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The toiler. (Cleveland, Ohio) 1919-1922, June 11, 1920, Image 3

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The Toiler
I $1.00 Per Hundred
Address all mail and make all checks parable to
3207 Clark Am. Cleveland, Ohio.
Entered a- Second Class Matter, under the name 01 The Ohio
Socialist, Fe..uary 21, 1917, at the Post Office at Cleveland, 0,
Under Act of March 3, 1879.
EDITOR .Elmer T. Allison
Published Weekly by The Communist Labor Party of Ohio at
Cleveland, Ohio.
Telephone: Harvard S639.
"Force and Violence"!
With an astonishing amnlation and rapidity ths capitalist nations of
the world and the different states which make up the United States of Amer
ica have for two years or more been passing laws against the use of "force
and violence" by insurgent and dissatisfied elements of the population in
soaking to bring about governmental changes.
Thousands have been arrested (unlawfully), followed by forcible do
portation of hundreds. Thousands of private homes and workers' halls have
been forcibly entered and raided. Hundreds have been beaten and slugged by
the strong arm squad of a governmental department miscalled Department
of Justice, Some have been murdered outright by the extreme cruelties and
forcible measures used against them. Others have been driven insane.
All this was bi ought about by the use of force and violence. Unlawful
and inhuman use of force and violence. Unlawful and inhuman use of forco
and violence by the government. This fact is now being admitted by some
departments of the government. But its admittance is but a reflex or a pro
vailing sentiment of the great mass of the people thruout the country. And iu
so far as accomplishing the ends sought a mere mouse has been brought
forth. No threatening movement of the masses, admitting that such existed,
against constituted authority has been averted nor brought under authority.
And it is safe to assert that none with courageous convictions will nor can be
by these methods.
While the capitalist governmcuts, state and national, have hypocritically
waged a war against the use of force and violence, they have continuously
practiced its use and have created the very sentiment they sought to prevent.
Casting a backward glnnce over events of the past five years, we see a
world blackened and in ruins with ten million graves as a result of the ap
plication to the world's problems of the use of force and violence by capital
istic agencies. After an orgy of such unprecedented slaughter, how hypocritical
seem the protestations of Palmer and the henchmen of capitalism against the
use of force and violence in the arena of poiltico-social affairs. Dripping with
the blood of their fellow men, the capitalist conspirators profess their angelic,
lily whitness and proceed to accomplish more slaughter and violence if the
profits of their masters are menaced.
Here are tho latest figures upon the slaughter of Europe under the rule
of make believe advocates of "peace on earth, good will to man".
tr?p. WirW Ww redncea 016 l"Plarion of the earth 40.000,000. This -'s
eeaUmate of the Society for the Study of the Social Consequences of the
War, a Copenhagen organization. Its figures include war casualties, rise in
deaths and decline in births.
On this basis, Russia was the heaviest sufferer, losing 13,000,000; Ger
many lost 6,300.000; Austria-Hungary, 5,800,000; France, 3,340,000, Italy,
fc.280,00; Great Britain 1,850,000; Serbia, 1,650,00; Rumania, 570,00;
Belgium, 375.000; Bulgaria, 275,000; America, 300.000.
The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace places the direct cost
of this slaughter at 1186,000,000,000 and the indirect cost at $151,612,542,56i.
All the wars between Napoleon's time and the World War showed a loss
of life on the battlefield of only 4,450,000. The known dead of the World War
battles total 9,998,771 and the musing 2,991,800
This is tho result of capitalism's control of life's necessities; the result
of the control of all men's nteds by a parasitic few whose profits come first
and the welfare of the masses last or not at all.
This fact is the problem of today. It is especially the problem of the
great suffering masses who pay thb terrific cost in blood and treasure. No
worker can evade this issue. It will pursue him relentlessly. Whether he
recognizes it at present or not, ultimately it confronts him and demands hit
The world is moving swiftly toward the point where we must directly
face the overthrow of the rule of capitalism, the profiteering rule of the
parasites and substitute that of the masses, the producers. We are nearing
that point even in America. Old methods of workers' organization, old political
theories are being cast aside for now ones which have brought success to tho
workers in Europe. We must study the uses of theso weapons under con
ditions prevailing here. Mass action, dictatorship of the proletariat, shop
committees, these are tactics and oraaniratlon methods we workers must learn
the meaning and the use of.
We must prepare the groundwork upon which we are to erect a society
wherein the use of "force and violence" will eventually become unneces
sary. The masses only can accomplish this task.
prepare the way
against the up
Parties in the
upon matters of
same individuals
f. It bringb to the
later. In this Debs was undoubtedly sincere in an attempt
lor a political protest by the milUons of dissatisfied ww
pressions of capitalism. His project was repudiated by
tealization of the deep fundamental differences between
For years Debs and the revolutionary attitude he
the working class stiuggle have been bitterly fought by
who now tender him the nomination. This fact is signific
Huoawvu vu uuiui uicre can d dui one answer, xae omciaiaom who
now control the Socialist Party bave not changed their moderate socialism into
the revolutionary socialism of Debs. They like his position no less than form
erly. Then why have they, in practically complete control of the convention,
without a revolutionary following to force them to accept Debs, named him
again tho nominee of their Party? It is a question that is on the tongues of
thousands who see at a glance the inconsistency in the situation. There is but
one answer. The same pollticial socialists who have fought Debs and bis revo
lutionary attitude in the past now hope to garner a harvest of votes and a
measure of prestige for their party by carrying his revered name at the head
of their political ticket. This is the reason and there is no other. The Socialist
Party is entering upon an entirely new phase of its life. It is now practically
rid of all revolutionary elements and glories in that fact, it has repudiated
the Third International, It has placed moderatism, political socialism, clearly
above revolutionary mass acticr t has swung so far to the Bight that it
almost meets itself coming bai. It is seeking votes, not socialist votes so
much as "labor" votes, votes of the merely discontented. Non artisan League
votes, any and all kinds of votes that will give it political popularity.
Debs will OCt make his campaign. It will be made for him by the very
ones he has opposed, upon a platform he has almost repudiated. It will not be
Debs' campaign any more than it is a Debs platform, had he had the making
of it. Debs' statement at the time of his acceptance of the nomination, in
decrying the lack of stress in the adopted platform of the class struggle and
of industrial unionism, that: "we can breathe the breath of revolution into any
platform", is decidedly unsatisfactory. Undoubtedly Debs might perform a
miracle of that sort had he an opportunity, but the opportunity is not his ami
those who have his campaign in hand will not breathe a revolutionary spirit
into it for they do not possess it within themselves. His hopes in this respect
are bound to meet with disappoinment.
The statement has been freely made that should Debs be made fully
acquainted with the situation in the Movement and the development of the
Eevolution all over the world, he would never accept this nomination. It wa3
in this belief, and in the further desire to accomplish a comradely duty that
an unofficial committee of the Communist Labor Party visited him at At
lanta prison. As best it could under the circumstances, this committee laid be
fore him the entire situation including his own position in the world Revo
lutionary Movement. It cannot now be said that Debs did not know. The nom
ination has apparently been accepted in full possession of the facts. In ac
cepting it Debs has definitely alligued himself with the moderates, the politi
cals, the vote cheser, the compromisers, with the Party that has repudiated
the tried and proven principles and tactics that lead to workingclass victory.
a e
What other thoughts weie in Debs' mind as he paced his prison quarters
no one can say. Doubtless the faces of many friends, comrades came before
him, many hard fought battles came again to mind, many ties of friendship
tugged at his heartstrings. All presenting claims which insistently demanded their
share, and would not, could not be denied.
Phn. ,.-.. T" 1 I. . ... I . . . . .
lu tuiiuoue udob uaa maoe an error in wis critical moment is our
conviction. That he had not done so had at least have remained neutral for
the while, is our wish. Circumstances have made him the plaything of forces
stronger than he. They have made a tragedy of the ItfeMyat America 's most
A matter that has been agitating the minds of thousands of radicals
and socialists for some weeks has been set at rest by the acceptance by Eugene
Victor Debs of the Socialist Party nomination for the Presidency.
The divisions within the ranks of the socialists, the ousting of the
"Lefts", or revolutionary elements from the Party by the more conservative
"Bight wing", the formation of two Communist parties out of the Left group,
the eventual split in the ranks of the Communist Party; the governmental
repressions, deportations and persecutions especially of the Communists and
Communists Laborites; the expulsion of the Socialist Assemblymen from the
New York legislature tho reactionary stand taken by the Socialist Party in
its convention; together with the fact of Debs own imprisonment at Atlanta
rederal penitentiary, all have focused socialist attention upon the matter of
the position of the former standard bearer of tho Socialist Movement toward
his probable nomination for the fifth time of the highest office in tho gift
of the American workingclass.
In view of the fact that comrade Debs was shut away from participation
in socialist activities and unable to receive but very little matter pertaining
to Party affairs and developments in the movement, it was believed by most
revolutionary elements in tho movement that he would decline to accept the
nomination. Previous to the Socialist Party convention Debs had sought ,
unite the Communist Labor Party and the Socialist Party for harmonious
campaign work at least, stating that doeper differences might be adjusted
Proletarian Science History
An economic Interpretation of history especially arranged for use ti a
text-book for study classes, or for home study.
Copyright 1920. By W. E B.
Beginning Use of electrical power in industry.
Stenm, electric and gas-power machinory.
Tools and Weapons . . .Modern firearms and massive ordinance, sub
marines, aeroplanes, poison gas.
Transportation On land, steam, electric and gas-propellod cars
and vehicles. On water, steam, electric and gas
propelled vessels of great proportions. In air,
pns-propelled aeroplanes and dirigible hydro
planes. Subsistence Sime as in previous periods, plus package foods,
imitations and adulterations.
Shelter Buildings of brick, lumber, stone, concrete and
Clothing Samo as previous periods with more adultera
tion; imitation furs, etc.
Environment Greater scale agriculture, great industrial cities,
mpid transit and communication. Tightening of
class lines. Growth of tho penal system.
Organization Monarchical, representative political govern
ment. Vast armies and navies, police con
stabulary and detective systems. Development
of industrial unions. Great newspaper syndicates,
groat libraries, schools, colleges, universities,
churches, theatres and moving pictures, all con
trolled in the interest of the dominant class.
Arts and Institutions. .Beginning of air transportation. Air warfare.
Wireless telegraphy and telephony. Beginning
of nationalization of great industries. Develop
ment of revolutionary groups, working for the
abolition of tho wages-svstem.
Duration From the year 186S to "the present time.
Civilisation. (Modern Industry.)
Tho upper age of civilization, known aS the age
of modem industry, began with the appearance of tho
electric motor.
M. Faraday,, in 1831, discovered that an electrical
conductor when moved in a magnetic field would
generate an eleotro-raotive force. It was this discovery
which made coanuiorcal electricity as a source of motive
force possible. The ubc of electricity as a motive-force
was brought into coonanwcial use about the year 1868.
The economic urge underlying the development of
commercial electrical power is to be found in the con
centration of people in vast indusrial establishments
with the consequent need of quick, frequent and smoke
less street and intoTurban transportation. The same eco
nomic urge forced the introduction of electro-motive
force within the factori, chiefly in response to the
speed-up system and tho piece-work pay phaee of the
wages sysoan.
The perfection of electrical devices made tho gas
engine possible. The gas engine made possible tho auto
mobile, aeroplane, hydroplane and other machines re
quiring localized power. Gas and electric prWeT greatly
reduced tho time element in transportation Vnd produc
tion and thoroby again modii ed Uie social structure.
In warfare as well ?.s production, gas and electricity
made their power felt. The tank, submarine, caterpillar
gums and tractors are some of the later developments of
modern warfare.
With the development of electricity came the art
of electro-chemical anasylis and systhesis known as the
electrolytic processes of industry.
Nickle plating is done by the electrolytic process,
as is also the extraction of gases from the atmosphere,
the welding of wire and other metals, and in fact all
processes of industry based upon the separation of
electro-positive and electro-negative elements.
The rapid development of the automobile industry
togeither with the telephone, the rural free delivery and
the parcels post brought city and country into closer
relationship and drew tighter the lines of the class
struggle in agricultural communities. The advent of the
"flivver" marked the passing of the paternalistic re
lations of agriculture and removed the 'hired-man'
from the fireside to the bunk-house.
Cold storage, imitation and adulterated foods now
flood the market with a resultant general race deterior
ation. It is a medical fact that 9(K of the American
people are today in some way affected. The great ptre
valance of diisea.se gave rise to the "breakfast food" and
patent medicine industries.
Concentration of industry led to a greater concentra
tion of wealth, and also the concentration of people
into great industrial centers. This raised the land values
and furnished the economic motive for the erection of
tho 'skyscraper' and the modem apartment house.
The concetration of people in the cities, the forcible
separation of the worker from the soil, due to the oper
ation of the wages system, and private property in land,
thus separating vast masses of people from the source
of food supply, greatly intensified class antagonisms,
which in turn developed the public and private police
and penal institution to proportions hitherto unheard or'.
Modem concentrated industry seeks to dispose of
its surplus values, which are the direct products of the
wages system, among the less developed people of the
world in the form of loans and credits. Thus armies
and navies develop as an international police force for
the purpose of collecting the interest and guaranteeing
the principal of theso loans. In other words the military
resources of the nations having reached the stage of
modem industry are used as collection agencies for the
modem industrial capitalists.
The industrial proletariat developed along with
modem concentrated industry. Centralized industry fur
nished the economic base for the class or industrial
union. The passing of the craft form of industrv marked
the passing of the utility of the craft union. The devel
opment of the class or industrial union is due to a con
scious recognition on the part of the industrial proletar
ian of his class position in modern society.
T8he class antagonism growing out of the develop
ment of modem industry transferred the class war from
the domain of theorizers and parliamentarians to an
ever increasing belligerency on the part of both classes
involved. The weapons of this warfare are at first in
tellectual: on the part of the dominant class, great news
paper syndicates, endowed magazines, schools, colleges,
universities, libraries, churches and Sunday-schools,
theatres, moving pictures and lecture platforms are used
to control the mental processes of the workers bv a
propaganda seeking to justify the continued existence of
the dominant class.
Overuling economic necessity forces a recognition
of the futility of purely intellectual propaganda, causing
the dominant class to develop their forces of physical
coercion, such as state constabulary, private detective
agencies, hired thugs, state militia and other public and
private coercive forces.
Intellectual propaganda on the part of the dominant
class was met by propaganda in kind on the part of tho
working class. When tho dominant class entered the
field of coercive force they forced the development of
industrial unionism with its propaganda of industrial
The arts institutions of the present era are so in
tricately interwoven with the industrial process that
it would require space far beyond the proportions of
this volume to enumerate and differentiate them.
Wireless telegraphy and telephony and tho exper
iments now being carried on in the transmission of
wireless power together with the quest for the secret of
inter-atomic energy, gives us a glimpse of a coming
new order of society based upon the transmission of
wireless power or the unlocking of inter-atomic energy.
Tho age of modem industry began in 1868 and still
Tho epoch of civilization began with the invention
of the phonetic alphabet and the adoption of the Solo
nic Law.
The middle age of civilzation began with the in
vention of tho steaan engine.
The upper age of civilization began with the appenr
ance of the electrio motor and still continues.
Wo have now traced tho development of industrv,
and hence the rnciaJ history, from the club in the hands
of the primitive savage on upward to the hand tool of
the craft ago and onward through tho shop, factorv,
partnership, company, corporation, trust, and interna
tional syndicate. As industry developed the class an
tagonism become ever more pronounced, and tho clas
lines clearer, and now wo are at tho parting of the
The question confronting us now is; shall industrv
dovolop along the lines desired by the olass conscious
c-lomont of the workers, into a socially controlled
mechanism for the service of all mankind?
Upon tho unswer to this question depends the name
of tho coming opt oh of history.
(Continued on page 4.)
By F. J-b.
A. unique oeeurance. ami one that L
destined to be repeated in every capi
talist country or the world, took place
in Stockholm on March SI, when, what
may be termed "The Oirst Commercial
Commission of tho Firrt Socialist Re
public in the World" broke thru the
cordon samtaire ef the i mnorialia-; .
world and arrived in Sweden, where it
was given royal welcome by the toilers
of that country. "The Politiken" of
April first carries the following inter
esting and vivid account of the event,
which, tho late, will undoubtedly bo
read with interest in this country!
A pieee of world histnrv
yesterday. The blockade 'policy of the
Kntente and its vassal states against
Soviet Russia has miscarried beyond
redemption, and Sweden is the first
lounirv to oe accorded the honor of
receiving a Russian !oir,merii fm.
mission. This delegation, whose arrival
nas oeen looked forward to with great
anticipation, arrived in Stockholm at
five o'clock yesterday afternoon on tho
steamer Oihonna. As early as three
o 'clock a considerable number of spec
tators and friends of Soviet Russia had
assembled. Among those, who wore
present when the steamer landed were
the representative in Sweden of the
Soviet Government, Friedrik Strom;
Wilhelm TIellherg, Socialist attorney;
Zeth Hoglund and C. N. Carleson, edi
tors of the Politiken; Carl Vinborg,
member of parliament; and many other
Left Wing Socialists Local Stockholm
of the Left Wing was represented by
Kinar Ljungberg, who carried an im
posing wreath, deecrated with red rib
bnn. intended for L. B. Krassin. In
addition to these there were at tho
gangplank a half-score of young ladies
loaded with flowers.
Among those who undoubtedly await
ed the steamer with greatest anxiety
w:is Mrs. Krassin and her children.
Mrs. Krassin, it will be noted, has been
living in Sweden for a few years
and Mr. Krassin can therefore during
his visit stay under his own roof
something that tbe other members of
the commission cannot do. The fow
Russian friends of the Soviet Ropub
lie (Russians still remaining in Stock
holm) were also represented thru Pro.
fessor Smirnoff.
Late in the evening the Politiken
succeeded in arranging an interview
with Mr. Krassin, who in spite of the
manv hardships of the journey oblig
ingly put himself at our disposal.
Regarding the chief aims of the com
mission. Kranssin pointed out that, the
commercial policy of Russia is based
on the following principles:
The ennntrv in n4 nreaont in. iuri o
a large amount of commodities, which
may be divided into two categories.
First, industrial products like shoes,
clothes, etc., and, second, different
kinds of machinery and tools, neces
sary for the reconstruction of industry.
Tho commodities of the first class
are keenly needed, Russia must for
the present get along without them
because her gold fund does not permit
the purchase of mere articles of im
mediate consumption. The principal
needs of Soviet Russia are locomotives
and other railroad materials essential
to the increase of the country's pro
ductive powers, and to obtain these is
the foremost purpose of the commis
sion. There are in Russia, and especially in
Siberia, enormous stocks of raw ma
terial, such as grain, leather, flax,
fats and minerals especially graphite;
but these cannot bo moved until the
war caeses since all available means
of transportation must be used for war
In the course of the conversation
Mr. Krassin releated that during the
past 1 years no less than 2,500 rail
roid bridges have been constructed or
put in order. Among these is the im
portant 8yrenian bridge over the Volga.
3,000 kilometers of railroad track have
also been laid. Besides this everything
possible has been done to bring trans
portation back to normal.
Krassin emphasized that for theso
essential commodities, locomotives and
other railroad materials, Russia is wil
ling to pay in gold. In addition to her
own gold resources Rnssia has, thru the
defeat of Kolchak, come into possession
of great masses of gold which this
Czarist general bad turned over to the
Checho-Slovaka. With the needed lo
comotives in operation Russia will be
in ncition to move grain to the cities
and at the same time revive transpor
tation of commodities and raw ma
terials. Mr. Krassin then referred to the com
mercial relations between 8weden and
Rusbis, and in his capacity of industrial
engineer praised tho Swedish
metal industry very highly and
considored the Swedish constructors as
the foremost in tho world. Russia is
anxious to buy locomotives immediately
n-nn oweuen ami wui pay cash in geld,
and is willing to deliver, grain to
Sweden later when, with the iH nf
these locomotives, transportation hi.
omes normal.
The blockado was also lourhl nrtnn
in the conversation, and Krassin said
that Russia has not as yet received
official notification of its cessation.
Thus, it is still in offect, and Russia
docs not want to send out any ships
because of the risk of being captured.
One of the main conditions for ne
gotiations with England and other
countries is that there must be no
demand for a change in the consti
tution of 8ovlct Russia, which is based
on tho dictatorship of the proletariat,
the 8olet form of government, and
tho socialisation of Industry and other
means of production. On the matter
of the form of government Russia
cannot permit foreign Intervention. It
is understood that this demand must be
ronpected if the Entente powers sin
emtjr intend to establish relation! with

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