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The toiler. (Cleveland, Ohio) 1919-1922, June 18, 1920, Image 4

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(In the first part of this article, which appeared
in The Liberator and subsequently In The Toiler last
month, Bertrand Bussel discussed the possibility of
realizing mankind's dream of freedom. Capitalism has
begun to fail as a method of production, and by
arousing the discontent of the workers has raised
up a power sufficient to overthrow it. But will So
cialism secure freedom for mankind f And ought we.
then, to seek to promote its complete success or
should we refrain because of the evils involved in a
conflict of classes? "For my part," says Bertrand
RusBel, in answer to this question, ''I feel convinced
that any vital progress in the world depends on the
ictory of International Socialism, and that it is worth
while, if necessary, to pay a great price for that
victory., When 1 speak of Socialism, I do not
mean a milk-and water system, but a through-going
rot-and-branch transformation, such as Lenin has
attempted. And if its victory is essential to peace,
we must acquiesce in the evils involved in conflict,
in so far as conflict is forced upon us by capitalism."
With these words he concludes the first part of his
article, upon whieh this present installment im
mediately follows.)
There are, however, some things which must be
borne in mind as qualifications of this conclusion.
One point of very vital importance is that Socialism
should not lose its internationalism. It is perfectly
possible to imagine Great Powers, each organized
communistically on a national basis, coming into con
flict for the possession of raw materials. The oil ia
the Caucasus, for earaple, might well afford ground
for such a conflict. Nor is there anything in Social
ism, so long as it is merely national, that is incom
patible with a new kind of Chauvinism. The con
tempt for the rule of the majority during the revo
lutionary period which the Bolsheviks inculcate, and
their belief in winning over the majority through the
temporary dictatorship of a class-conscious minority,
obviously justify wars for the spread of the socialist
idea, and such wars would easily become nationalistic
when waged between a socialist and a capitalist
Power. The abolition of exploitation at which So
cialism aims, and which would make it a guarantee
against war, is of course not complete so long as ex
ploitation by nations continues. It is only secured
when the raw materials of the world are dealt with
by an international authority. It may well be doubted
whether Socialism will be strong enough to over
come nationalist interest and feeling so completely
as would be involved in this method of dealing with
.-raar mamials, yet until it has achieved this, it will
have done little by way of affording a safeguard
against wars.
And, apart from raw materials, there is another
question, which might well cause wars between com
munistic national States: I mean the question of the
right of immigration. In Australia and throughout
North and South America, this question may be of
paramount importance for many years to come.
Against international socialism there stands, ex
cept in America, only one really strong popular force
the force of nationalism By nationalism I mean the
determination to secure the interests of one's own
nation at no matter what cost to other nations, and
the belief that the interests of different nations are
essentially antagonistic, or rather the hatred of other
nations of which this belief is a rationalized expres
sion. In all the new States which have been created
by the Peacy Treaty, nationalism in this sense appears
to be absolutely dominant. Most of them would rather
kill their neighbors and starve, than live in plenty,
at the cost of friendly relations with races whom
they hate. This attitude of mind is partly instinctive,
partly the result of education and propaganda, which
probably cannot be eradicated at all qnickly, except
by the use of force, in preventing hostilities, pro
moting freedom of trade, and setting up a new kind
of education. The League of Nations, with its legacy
of war hatreds, is quite incapable of performing this
work. International Socialism alone, of all the forces
uow in the world, can really alter the mentality of
bellicose populations. I do not say that even Inter
national Socialism can achieve this quickly, but I do
say that, if it were in power, it could achieve it in
the course of a generation, since what it has to
combat is instinct and tradition, very palpably con
trary to self-interest, and what it has to substituto
is a generous ideal from which the enormous majority
of the population would derive material genefit.
In spite of the serious difficuties and problems
which Socialism will have to face if it becomes
dominant, I am firmly convinced that it is the
necessary next stage in the world's progress, if the
tLings for which Western civilization has stood are
to survire in any degree, I believe, also, that the
degree of good it can accomplish depends upon the
degree of generous hope In those who bring it about.
If the evils that flow from economic exploitation are
thoroughly realized, and the new world that can
result from its complete abolition is vividly desired,
a now force will be generated, sufficiently strong
to dethrone nationalism from men's hearts; and
it is nationalism alone, in Europe and Asia, that
enables capitalism to preserve its power for evil.
With nationalism removed, idealism and self-interest
alike would prompt the enormous majority of the
civilized population of the world to adopt Interna
tional Socialism, and once adopted, this system would
be stable through its palpable advantages, and
through the fact that there would be no class with
an obvious interest in overthrowing it.
Freedom, democracy, peace, efficient production
and economic justice, can come through International
Sociallsn: and cannot come, so far as I can see, tu
any other way. But although Socialism may bring
these things, it is not certain it will do so. Whethor
it brings them or not will depend largely upon the
manner of its advent, upon the fierceness of the
struggle, and upon the temper of the victor.
I think that our own country, especially through
the guild idea, has a very definite contribution to
make in the transitional time. I think that we can
effect the transformation without violence and that
we can do more thaa any other country to keep alive,
during the struggle, those ideals of individual liberty
without which a socialist Bociety, if created, would
be stereotyped and unprogresaive and lifeless. Liberty
and war are not compatible, yet an extension of
liberty is one of the professed aims of socialists: col
lective liberty in work through self-government in
industry; individual liberty outside work through
the shortening of hours. The relative merits of dif
ferent forms of socialism, and of different tactics for
securing socialism, can be judged by capacity to
secure these ends.
Socialism, no doubt, like capitalism, will be a
phase in human development, succeeded by some
thing of which we do not yet foresee the nature,
perhaps by anarchism. It would be fatal to future
progress if Socialism established itself, like the
Church after Constantine, as a persecuting orthodoxy,
fettering the human spirit, and delaying progress
for a thousand years. Such a result is not impossible,
especially if the victory of Socialism is brought
about by military means at the end of long and
disastrous wars. For this reason, if for no other,
the victory of Socialism by peaceful means is im
measurably to be desired.
Every strong conception of human life tends
to pass through three phases. In the first, it is
amiable, humanitarian, persuasive, seeking to con
vince by argument rather than by force. In the
second phase, having acquired a certain strength,
and roused an opposition of a certain fierceness, it
ceases to be amiable and becomes militant, justifying
its militancy by the belief, inherited from the
amiable phase, that its victory will bring the mil
lenium. In the third phase, having acquired power,
it becomes oppressive aud cruel. Christianity exhibit
ed the first of those phases down to the time of
Constantine; in the Crusades it exhibited the second;
in the Inquisition it exhibited the third. Capitalism
has passed through similar phases. In Adam Smith,
Cobden and Bright, we see its amiable phase. In its
overthrow of feudal institutions it exhibited its
militant phase. In the exploitation of inferior races,
and the anti-socialist reign of terror, wo see its
third, tyrannical phase. The same thing has happened
as regards Nationalism, though here the rate of
development is different in different nations, accord
ing to their strength. Mazzini exhibited its amiable
phase, Bismarck its militant phase, and modern
Imperialism its tyrannical phase.
Socialism has passed, with the accession of Lenin,
from the amiable to the militant stage. In so passing,
it has lost mnch of its attiaJwenese for certain
types of mind. There are thore who feel acutely
the evils of the existing world, and desire ardently
the existence of a world free from these evils,
who yet shrink from the stern conflict which is in
volved in getting rid of them. I confess to a very
strong sympathy with such men. I observe that,
in the course of a conflict, every ideal becomes
degraded, and that the forcible victory of a party
is invariably accompanied by loss of the greater
part of what male their victory desirable. And
violent conflict in itself, especially when it is pro
longed and wide-spread, tends to degrade the
societies which indulge in it. I cannot believe that
a socialism which would achieve victory after a
lengthy and world-wide civil war, would retain the
kind of temper necessary for a happy and progres
sive society. Progress after its victory would pro
bably depend upon those who would oppose it in
its victorious form, in the interests of some freer,
less castiron set of institutions, embodying once
more something of the old ideals of Liberalism
not, it is true, the ecoiomic ideals, such as free
competition, but the social ideals, and the intellect
ual freedom which no party engaged in a life and
death struggle can permit.
Socialism has many forms, and it is not improb
able that the viotory in different countries will be
for different forms. Subject to the paramount claims
of order and efficient production, the most import
ant thing that any socialistic system has to aim at
is freedom. National Buidsmen have always remember
ed the importance of freedom, far more than their
Collectivist predecessors. Their system of balances
between the rival powers of Parliament and Guild
Congress is designed to secure political freedom.
Their system of self-government in industry, ns
opposed to bureaucratic management by State Social
ists, is designed to secure freedom for the collective
workers in any industry, both nationally, in the
genoral problems of the industry, and locally, in
all matters that can be decided locally. The system
of devolution, not only geographically, but industri
ally, is of great importance for creating the sense
of freedom, the possibility of porsonal initiative, and
the opportunity for beneficial experiments.
Self-government in work is the most important
of all the forms of freedom that have to be con
quered, because his work is what touches a man
most closely, and because, owing to this, it is tho
best way of arousing his political consciousness.
Freedom in work was the chief aim of syndicalism,
and it is the aim of guild socialism. I believe that
it is secured by means of the national guilds than by
any other economic organization of production. 1
believe that the sense of self-direction and independ
ence, which will be thus secured, will entirely alter
the outlook upon work of ordinary workers, and
will, at any rate while it is new, stimulate product
ion enormously more than the old capitalist incentive
of terror.
But in addition to freedom in work there is of
course freedom outside work, in leisure hours, aud
this will be secured by the shortening of hours, which
more efficient methods will render possible. At pres
ent, more efficient methods are viewed with su
spicion as redounding only to the advantage of the
capitalist. Under the new Bystem, the
whole advantage of them will be obviously derived
by the workers, and technical progress is likely to
be enormously acclcrated by this change. This is il
lustrated by the Bolshevik adoption of tho Taylor
system of scientific management (Sec "The Soviets
at Work," by Lenin.)
There is, of course, another kind of freedom,
applicable to rather few individuals, aad yet of very
great importance to the progress of mankind, and
that is the freedom to refuse to cccupy any place in
the organized system of the community. The man who
wishes to teach a new religion, to invent a new
science, or to produce a new art, may find no guild
ready to receive him. All fundamental innovations
must necessarily go against the will of the com
munity, no matter what the economic system may be.
For the sake of such men it is highly desirable that
complete emancipation from the system should be
possible for anyone willing to endure sufficient hard
ships. Exceptional behavior which is probably slightly
harmful, but may be very beneficial (such as paint
ing pictures which the experts consider worthless)
may rightly be discouraged, but should not be made
physically impossible for thosa who believe in it
enough to incur sacrifices rather than discontinue it.
Loopholes and exceptions are absolutely vital if
society is to remain progressive. We, in this country,
if we adopt socialism at all, are sure to adopt it in
a piecemeal and unsystematic fashion, which gives a
far better chance than systematic Bolshevism for the
toleration of loopholes and exceptions. We may hope
that Continental socialism, when once it has become
secure, will be strong enough to admit the advant
ages derived from such failure of systematization.
In this respect, I believe that we have something of
importance to contribute to the ultimate outcome.
Capitalism can no longer make a tolerablo world,
or preserve for us the heritage of civilization. Inter
national Socialism can do these things, provided it
can achieve power without too prolonged or ruthless
a strugle. Those who oppose the advent of Socialism
take upon themselves a very grave responsibility. It
is impossible to believe that the old system will be
preserved, and all that the opposition can effect is
to rob the new system of much of its merit. We who
stand for Socialism have to remember that, it ia
not enough to defeat our opponents, if in so doing
we defeat ourselves, and that we shall defeat our
selves if Uio new society which results from our ef
forts does not embody more of freedom for the
creative human spirit, and for the lives of ordinary
men and women, than has ever existed in the world
before. I do not believe that it is possible to dispense
wholly with the use of force, though I do believe
that, in this country, the necessary force can be
acquired without violent revolution. Force, if it is
to succeed in its ultimate purpose, must be always
subservient to propaganda. It must be employed in
ways which help to persuade, not in ways which
alienate the ordinary citizen. And at every stage,
everything possible must be done to make it clear
that the use of force is temporary, aad that the
goal is a society where force shall no longer be
needed. It is only through the inspiration of a great
hope, through the vivid realization of the better world
at which we aim, that we can prevent our aims from
degenerating in the conflict, and that we can secure
the victory, not only of oir party, but of our
ideals; the ideals of freedom, economic justice, and
international co-operation, which the world needs, and
which only Socialism can achieve.
Bertrand Russell.
The Domination of Capitalism
(Continued I' roan 1 page)
mowing machines, harvesting machines, sheaf hinders, at
which, from morning to night, wage slaves are working. And
just as in the factory. thy are not working for themselves
bait for the proprietor. Because tho land, the soil, the machines,
the seeds in one word, everything except the hands of
the workmen themselves is the private projK.'rty of tho capitalist-proprietor.
He is the boas here. He commands and manages
the business in such a way that sweat and blood are clianged
into ringing gold. The workers obey him, occasionally grumble
a hit, but continue to earn gold for the proprietor because
he has everything and the worker, the poor country man,
possesses nothing.
It occasionally happens that the landlord does not hire
any workers, but rents out his land. With us, in Russia, for
example, the peasants with their small plots of land hardly
large enough to feed a chicken, were forced to rent land from the
landowner. They worked there with their horses, their plows,
their harrows and drags. But in this way, also, they were
mercilessly exploited. The bigger the need for land, the larger
rent did the landlords demand, forcing the poor peasants to
actual slavery. Why could he do itt Because the land belong
ed to him, the landlord, because the land was the private pro
perty of the landlord-clase.
Capitalist society is divided into two classes: into those
who work much and eat little and poorly; and into the class
which works little or not at all, but which eats much and
well. This does not accord with tho Holy Bible which says:
"Who works, shall oat." But this facts does not hinder the
priests of every religion fn.m praising the capitalist system,
for, to be sure, everywhere tne prie4s receive their golden
reward from the capitalists (except in the Soviet Kopublic).
Now arises a second question: J low can a small number of
jwirasites maintain the right of private property in all the
most necessary instruments of labor? Hw has this private
property of tho parasitical class oxUted so long? What is
tho cause of itt
The cause of it is the excellent organization of the enemy
of the working people. At tho prfwiit time, there is not a
single country in which the capitalists work separately. On
the contrary, each of them is a staunch mender of the prop
ertyholdo'V organization. And iiie-v verv organizations of
propertyholdorB have all the power in their hands, they have
tens of thousands of loyal agents who do not serve them
through fear alone, but because their conscience tells them to.
The whole economic, business life of tho community is at the
complete disposal of special combinations of property owners,
syndicates, trusts, and large associations of banks. These com
binations control and rule everything.
The most important combination of all is the bourgeois
State. This organization of propcrtyholders holds all the reins
of government and of power in its hands. Here everything is
discussed and calculated, everything is considered and pre
pared so that at the first attempt of the workuigclass to rise
against capital, the attempt may be nipped in the bud.
The government has at its disposal harsh material force
(spies, police officials, courts, hangmen, drilled amid soulless
soldiers) and the spiritual force whieh gradually corrupts
the workingmen and the poor morally, educating them accord
ing to false ideas. For this purpose, the bourgeois State has
schools and the church, to which must be added the capitalist
press. Everyone knows that pig-breeders can breed pigs that
are so fat that they can hardly walk, but aire extraordinarily
fit for the slaughter. Such pigs are artificially bred by giving
them a particular kind of food every day, from which they
grow fat. Just so does the capitalist deal with the working
class, lie gives the workers, to be sure, very little, real food
for fattening the body. But every day he serves to the Avrkers
a special sort of mental food which makes the brain of tho
workers fat and unfit to work. The bourgeoisie would like to
turn the working-class into a herd of swine, which is obedient
and fit for slaughter, which dees not think and which wil
lingly subordinates itself. On that account, the bourgeoisie
begins even with the children in the schools and in church,
inoculating the idea that one must he obedient to those in
authority because they are ordained by God (only the Bolshe
vik i are honored by the Church's ban instead of 3ts pray era,
because they refused to pay the deceivers in monks' hoods out
of the treasury of the government). And for the same reason,
the bourgeoisie is very solicitous for the successful dissemina
tion of its lying press.
The admirable organization of the bourgeois-fclaes makes
it possible for it to maintain private property. Thelre are very
few millionaires, but next to them is a sorry mass of their
most trusted, submissive and brlliantly paid servants: minis
ters, factory directors, bank directors, etc.; next )to them are
their helpers, who get loss but are absolutely dependent on
them, are educated in their spirit, and intend to get positions
of the same variety, and if they succeed, to mount higher; they
are followed by still smaller officials and agents of capiital,
etc. In rows they follow each other and are bound together by
the centralized organizations of the bourgeois State and
other combinations of propertyholders. These organizations
cover each country like a net, in which the working-class
struggles in vain.
Eovory capitalist government becomes really an enormous
Association of property owners. The workers work the pos
eurs enjoy; the workers execute the propertyholders com
mand; the workers are deceived the possessors deceive. That
is the system which is called the capitalist system and to
which the Lord Capitalists bid us submit.
Notes of Interest to Workers
MOSCOW. A recent roport of the. meat to arise against the Brittle and
Moscow municinal food administration
shows that the most strenuous work of
the bureau has been that of furnish
ing necessaries of life to the children.
Thero arc in Moscow 21,000 children
under one year, 110,000 between one
and five years and 240,000 between
five and sixteen years. Children under
one vear arc furnished sterilized milk
from special kitchens. Children of
(chool age arc nourished in 116 special
dining rooms and those not of school
age in 11 special rooms. Besides this
there are 171 school kitchens. Some
35,000 children are being cared for
by various soviet institutions.
OKNEVA, Switzerland. A plan to
launch a simultaneous attack on Bri
tish imperialism was developed at I
recent conforeneo here of delogntos
from Tndia, Prsia, Afghanistan, Tur
key, Egypt Arabia, Algoria and Russia.
Fnvcr Fusha of Turkey was tho pres
ident of the conference.
Tho Indian dolagtcs asserted that
the British military occupation of
Constantinople was only a "bluff"
and that its real purpose was to ob
tain British prestige in India. They
assured tho conference of tho hearty
tho Shah. Already one of the leading
reactionary leaders, Supexdnr, has been
By the Federated Tress.
MILWAUKEE. The appoal for
clemency for Carl Ifaessler, former in
structor in the University of Illinois
serving a term in Alcntraz prison,
California, as a political objector, has
wonderful spirit of human solidarity
displayed in this relief work would
form a bright page in future history.
Man Charged with Bombing Oil Head's
Home Acquitted in 2 Hours.
TULSA, Okla., Juno 8. Charles
Krioger, L W. W. under prosecution
since December 28, 1917, in two dif
ferent trials, was acquitted today of
the charge against him, after the jury
had been out for two hours
Krioger wns held on a charge of
conspiring to dynamite the homo of
J. Edgar Tew, an executive of the
Standard Oil Company subsidiary. Ho
was first arrested in Tulsa Dcccmbor
28, 1917, without warrant, and held in
prison for more than six months with
out being informed of the charge
against him.
His first trial startod on October 6,
1918, and rcrulted in a hune iurv
been denied and he will have to servo jx to six, Iis sccond trja sUt(jd a
hi full term, nccording to word m-l . . - .
ccived hero bv his wife and friends ! "umbnr of aR- 'nerval
who recently appealed in his behalf.!"0 WM "'"M0'1 "n(,(,r bail, Tho jury
naoMEior s term expires about .luno wnicn acquitted him today was com-
111. 1921, but it may be commuted for
good behavior to permit bis release
Sept. 16.
MOSCOW. In the government of
Sarntoff strenuous work has been dono
to increase the area of cultivated
land. After tho war broke out, tho
amount of land under cultivation de
creased yonrly by about 100,000 hec
tares. Thanks to energetical measures
and genoral labor mobilization, tho
level of lOlfi has now been renchod.
Ovor 400 new reparation shops for
farm implements have been established,
VIENNA, April 30. (Bv Mail)
With the doparture of a train jester
day carrying 020 children to Sweden
cooperation of the revolutionists ofthe nunTbor of Viennese, little ones
India in the dismemberment or tno wno hnV(1 been fompororily saved from
MMlai I M t .. . I M ..
Urltiih empire.
TIFLI8. Official nowapapors in
Ponia nro onorgontically demanding
immodinte alliance with Soviet Russia,
which, they say, is tho only country
in the worid which is not imperialistic
and which will honor tho rights of
The revolutionary movement in Per
sia Is growing. Tho bread masses are
famine through the kindness of other
countries reached tin- so.ikio m.-ir',
posed of r. majority of farmers. Judge
Haymond S. Cole officintod in tho dis
trict court where Krioger was triod.
(Continued from 1st papa)
him and nn Inspector, Brodnick, open
od fire, shooting a prisoner, Zuba, in
tho leg.
That night Bukowctsky was sent to
Wayno County prison, but not before
he was robbed of what possessions ho
had saved from tho last robbery. Next
According to data givon out by Vico, day's papers said the prisoners had
20,073 children, Holland, 10,942, tricd to Mcap0i BukoweUky aweare
mnny 12,021, Italy r.,.r)93, Sweden 0,190 n . K. ...... .. .
Mavnr Winlnr SVri.,rlnn.l I, t.U,, 11,0 lPrtmrilt officials have offered
Denmark 5,490, Norway, 2,732, Citecho- him freedom if hr will roport occasion
Slovakia 322 and Upper Austria 60. ally. Ho says ho refuses freedom ex
In voicing the thanks of the city cept as a free man, and that If he is
to tho foreign missions and committees ,. . ,A
who hnvn holnnd in ..virnr lh h..n.rrv! an Ul,BW n0 WM,t ihpm Prew '
impatiently waiting for tho best mo- children, Horr Winter declared thnt the nd punlm. him He is still In prison.

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