to the then starve or fight. "How many of them do you find in the jungle, or hitting the road in search of a job. he would ask. "Thev are more numer ous than men and the linop of work that they can hold down are fewer so logically more of them ought to be out of employment. But they are n6';. At least you don't see them. They arc biological bourgeois. They have something to sell besides their labor power. And before they go hungry they sell it." With this sentiment Collins would take violent issue. In fact his very inability to adequately answer midolph made him the more angry tor it is evident that the Jew's statement while extremely unchivalrous has natural element of truth. Oa the question of what constituted a proletarian Collins had as has been indicated a more liberal view. To him my one who does anything that is n any way essential to the welfare and comfort of the human race as a wl ole, belonged to the working class pro 'iding however that in so sorving man'und the individual was compelled to am nil power of hand or brain to anotlpr who in turn sold the result of such work In the open market. xnoy had spent dnys on this subject. Arguing and rending, searching thru a stack of books and pamphlets, not with tnc object or finding the truth, or nf reaching any basis or agreement. That is seldorc done in any controversy. Both wot .ed with a feverish intensity to prove each other wrong They as individuals reflected the course of the entire radical movement in all its vnrigated branches. They worked like theologians endeavoring to hide the truth in hrder that thoy might establish thoir dogmi8. The overnge radi-ai leader like his theological brother 1ms but one Iden and, that is to build up a following for his particular brand of delusion, and his whole effort is ex pended not in the discovery of tho truths of life but rather in a frantic effort to keep his fallacies from bo coming apparent to his followers. It wns this spirit which actuated the two men in the log cabin ns It has actuated thousands in the radical movements of the world. The pity of it all is that II esc lenders and so called intellectuals are not dishonest, They actually be lieve that their particular form of de lusion is tho spirit thnt is to aavo the world. The average radical of today Is but a throw back to the priest and medicine man of prehistoric timoi. It Is the spirit of self justification we might almost say eolf dolficatlon or those wlo nssumo leader ship of tho masses that lies at the bottom of work- possible for them o sell their labor judolph would be telling Collins that i-uiYi-i me, win; mi hm- meu ivrura tho United States nad no sucn piains to revolt but naturally fell back on un$ woods as Russia, or that the life the commercial value of thyr sex 0f the individual in the realm of the power, which he averred they woujij Car . was far richer in color and fc sell almost wifHBM cSJeptlon" father nerieneo than that of the averaee American. To which uoinns would reply with a recital of Russian Po groms nnd the horrors of Siberia, .the ferocity of the wolves and the illiter acy of the people, and as many other upleasant things as his fertile brain could think of. Ard Rudolph would return to the assault with a descrip tion of American egotism .claiming thnt the world over, the very name American wan a synonymn for "wind bag." He would then point out that Americans as such were absolutely unorgani?able for any real social bet terment; that the labored under the oime delusions ey freedom and de mocracy aa the'r forofathers of a hundred years ago. Thus unconsciously each sung the praises of their ni.tive land from beyond the din of their wordy internationalism re-echoed the words of Scott ' ' Breathes thcr the man with soul so dead, who never to him self has snid 'this is my own my native land.' " Even as the silvor horde- goes back to tho waters of ita nativity, so these men were each de fending and idealizing the land of heir birth. Their internationalism was intellect ually sincere. Our intellect howevor is a growth of later years. Man has struggled on and up thru the countless pre-intellectual ages and carries within his brain tho impressions of theso ages. They have become an integral part of his subconscious being. They are facts of emotion which the play of intellect may obscure but can uovor eradicate and which when the proper irritation in appliod will triumph ovor the intel lect as tho tidal wavo will ovorflow the low land. Radical education had made these men internationalists, yet basically they were tied as all men are tied by their heartstrings to the soil of their birth. If Rudolph had ;.een pos sessed of the power he would hnvc Russianized fnot Czarized) America. And yet in bim thie instinct wns not the strongest. Ho wns a J,cw and the Jew has for ages boen a wanderer with out n land which ho might claim ns his own. Yot he was born in Russia, the steppca of Russia wero in bis blood, Slavic sneech was muaic to his ears. Enough of Russia had enterod hia being to make him a Russian. If all this waa true of Rudolph it was doubly ture of Collins, although both would hovo'gono to tho atako or tho gallows dofending their interna tlonnlirm undor certain condition, yet under others Collins would havo proven American ready to Americanize (not capitalize) the world. Thus it was that they argued without end alternately accusing the other of dullness or wilful obstinacy. Both try ing to explain away the tiea by which they were bound to their natal soil, ties which are stronger lhan'all human philosophies nnd which mako it poa rlble for radicals of all nations to kill each othor in international wars. It was during one of these aeanros nf debate held over their dlahwaahiug that Jack, mud bespattered and weary from hia trip softly opened tho door and atod llatoning. Collins was the first to see him. "God Almighty" be exclaimed "toe what tho cat drag ged in." (Continued next week.) dockers' position, nnd a crisis in the tramways and road transport is im minent. The minora on April 15 after a ballot accepted the government offer of two ahillinga a day raise, instead of three, but the situation is rar from closed. -It is expected that the neccaalty for exerting powerful pressuro upon the government will bring the three or ganizations into oven closer rela tions following the conference.