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The toiler. (Cleveland, Ohio) 1919-1922, May 14, 1920, Image 1

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iiiii aiiiJ Sii SIbi 111 iiiilt iliS
a New Member
a Subscriber
NO. 119.
at Cleveland, Ohio.
Address all mall to
3207 Clark Ave., Cleveland, 0.
$1.50 A YEAR
Communist Labor Party is Legal, Says Secretary Wilson
Rules cannot deport aliens who hold membership
"The belief in, teaching and advocacy of the class strug
gle, mass action, the conquest of political powcf & dictator
ship of the proletariat, socialism, communism, V big
union, shop committees, shop stewards and other '!'' i- in
dustrial economic and oolitical changes mentioned
r , -r , . ' , .
cHumnmst ijaoor party platlorm and program, howevei
prehensible these things may be to the minds of any or all
our people, do not bring the organization within the purview
of the act, as long as it does not propose to use force or
violence to accomplish the purpose."
With those word Secretary of Labor
Wilson, on May 5th ruled" that the
Communist Lnhor Flirty is a legal
political party and that membership m
it of aliens does not constitute suf
ficient grounds for deportation.
In ordering cancellatioi of a warr-nt
under which Carl Miller, a German,
was held because of such membership,
the secretary declared that, while ox
tracts from the organization's plat
form indicated an extremely radical
objective there was no evidence of
intention to use force or violence to
ward organized government.
Hundreds of members of the Com
munist Labor Party have been in
licted and charged with violations of
various states' criminal syndicalism
laws on the score of carrying on party
activities. Since the raids of early
fanuary, when these sleuths of tire
Department of Justice swooped down
in, n nation wide raid netting thous
ands of Communists and Communist
Laborites, tho exact status of the
Communist Labor party was in doubt.
A previous ruling by the Secretary cl
Tjabor practically outlawed the Com
munist Party which, "with tho Com
munist Labor Party developed out of
p split in the ranks of the Socialist,
Party at Chicago last September. A
number of members of tho Communist
Party have been deported merely on
the. grounds of their membership,
while many more are held under in
dictments on liko charges.
Department of Justice disapproves of
Secretary's ruling.
It is no secret that tho Department
of Justice and the Secretary of Labor
have long been at outs regarding the
status of the "reds" of various hue.
Attorney General Palmer has acted
upon the. assumption that even the
pinkest, red who dared to mention tho
"third international", "mass action"
and like revolutionary phrases was
fit only for prison or deportation and
lvis conducted systematic raids upon
homes, halls and meetings of workers.
The trials of alleged Communists at
Boston recently brought out some as
tonishing confessions from agents of
the Department which showed that
they sought to bring about the causes
which led to the arrests of the re
volutionists. The prediction that Pal
mer had overreached himself in his
wild ravings against tho radicals seems
to be a now well established fact.
The department of justice frankly
deplored the labor secretary 's'decision,
Assistant Attorney General Garvan,
in charge or raids on radical elements,
asserting that because of it all un
desirable aliens could enter the folds
of the Communist Labor party and be
irec irom government interference.
Although Mr. Wilson declared ex
amination of their platforms showed
"some very substantial differences"
between the Communist and tho Com
munist Labor parties, Mr. Garvan as
serted that concerning principles they
were "absolutely the same," and pre
dicted that members of the Communist
party, now outlawed, would affiliate
with the Communist Labor party to
evade deportation proceedings.
"The tactics of the Communist party
in Russia," Mr. Wilson said, "can
have no bearing upon tho Communist
Labor party in the United States
except in so far as those tactics are
accepted or adopted by the, Communist
Labor party; nor can the statements
made by prominent members of the
party be accepted as the expressions
of the organization unless the party
by its own action, adopts the statements.
Battle on for Endorsement of
3-rd International
By Evelyn Sharp
London Correspondent
LONDON. The battle of the Inter
nationale is still raging in the British
movement. The Independent Labor
Party at its Eastern Conference, de
cided definitely to leave the Second
International, and equally definitely
not join tho Third. Instead the I, L. P.
is urging the Swiss Party to call as
soon as possible a conference to dis
cuss the reconstitution of the Inter
national "with a definitely Socialist
objective." Also it decided to get into
touch with Moscow.
Sjnco the conference the debate has
been shifted ,to the Labor Press par
ticularly to the columns of tho Daily
Herald. Arthur Henderson. Secretary of
tho Labour Party, has eomo forward
to defend the Second Internntionnl anl
to attack the Third. The Second ho
maintains, is still alive; it has done
.,!.. I. . 11 I. II.!.
niuuim- iuto; u is convened on no
narrow doctrinniro basis but in con
sonance with the principle of working
class solidarity." The Third on the
other hand is doctrinaire and exclusive
and insists on tactics which can onlv
lead, as in Hungary, to a dictatorship
of reaction. With Henderson is .T.
Ramsay Mac-Donald.
To Henderson, Clifford Allen, tho
leader of the younger members of the
IT ; v; " TT , 1
You Jut work , , . . M . - - , ) Syoohi -
rVSa , 1 V,N ' ' tdforryr4on
Jail in front of ' 'O o Rail tfoqcl Cflpitali-
- Lever Blue Law. I W U, ,JJJ art.'ficial Ht mflgfcj.
5 "'M J 4 $p en to fee Rail Roads "
- f-rv4' ( ASi' - by Generous (jol- " O
Labor's Share of Products Less
Than Before War
He'll blow 9 em as long as You'll Chase 'em
John. Try Direct Action!
CHRISTIANA That trade relations
between Norway and Russia are soon
to be resumed is indicated by tho re
port of Mr. Holvold, president of tho
Kirkenals Cooperative Society, who has
just visited Northern Russian and the
Murmansk district. Kc has reported
that complete order exists in these
parts and that therefore "externa!
conditions constitute no barrier to the
resumption of trade relations between
tho two countries and that it is to
the greatest interest for both parties
that they should be resumed." Ho
pointed out that Russia would provide
a market for the fisheries of Norway.
Cat doners and estate
on King George's Scottish
your colleagues go to Russia, and,
with .the full facts in your possession
come back and then summon the con
ference which shall consider the new
The Daily Herald itself supports the
plan for the Swiss Conference. There
are, it says, two views held of the
Third International:
1. That it claims to impose the
me'.hod as well as the objective of the
revolution on its adherents; and
2. That it leaves open the choice of
estate at Balmoral Castle have demand
ed w:ycs of U5 a week and an eight
Lour day. Captain Ramsay the King's
Oommissionar, replied by telegram:
"Give men option of working ten
hours or one weeks notice."
rontina in -. n ....... l.w t ji . I ..
..,-.... in .in . 171-M (' T t II ilif . Iiln. M.l Mlf t n ,y n . I a ..... ............ ,
j-. ., - nil ,i.uu, i.. ui iiiiiiniiua a II ir i-1 vv ill mi i II U
j' awiiv inui me second inter-national-
has failed because it held
pre-war ideas, that the big fact, which
Henderson cannot ignore, is that Rus
sia, Italv, France, United States, the
German Independents and a number
of smaller countries have all left it.
"Without these parties it cannot be
revived," he says.
"Therefore," 'he pleads, "we have
to create new International machin
ery." And the first step to that munt
bo to get into touch with Moseow.
"I beg you." he writes, "you and
purpose to take tho quickest way to tho
overthrow or capitalism. We accept the
latlr interpretation on the strength
of Lonin's own personal assurance. The
purpose of the Swiss Conference should
bo to remove all doubt as to tho Mos
eow programme; and thereafter if our
interpret ution is right, to affiliato with
Moscow; if our interpretation is wron;;,
to set up on Internationale on the
basis of th? formula of "tho over
throw of capitalism in tho quickest
possible way, "leaving the choico of
method to the constituent parties."
Some astonishing facts about
this extralegal Committee never
before revealed. An authentic
25c the copy.
Address The Toiler
Rabbi Louis Wolfey of tho Euclid
Avenue Temple will address the open
forum meeting May 16th at tho North
Church Forum, East 72nd and St.
Clair. His subject will bo
Lecture will begin at 7:30.
Tho May 23rd meeting at this Fo
rum will be addressed by Mr. Comer
ford of Chicago. His subject will bo
Tf you have anything either good or
bad to say about tho work of this or
ganizntion you are invited to say it at
this time. Questions and discussions
Address to the Jury by Ben
Gitlow. Also Darrow, the Judge
and a final article by Antonio
Giovanitti. 10c a copy.
Address The Toiler
By Ralph Chaplin
Every worker should read tho conspiracy of the
lumber interests of the North West to destroy the
. V. W. and how that conspiracy resulted in tho
tragedy at Ontralia on Armistice Day.
50c postpaid
Address The Toiler.
By Paul Hann,
sstaf f Correspondent,
The Federated Press. '
WASHINGTON Railroad labor has
taken the offensive ir the hearinjis
at Washington and denied flatly that
wage increase granted since 1017 are
in any degree responsible for high
Speaking in the name of seventeen
different unions of railroad workers,
W. Jett Lauck opens the issue with
the following flat-footed statement:
"A careful analysis of tho data
bearing on the causes of high prices
and the relation of cost of production
to prices leads to tho following specific
"1. Profiteering by which is meant
tho exaction of porfits greatly in
excess of pre-war profits en the part
of producers, middlemen and retailors
is a fundamental cause of tho high
prices of practically all commodities.
"2. Increased wages to labor are in
no way responsible for increased
Lauck is an economist of many years'
training. He served as Secretary for
the National War Labor Board on ler
iormrr President Taft, Frank P.' Walsh
and Basil M. Manly. His charge that
' ' wage advances have been an effect
of prico advances, not a cause, is sup
ported by an array of facts which em
ployers strive to ignore but cannot
Following up his written indictment
of tho profiteer as tho most con
spicuous curse of modern society, Lauck
took the witness stnnd late last
wok for cross-examination by railroad
attorneys and members of tho wago
"As a result of the war," says this
expert, "labor as a ilass is now worse
off than it was before the war. Al
most without exception, a tay's wages
buys less than it did in 1012 to IOI4.
Tn other words, in the distribution of
tho income of the country labor is
receiving a smaller proportion than it.
did before the war, while tho capital
in the form of profits, interest and
rent is receiving a very much larg
er proportion,"
Taking the profits listed by such
authorities as Moody's and Poor's,
Lauck cites the net income on capital
earned during the camparntive years
1012 to 1018 by a typical group of
metal, clothing, food, fuel, light, hous
ing and miscellaneus corporations, and
tlen makes the following comment:
"The outstanding fact is simplv
I staled. The corporations listed earned
during tho years 1016 1918 an aver
ago income of nearly $1,250,000,000 n
year, or nearly 24 per cent of th'ir
Capital stock. This appears to bo nearlv
three times tho averago for the pre
war years 10121014, and the figures
for production show conclusively that
these increased profits were not due to
increased production. In a large mea
sure they were due to the fact that
the corporations took a larger propor
tion of every dollar spent by the con
sumer." The corporations cite in Lauck 's list
earned about one-sixth of tho total
corporate income of the United States,
and that fact supports his contention
that if the other corporations did as
well thc tho combined corporations
of (ho land scoojed up about $4,800,000
more per year during tho war then
they previously earned per year
(Continue! on pago &.)
Trade Unionism) Industrial Unionism and Workers' Committees
1. Unions are necessary organizations in tho
economic struggle of the workers against their em
ployers, since, in spite of their limitations, the unions
are means for resisting nnd often improving the
most, inhuman conditions of labor. Nor are tho unions
transitory in character, since they can particularly
as industrial unions become active means of revolu
tionary struggle, and a factor in the Communist re
construction of society.
2. The Trndes Unions persisting in the defensivo
struglo against Capitalism do not materially improve
conditions. The rise of wages Is, in general, oxceeded
by the rise of prices, whilo the policy of comprnmio,
wago agreements nnd industrial peace weakens tho
fighting spirit of the workers.
3. The Trades Unions arose during the epoch of
small industry, with its consequent division of the
workers into crafts or trades. The nrtisnn conception
prevailed thai I worker's craft or skill wns a form of
property, developing n property and petty bourgeis
ideology; nnd this, together with the circumstance
that Trades Unions acquired power during a period
of intense nntionnl economic development (1870-1000),
produced the concept of limiting the proletarian
struggle within the limits of Capitalism and the nn
tion. 4. Trndes Unionism represented (and still ropre
snnts) the upper layers of the working clnss, ov
cl.iding the bulk of the unskilled workers; nnd where
these workers are organized in Trades Unions, they
aro dominated by tho concepts nnd practice of tho
upper layers tho "nristocracy of labor "
5. The development of imperialism merges the
Trades Unions definitely in Capitalism, the upper
layers of the working class being bribed with n share
in tho profitc of Imperialism by means of slightly
higher wnges, stoady employment, and labor loL'ishi
tin. Th "aristocracy of labor" dominant in Trades
Unionism accepts Imperialism, uses the unions to
assist Capitalism In "stabilising" labor in industry,
nnd becomes the source of tho corrupt ideology of
social imperialism. The derisive factor in the
a I International was tho immersion of Socialism
in Trades Unionism with its pratice of social-Imperial
Inn, petty bourgeois democracy, Tin I its fundamental
counter revolutionary tendency.
6. Trades Unionism (as typically expressed in
the American Federation of Labor) is impotent to
improve mntcrinlly conditions of labor or to conquer
power, since the division of the workers into crnft
or trade organizations "dits them into inumcrablo
unions, each antagonistic to tho other, making hope
less tho struggle against concentrated Capitalism,
which largely expropriates the worker of his skill,
eliminates the craft, divisions of small industry, and
brings masses of the proletariat together rogardloss
of particular occupational functions. The general mass
strike .Gone is capable of decisive action against con
centrated Capitalism; but Trndes Unionism in form
nnd spirit is nntngonistic to tho mass strike.
7. Trndes Unionism comes to realize its economic
impotence and proceeds to Parliamentary nction,
which, represented by Laborism (ns typically ox
pressed in the Hritish Labor Party) is as impotent
us Trades Unionism to accomplish fundamental
conquests, sinco Laborism necepsarily ac.opts the dom
inant union concepts and practice. Laborism unites
with tho dominant union concepts and practice. Lnbor
ism unites wfth petty bourgeois democracy against
tho proletarian revolution that petty bourgeois de
mocracy whica is seduced by Imperialism.
8. The guvei nmentnl form of expression of La
borism is State Capitalism, the merger in tho stato of
the cnpitnliRts. the smnll bourgeois, and the upper
layers of the working class dominant in the Trndes
Unions; the state is used to regulate equnlly industry
and labor for purposes of Imperialism, the proletarian
musses being compelled to accept this arrnngomcnt
by means of deception and forco.
9. Tho tendency is for Laborism and Socialism
to unito (oithr formally or by moans of Trades
Union domination of the Socialist Party) each neces
aril,v accepting socinl Imperialism, since their activ
ity is limited within the limits of Capitalism and tho
nation; and under tho ascondency of monopoly and
finance cnpltul, the "prosperity" of n nntion depends
on Imperialism.
10. Laborism becomes the final bulwark of do
'race of Capitalism against tho oncoming proletarian
revolution; accordingly, a merciless struggle against
the oncomining proletarian revolution; accordingly, a
Uhorism is 'mpcrative. But whilo politically Labor
ism expresses itself as State Capitalism and petty
bourgeois domocracy its animating impulse and forco
is in Trades Unionism. The struggle against, this form
of unionism accordingly is nn insepernble phaso of
tho struggle against Laborism, proceeding
(a) Tn general by the Communist parties agitat
ing to drive the uninrs to more revolutionary action.
(b) Kncouraging every movement in the unions
that tends in break the permanency of the bureau
cracy, and placing control in the masses by means
of delegates being subject directly to instructions nnd
(c) By tie formation of organizations such ns
the Shop Stewards Workers' Committees, econnmi.i
Workers' Councils, nnd direct branches of the Com
munist parties in the shops, mills, and mines, whica
aro not alone means for moving the mnsses and the
unions to more revolutionary action but which at the
moment of tho crisis may develop tho Soviets!
(d) By endeavoring to transform the Trades
Unions into industrial unions, that is, a unionism in
form pnrnllelinc tho economic integrities of modern
capitalism, and in spirit animated by tho struggle
for political power nnd economic mastory.
11 The agitation for and construction of in
dustrial unionj provides, in an immediate nnd practical
wny, the opportunity to articulate nnd mobilize th
militant spirit of discontent developing in the old
unions, to enrrj on the Rtnigelo npninst the cor
rupt BUiaaueracy nnd the "nristocracy of labor."
Industrial Unionism, moreover, provides the opport
iaity of calling to action the unorganized, unskill'd
workers, nnd to release the unskilled organized in th"
'trades Unionr from their bondage to tho reactionary
upper layers of the working class. The struggle for
revolutionary Industrial Unionism is a factor for the
development of Communist clenring nnd for the grasp
ing of ihe might.
12. Unionism trndes nnd industrial, must not
limit itMilf to economic strikes, but must acquire the
concept nnd prnctico of tho general political strlko
co-oporae with the Communist parties to develop
the general mns utruggle of the proletarian against
the bourgeniR state.
n. The concept that industrial Unionism alono
is necessary for tho conqnest of Capitalism must be
decisively rejected. It is sheer Utopia to Imagine that
all the worltors, or au overwhelming majority, can bo
organised in Industrial nnions under Cnpitnlist econo
mic conditions. The upper lnyers of tho working
daises, being the impulse of Laborism, will necessarily
reject revolutionary industrial unionism; whilo tho
bwer layers will not move very rapidly until thrown
into action by the impnet of revolution itself. More
over, tho concept that the workers under Capitalism
must, in their industrial unions acquire the experience
and technical management of industry, "growing in
to" tho new society by the industrial unions'
giadnal acquisition of industrial control, is identical
although inverted in form) with the proposals of
parliamentary Socialism that tho working class must
gradually "grow into" Sncinlism by acquiring ex
perience of stato affairs nnd "absorbing" control of
tho bourgeois state. Ench concept, in its own way,
rejects the fundamental problem of the revolutionary
conquest of stato power.
14. The conquest of the power of the state is
the objective of tho revolutionary proletariat. Neither
the parliaments nor tho industrial unions are tho
means for this conquest of power, but mass action and
the 8oviets mass action to rally the workers, or
ganized and unorganised, in the opon revolutionary
errugglo for power, the Soviets to contsituto the
mechanism of the rtvolntteitarjr nrolctarinn state,
the dictatorship of the proletariat. At tho moment of
f.ctive revolution the struggle becomes not a struggle
for Industrial unions, but for tho construction nf
1(5. After Hit conquest of political power anl
nder the protection of the Soviet Dictatorship, In
dustrial Unionism comes actually to fnnction In tho
economic reconstruction of society on a Communist
basis; Ittd tho stronger tho industrial unions tho
e.istor the proeoss of reconstruction. Tho government
of Soviets, of proletarian dictatorship, is political nnd
transitory in charr.ctor, the necessary agency of re
pression tO ixpropriate and crush Capitalism. While
industrial in its constituents and representation, the
government of Soviets functions geographically' and
politically: but alongside of itself it contracts a
central administration of industry, wholly economic
in character, equality in representation and fgnctions
perfecting tho organism of proletarian sontrol and
management ot industry on tho basis of tho in
dustrially organized producers.

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