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iiiii aiiiJ Sii SIbi 111 iiiilt iliS a New Member a Subscriber NO. 119. Published at Cleveland, Ohio. CLEVELAND. OHIO, FRIDAY, MAY 14th, 1920. Address all mall to 3207 Clark Ave., Cleveland, 0. $1.50 A YEAR Communist Labor Party is Legal, Says Secretary Wilson Rules cannot deport aliens who hold membership "The belief in, teaching and advocacy of the class strug gle, mass action, the conquest of political powcf & dictator ship of the proletariat, socialism, communism, V big union, shop committees, shop stewards and other '!'' i- in dustrial economic and oolitical changes mentioned r , -r , . ' , . cHumnmst ijaoor party platlorm and program, howevei prehensible these things may be to the minds of any or all our people, do not bring the organization within the purview of the act, as long as it does not propose to use force or violence to accomplish the purpose." With those word Secretary of Labor Wilson, on May 5th ruled" that the Communist Lnhor Flirty is a legal political party and that membership m it of aliens does not constitute suf ficient grounds for deportation. In ordering cancellatioi of a warr-nt under which Carl Miller, a German, was held because of such membership, the secretary declared that, while ox tracts from the organization's plat form indicated an extremely radical objective there was no evidence of intention to use force or violence to ward organized government. Hundreds of members of the Com munist Labor Party have been in licted and charged with violations of various states' criminal syndicalism laws on the score of carrying on party activities. Since the raids of early fanuary, when these sleuths of tire Department of Justice swooped down in, n nation wide raid netting thous ands of Communists and Communist Laborites, tho exact status of the Communist Labor party was in doubt. A previous ruling by the Secretary cl Tjabor practically outlawed the Com munist Party which, "with tho Com munist Labor Party developed out of p split in the ranks of the Socialist, Party at Chicago last September. A number of members of tho Communist Party have been deported merely on the. grounds of their membership, while many more are held under in dictments on liko charges. Department of Justice disapproves of Secretary's ruling. It is no secret that tho Department of Justice and the Secretary of Labor have long been at outs regarding the status of the "reds" of various hue. Attorney General Palmer has acted upon the. assumption that even the pinkest, red who dared to mention tho "third international", "mass action" and like revolutionary phrases was fit only for prison or deportation and lvis conducted systematic raids upon homes, halls and meetings of workers. The trials of alleged Communists at Boston recently brought out some as tonishing confessions from agents of the Department which showed that they sought to bring about the causes which led to the arrests of the re volutionists. The prediction that Pal mer had overreached himself in his wild ravings against tho radicals seems to be a now well established fact. The department of justice frankly deplored the labor secretary 's'decision, Assistant Attorney General Garvan, in charge or raids on radical elements, asserting that because of it all un desirable aliens could enter the folds of the Communist Labor party and be irec irom government interference. Although Mr. Wilson declared ex amination of their platforms showed "some very substantial differences" between the Communist and tho Com munist Labor parties, Mr. Garvan as serted that concerning principles they were "absolutely the same," and pre dicted that members of the Communist party, now outlawed, would affiliate with the Communist Labor party to evade deportation proceedings. "The tactics of the Communist party in Russia," Mr. Wilson said, "can have no bearing upon tho Communist Labor party in the United States except in so far as those tactics are accepted or adopted by the, Communist Labor party; nor can the statements made by prominent members of the party be accepted as the expressions of the organization unless the party by its own action, adopts the statements. Battle on for Endorsement of 3-rd International By Evelyn Sharp London Correspondent THE FEDERATED PRESS LONDON. The battle of the Inter nationale is still raging in the British movement. The Independent Labor Party at its Eastern Conference, de cided definitely to leave the Second International, and equally definitely not join tho Third. Instead the I, L. P. is urging the Swiss Party to call as soon as possible a conference to dis cuss the reconstitution of the Inter national "with a definitely Socialist objective." Also it decided to get into touch with Moscow. Sjnco the conference the debate has been shifted ,to the Labor Press par ticularly to the columns of tho Daily Herald. Arthur Henderson. Secretary of tho Labour Party, has eomo forward to defend the Second Internntionnl anl to attack the Third. The Second ho maintains, is still alive; it has done .,!.. I. . 11 I. II.!. niuuim- iuto; u is convened on no narrow doctrinniro basis but in con sonance with the principle of working class solidarity." The Third on the other hand is doctrinaire and exclusive and insists on tactics which can onlv lead, as in Hungary, to a dictatorship of reaction. With Henderson is .T. Ramsay Mac-Donald. To Henderson, Clifford Allen, tho leader of the younger members of the IT ; v; " TT , 1 You Jut work , , . . M . - - , ) Syoohi - rVSa , 1 V,N ' ' tdforryr4on Jail in front of ' 'O o Rail tfoqcl Cflpitali- - Lever Blue Law. I W U, ,JJJ art.'ficial Ht mflgfcj. 5 "'M J 4 $p en to fee Rail Roads " - f-rv4' ( ASi' - by Generous (jol- " O Labor's Share of Products Less Than Before War He'll blow 9 em as long as You'll Chase 'em John. Try Direct Action! CHRISTIANA That trade relations between Norway and Russia are soon to be resumed is indicated by tho re port of Mr. Holvold, president of tho Kirkenals Cooperative Society, who has just visited Northern Russian and the Murmansk district. Kc has reported that complete order exists in these parts and that therefore "externa! conditions constitute no barrier to the resumption of trade relations between tho two countries and that it is to the greatest interest for both parties that they should be resumed." Ho pointed out that Russia would provide a market for the fisheries of Norway. Cat doners and estate on King George's Scottish your colleagues go to Russia, and, with .the full facts in your possession come back and then summon the con ference which shall consider the new International." The Daily Herald itself supports the plan for the Swiss Conference. There are, it says, two views held of the Third International: 1. That it claims to impose the me'.hod as well as the objective of the revolution on its adherents; and 2. That it leaves open the choice of LONDON labourers estate at Balmoral Castle have demand ed w:ycs of U5 a week and an eight Lour day. Captain Ramsay the King's Oommissionar, replied by telegram: "Give men option of working ten hours or one weeks notice." rontina in -. n ....... l.w t ji . I .. ..,-.... in .in . 171-M (' T t II ilif . Iiln. M.l Mlf t n ,y n . I a ..... ............ , j-. ., - nil ,i.uu, i.. ui iiiiiiniiua a II ir i-1 vv ill mi i II U j' awiiv inui me second inter-national- has failed because it held pre-war ideas, that the big fact, which Henderson cannot ignore, is that Rus sia, Italv, France, United States, the German Independents and a number of smaller countries have all left it. "Without these parties it cannot be revived," he says. "Therefore," 'he pleads, "we have to create new International machin ery." And the first step to that munt bo to get into touch with Moseow. "I beg you." he writes, "you and purpose to take tho quickest way to tho overthrow or capitalism. We accept the latlr interpretation on the strength of Lonin's own personal assurance. The purpose of the Swiss Conference should bo to remove all doubt as to tho Mos eow programme; and thereafter if our interpret ution is right, to affiliato with Moscow; if our interpretation is wron;;, to set up on Internationale on the basis of th? formula of "tho over throw of capitalism in tho quickest possible way, "leaving the choico of method to the constituent parties." THE TRUTH ABOUT THE LUSK COMMITTEE. Some astonishing facts about this extralegal Committee never before revealed. An authentic report. 25c the copy. Address The Toiler NORTH CHURCH PORUM MEETINGS, CLEVELAND, Rabbi Louis Wolfey of tho Euclid Avenue Temple will address the open forum meeting May 16th at tho North Church Forum, East 72nd and St. Clair. His subject will bo AMNESTY FOR POLITICAL PRISONERS Lecture will begin at 7:30. Tho May 23rd meeting at this Fo rum will be addressed by Mr. Comer ford of Chicago. His subject will bo THE WORK OF THE LOYAL AMER ICAN LEAGUE Tf you have anything either good or bad to say about tho work of this or ganizntion you are invited to say it at this time. Questions and discussions invited. THE RED RUBY Address to the Jury by Ben Gitlow. Also Darrow, the Judge and a final article by Antonio Giovanitti. 10c a copy. Address The Toiler THE CF.NTRALIA CONSPIRACY By Ralph Chaplin Every worker should read tho conspiracy of the lumber interests of the North West to destroy the . V. W. and how that conspiracy resulted in tho tragedy at Ontralia on Armistice Day. 50c postpaid Address The Toiler. By Paul Hann, sstaf f Correspondent, The Federated Press. ' WASHINGTON Railroad labor has taken the offensive ir the hearinjis at Washington and denied flatly that wage increase granted since 1017 are in any degree responsible for high prices. Speaking in the name of seventeen different unions of railroad workers, W. Jett Lauck opens the issue with the following flat-footed statement: "A careful analysis of tho data bearing on the causes of high prices and the relation of cost of production to prices leads to tho following specific conclusions: "1. Profiteering by which is meant tho exaction of porfits greatly in excess of pre-war profits en the part of producers, middlemen and retailors is a fundamental cause of tho high prices of practically all commodities. "2. Increased wages to labor are in no way responsible for increased prices." Lauck is an economist of many years' training. He served as Secretary for the National War Labor Board on ler iormrr President Taft, Frank P.' Walsh and Basil M. Manly. His charge that ' ' wage advances have been an effect of prico advances, not a cause, is sup ported by an array of facts which em ployers strive to ignore but cannot refute. Following up his written indictment of tho profiteer as tho most con spicuous curse of modern society, Lauck took the witness stnnd late last wok for cross-examination by railroad attorneys and members of tho wago board. "As a result of the war," says this expert, "labor as a ilass is now worse off than it was before the war. Al most without exception, a tay's wages buys less than it did in 1012 to IOI4. Tn other words, in the distribution of tho income of the country labor is receiving a smaller proportion than it. did before the war, while tho capital in the form of profits, interest and rent is receiving a very much larg er proportion," Taking the profits listed by such authorities as Moody's and Poor's, Lauck cites the net income on capital earned during the camparntive years 1012 to 1018 by a typical group of metal, clothing, food, fuel, light, hous ing and miscellaneus corporations, and tlen makes the following comment: "The outstanding fact is simplv I staled. The corporations listed earned during tho years 1016 1918 an aver ago income of nearly $1,250,000,000 n year, or nearly 24 per cent of th'ir Capital stock. This appears to bo nearlv three times tho averago for the pre war years 10121014, and the figures for production show conclusively that these increased profits were not due to increased production. In a large mea sure they were due to the fact that the corporations took a larger propor tion of every dollar spent by the con sumer." The corporations cite in Lauck 's list earned about one-sixth of tho total corporate income of the United States, and that fact supports his contention that if the other corporations did as well thc tho combined corporations of (ho land scoojed up about $4,800,000 more per year during tho war then they previously earned per year (Continue! on pago &.) Trade Unionism) Industrial Unionism and Workers' Committees (ISSUED BY THE BUREAU OF THE THIRD INTERNATIONAL.) 1. Unions are necessary organizations in tho economic struggle of the workers against their em ployers, since, in spite of their limitations, the unions are means for resisting nnd often improving the most, inhuman conditions of labor. Nor are tho unions transitory in character, since they can particularly as industrial unions become active means of revolu tionary struggle, and a factor in the Communist re construction of society. 2. The Trndes Unions persisting in the defensivo struglo against Capitalism do not materially improve conditions. The rise of wages Is, in general, oxceeded by the rise of prices, whilo the policy of comprnmio, wago agreements nnd industrial peace weakens tho fighting spirit of the workers. 3. The Trades Unions arose during the epoch of small industry, with its consequent division of the workers into crafts or trades. The nrtisnn conception prevailed thai I worker's craft or skill wns a form of property, developing n property and petty bourgeis ideology; nnd this, together with the circumstance that Trades Unions acquired power during a period of intense nntionnl economic development (1870-1000), produced the concept of limiting the proletarian struggle within the limits of Capitalism and the nn tion. 4. Trndes Unionism represented (and still ropre snnts) the upper layers of the working clnss, ov cl.iding the bulk of the unskilled workers; nnd where these workers are organized in Trades Unions, they aro dominated by tho concepts nnd practice of tho upper layers tho "nristocracy of labor " 5. The development of imperialism merges the Trades Unions definitely in Capitalism, the upper layers of the working class being bribed with n share in tho profitc of Imperialism by means of slightly higher wnges, stoady employment, and labor loL'ishi tin. Th "aristocracy of labor" dominant in Trades Unionism accepts Imperialism, uses the unions to assist Capitalism In "stabilising" labor in industry, nnd becomes the source of tho corrupt ideology of social imperialism. The derisive factor in the a I International was tho immersion of Socialism in Trades Unionism with its pratice of social-Imperial Inn, petty bourgeois democracy, Tin I its fundamental counter revolutionary tendency. 6. Trades Unionism (as typically expressed in the American Federation of Labor) is impotent to improve mntcrinlly conditions of labor or to conquer power, since the division of the workers into crnft or trade organizations "dits them into inumcrablo unions, each antagonistic to tho other, making hope less tho struggle against concentrated Capitalism, which largely expropriates the worker of his skill, eliminates the craft, divisions of small industry, and brings masses of the proletariat together rogardloss of particular occupational functions. The general mass strike .Gone is capable of decisive action against con centrated Capitalism; but Trndes Unionism in form nnd spirit is nntngonistic to tho mass strike. 7. Trndes Unionism comes to realize its economic impotence and proceeds to Parliamentary nction, which, represented by Laborism (ns typically ox pressed in the Hritish Labor Party) is as impotent us Trades Unionism to accomplish fundamental conquests, sinco Laborism necepsarily ac.opts the dom inant union concepts and practice. Laborism unites with tho dominant union concepts and practice. Lnbor ism unites wfth petty bourgeois democracy against tho proletarian revolution that petty bourgeois de mocracy whica is seduced by Imperialism. 8. The guvei nmentnl form of expression of La borism is State Capitalism, the merger in tho stato of the cnpitnliRts. the smnll bourgeois, and the upper layers of the working class dominant in the Trndes Unions; the state is used to regulate equnlly industry and labor for purposes of Imperialism, the proletarian musses being compelled to accept this arrnngomcnt by means of deception and forco. 9. Tho tendency is for Laborism and Socialism to unito (oithr formally or by moans of Trades Union domination of the Socialist Party) each neces aril,v accepting socinl Imperialism, since their activ ity is limited within the limits of Capitalism and tho nation; and under tho ascondency of monopoly and finance cnpltul, the "prosperity" of n nntion depends on Imperialism. 10. Laborism becomes the final bulwark of do 'race of Capitalism against tho oncoming proletarian revolution; accordingly, a merciless struggle against the oncomining proletarian revolution; accordingly, a Uhorism is 'mpcrative. But whilo politically Labor ism expresses itself as State Capitalism and petty bourgeois domocracy its animating impulse and forco is in Trades Unionism. The struggle against, this form of unionism accordingly is nn insepernble phaso of tho struggle against Laborism, proceeding (a) Tn general by the Communist parties agitat ing to drive the uninrs to more revolutionary action. (b) Kncouraging every movement in the unions that tends in break the permanency of the bureau cracy, and placing control in the masses by means of delegates being subject directly to instructions nnd recall. (c) By tie formation of organizations such ns the Shop Stewards Workers' Committees, econnmi.i Workers' Councils, nnd direct branches of the Com munist parties in the shops, mills, and mines, whica aro not alone means for moving the mnsses and the unions to more revolutionary action but which at the moment of tho crisis may develop tho Soviets! (d) By endeavoring to transform the Trades Unions into industrial unions, that is, a unionism in form pnrnllelinc tho economic integrities of modern capitalism, and in spirit animated by tho struggle for political power nnd economic mastory. 11 The agitation for and construction of in dustrial unionj provides, in an immediate nnd practical wny, the opportunity to articulate nnd mobilize th militant spirit of discontent developing in the old unions, to enrrj on the Rtnigelo npninst the cor rupt BUiaaueracy nnd the "nristocracy of labor." Industrial Unionism, moreover, provides the opport iaity of calling to action the unorganized, unskill'd workers, nnd to release the unskilled organized in th" 'trades Unionr from their bondage to tho reactionary upper layers of the working class. The struggle for revolutionary Industrial Unionism is a factor for the development of Communist clenring nnd for the grasp ing of ihe might. 12. Unionism trndes nnd industrial, must not limit itMilf to economic strikes, but must acquire the concept nnd prnctico of tho general political strlko co-oporae with the Communist parties to develop the general mns utruggle of the proletarian against the bourgeniR state. n. The concept that industrial Unionism alono is necessary for tho conqnest of Capitalism must be decisively rejected. It is sheer Utopia to Imagine that all the worltors, or au overwhelming majority, can bo organised in Industrial nnions under Cnpitnlist econo mic conditions. The upper lnyers of tho working daises, being the impulse of Laborism, will necessarily reject revolutionary industrial unionism; whilo tho bwer layers will not move very rapidly until thrown into action by the impnet of revolution itself. More over, tho concept that the workers under Capitalism must, in their industrial unions acquire the experience and technical management of industry, "growing in to" tho new society by the industrial unions' giadnal acquisition of industrial control, is identical although inverted in form) with the proposals of parliamentary Socialism that tho working class must gradually "grow into" Sncinlism by acquiring ex perience of stato affairs nnd "absorbing" control of tho bourgeois state. Ench concept, in its own way, rejects the fundamental problem of the revolutionary conquest of stato power. 14. The conquest of the power of the state is the objective of tho revolutionary proletariat. Neither the parliaments nor tho industrial unions are tho means for this conquest of power, but mass action and the 8oviets mass action to rally the workers, or ganized and unorganised, in the opon revolutionary errugglo for power, the Soviets to contsituto the mechanism of the rtvolntteitarjr nrolctarinn state, the dictatorship of the proletariat. At tho moment of f.ctive revolution the struggle becomes not a struggle for Industrial unions, but for tho construction nf Soviets, 1(5. After Hit conquest of political power anl nder the protection of the Soviet Dictatorship, In dustrial Unionism comes actually to fnnction In tho economic reconstruction of society on a Communist basis; Ittd tho stronger tho industrial unions tho e.istor the proeoss of reconstruction. Tho government of Soviets, of proletarian dictatorship, is political nnd transitory in charr.ctor, the necessary agency of re pression tO ixpropriate and crush Capitalism. While industrial in its constituents and representation, the government of Soviets functions geographically' and politically: but alongside of itself it contracts a central administration of industry, wholly economic in character, equality in representation and fgnctions perfecting tho organism of proletarian sontrol and management ot industry on tho basis of tho in dustrially organized producers.