OCR Interpretation

The toiler. (Cleveland, Ohio) 1919-1922, July 02, 1920, Image 1

Image and text provided by Ohio Historical Society, Columbus, OH

Persistent link: http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn88078683/1920-07-02/ed-1/seq-1/

What is OCR?

Thumbnail for

NO 125.
Published weekly
at Cleveland, Ohio.
Our idea of governmental cussednees is the prevention of
shipment of medical supplies to a country with which ,(we are
not at war" in other words Russia,
Address all null to
3207 Clark At, Cleveland, O.
$1.50 A YEAS
At the beginning of the year 1919 the Socialist
Pairty was an organization of nearly 100,000 members.
It had ae part of its membership the most advanced
revolutionary elements in this country. It was an
organization of powerful potentialities in the class
In the early months of that year the struggle
between the Left Wing revolutionists and tb Right
Wing reformists como to a head. The Wing
won the party elections by overwhelmin Major
ities. If the Left "Wing representative were f itted
to taike office it meant the reorganization of ti Vrty
and the ousting of all non-revolutionary elemt4
In this crisis the Right Wing leaders of the 'V'-y
1 ft 1.1 . i 1 - i(lL
in control oi tne party macnmerv overrode an.
constitutional provisions and rules of the party
expelled the Left Wing. The issue between the two
groups was a fundamental issue of principle which
could not be compromised. Either one group or the
other had to leave the party. The Right Wing held
the party machinedy and used its power to hold the
Rut in expelling the Lef t Wing the party official
dom sapped the very life of the party. It was the
Left Wing elements within the party that had been its
strength. The party finances came largely from this
element. When the situation clarified, after the Sep
tember conventions, the Right Wing officialdom of
the party found that it controlled the party, but that
the membership had disappeared. By the Fall of 1919
the party membership of 100,000 of the previous
spring had been reduced to a bare 15,000. It was an
empty victory.
Not all of the 75,000 to 85,000 members who left
the party, affiliated with the Communist parties. A
largo element, disgusted by the reactionary trend of
the Socialist Party and the split in the Communist
movement, remained outside of any organization.
In January came the raids directed against the
Communist parties and the reorganization of these
parties as underground organizations. Here again
members of both parties, the weak-kneed and hesitat
ing, dropped out, adding to the former membership
of , the Socialist Party which was not affiliated with
'any "2fPgfettSutiu,u: - '
The situation in the early spring of this year was
that there were from fifteen to twenty thousand Right
Wing members in the Socialist Party and an equal
number of Communists, willing to risk anything for
their principles, in the underground organizations of
the two Communist parties. There was the difference,
however, that while the Socialist Party was drifting
toward complete disintegration, the Communists were
solid, militant organizations.
By their attitude toward the Left Wing the
Socialist party leaders had lost the confidence of a
large block of membership, which, while not yet Com
munist, resented the reactionary trend of the party
Up to the time of the Albany trial the St. Louis war
program and the war record of the party had been
the means of holding some of its membership al
though the membership which forced the unwilling
leaders to adopt this program had long ago left the
party. But with the complete repudiation at Albany
this asset was gone. A new block of members within
the party threatened to revolt. The future look-xl
It was to meet this situation that the reactionary
Right Wing leaders appealed to the magic name of
The Hillquits, Stedmans and Bergers of the Social
ist Party have never liked Dobs. In the controversies
within the party prior to the split, dating back for
ten years, whenever Debs had spoken he had aligned
himself against these leaders. In the 1912 convention
of the party, in which the last previous nomination of
Debs was made, they had fought against his nominat
ion and had tried to foist upon the party Seidel and
a Socialism that talked about sewer building as its
great achievement. Debs was nominated only after it
became apparent that the militant rank and file of the
convention could not be forced to swallow Seidel and
The 1920 nomination of Debs through the influ
ence of these leaders is merely a political trick.
TIi rough this nomination they hope to rehabilitate
the Socialist Party- They do not iikc Debs. They do
not want Debs. But they are ready to swalW Debs in
order to have a party and they expect that the magic
name of Debs will again rally to the support of the
party those elements which have been unaffiliated
place, and even to break into the Communist ranks.
a ,
Does Debs willingly lend himself to this political
game! That is a question which is in the mind of
many revolutionary workers.
The Right Wing Socialist leaders have tried to
create the impression that Dobs is fully informed in
regiard to the developments in the party since his im
prisonment and that he accepted the nomination of
the; Right Wing with a complete realization of its
meaning. This is part of the game to use his prestige
tor the rebuilding of the party. Debs, knows all the
Socialist Party and its leadership were he outside of
prison and fully informed, at the same time he is not
a Communist in fundamental understanding. Emotion
ally and through his revolutionary spirit he is with
the Left, but not through understanding and accept
ance of Communist principles.
What then shall be the attitude of the revolution
ary workers toward tho candidacy of Eugene V. Debs.
There is but one answer.
Dobs may be ever so dear to us because of this
past services to the movement. We may still admire
taits and Debs is with the Socialist Partv, tliereforel f. t j i c t i
n . , ,. , , . . him for his unwavering stand in his Canton speech
the Communist attack upon the party is made up of
ie& and calumnies, is their argument.
does not understand the depth to which the Socialist
Party has sunk in its repudiation of Revolutionary
Socialism. He does not know all the facts about the
Albany defense and its abject apology to the peanut
politicians of the New York legislature for being even
suspected of standing for those things which Debs
upholds, particularly the St. Louis Avar program.
What little information Debs has secured about the
and during his trial. We may respect him for his
unshakable devotion to the w.mse of the workers,
which has characterized his utterances since he has
been in prison. In the past he has been tho spiritual
leader of the revolution and as such we may still
give him our love and admiration.
While our attitude toward him personally can
well remain unchanged if we understand that he
acted without full knowledge or a full realization of
the meaning of his acceptance of the Socialist Party
nomination, as tho candidate of the Socialist Party
recent acts of the Socialist Partv convention made Dobs has no claim unon us. It is the social revolution
with any organization since the split in the party took would quickly repudiate the present position of the
bim hesitate and in accepting the nomination of the
party he made tho qualification that in doing so he
did not intend to accept anything that would be a
compromise of his previous utterance on the matter
of Socialist principles.
This statement as to Debs' attitude is not based
on hearsay. It is made after more than an hour's talk
with Debs, which took place since he accepted the
Socialist nomination.
Debs permitted his name to go before the Socialist
convention, hoping that his candidacy would serve as
the means of reuniting the former factions of the
Socialist Party. The belief that his candidacy could
reunite these factions is in itself evidence that Debs
dofs not understand the great difference in principles
that divide them. He has not been in touch with the
drift to the Right by the Socialist Party leaders and
ih drift to the Left by the Communists.
jn might as well be said frankly, that while Debs
that we are working for and principles determine
our course of action. When loyalty to our principles
and loyalty to an individual clash the individual must
be sacrificed.
No revolutionary Socialist will support the Social
ist Party because Debs is its candidate. Has not every
revolutionary Socialist often declared that he fights
for principles and not for individuals? The principles
of the Socialist Party are potentially those of the
Ebert Scheideman Nosike counter-revolution in Ger
many. At Albany tho Socialist defense came pretty
near to declaring it so.
Debs' name cannot cover the reactinary character
of tho Socialist Party. Rather will the fact that the
party has tried to camouflage its reactionary character
by trying to pull Debs down to its level excite the
complete disgust of every revolutionary worker. The
Socialist Party has betrayed the class ?truggip Tty
cannot disguise that betrayal with the name of L -?.
Editor of "Tho Toiler": j
E it lias como to my notice that there is some curiosity about tho j
E contents and "official character" of the message sent by Comrade ;
E Kuthcnbcrg and myself to Comrade Debs.
This message had no official character at all. it was a personal
E message, without mandate from any orgnization or committee. No donbt
E the fact that Cmradc Euthcnbcrg and I had boon active members of
E tho Communist Tarty and of its Central Exocutive Committee might
E have indicated to Coinrado Debs that wo expressed a viewpoint which Ei
E was shared by many other Communists. El
E The telegram was as follows: E
E Muj 13, 1920.
- "Eugene V. Debs, E
E Federal Penitentiary, E
E Atlanta, Georgia. E
E Earnestly urge you not to accept Socialist nomination
until you acquaint yourself with entire work of convention.
"In explanation of the motive of this communication, I need 5
E only state that Bomo of as have felt that the least wo could do under 5
E tho unfortunate set of circumstances which threw us into opposition to 3
E Conimrado Dobs was to inform him as directly as possible of tho fact SS
E of that opposition and the reasons compelling it; profcrably, before tho
E action which divided us was beyond recall
Fraternally yours, -I.
June 17( 1020.
SUPERIOR, WIS. Threatening to go
on hunger strike if ho is not roloasod
from tho polico prison in Abo, Finland,
whoro ho hns been confined for a
month. John Reed, Amoricnn .journalist
hns frightened tho Finnish secret
service into revoking n trumped-up
"trenson" charge accusing him of
being a Bolshevist courier in order to
avoid an internntionnl scandal. These
facts hnvo como to light through Fin
nish newspapers just recoived hero.
It will bo recalled that Reed was ar
rested March 13, in tho coal bunker
,,f Hi.' Finnish steamer, Oihennn, on tho
charge of smuggling. On April 20, the
ellv court f Abo decided that John
Reed "had tried to amugglo out of (lie,
country 102 diamonds and money."i
Tho court imposed a fino of 5,000
marks and tho diamonds wore confisc
ated in tho interests of tho govern
ment. Vced annealed the ease. While the
i te authoritlei were planning their
treason coup Reed waited in prison.
In order to hasten action ho rctndiatod
with a threat of refusing to cat. The
affair was forcibly brought to the
attention of tho American authorities
in Ilclsingfors who havo requested the
Finnish authorities to surrender Reod
to them.
According to the Finnish authorities
Reed is to bo deported becnuse ho did
not havo any passport. If ho does not
leave tho country ho will bo interned
in the Hannala prison camp until a
further decision is mado.
CHICAGO Dospito tho banishing
of the Ncarings, Dnnaa, I,cvines and
Balchcs from our collegiate institutions
so thnt the minds of American students
may not bo "polluted" with radical
teachings, tho colleges are still turn
ing out 400,000 "reds" a year, accord
ing to George Whoclcr lllnman of
Winnctka, HI., former publisher of the
Inter-Ocean and still moro recontly
president of Marietta college in Ohio.
Prosecution Challenges all Tal
esmen with Liberal Ideas,
Case Is speeded
CHICAGO, June 20. Around New
Year's, when the inimitable Attorney
General of the United States had de
cided to Palmorio tho revolutionary
workers' movement in this country, ho
asked the co-operation of tho district
attorneys of the big centers in accomp
lishing this. That put another equally
inimitablo gentleman, Mr. Maclay
Hoyne, state attorney of Cook County,
111., wise to a schemo to sneak up on
Mr. Palmer and to deprimo him of bis
laurels. He broke faith with Mr. Palmer,
(tho we really suspect thnt the two
gents know each other to well to have
ever had much faith in each other,1
and pulled off his private raid against
the reds one day in advanco of Pal
mers schedule. Members of the Com
munist Labor Partv, the Communist
Party, the I. W. W., tho Union of
Russian Workers nnd kindred organi
sations were rounded up as tho victims.
Polico Chief Garrity's men, who last
year so ably assisted tho Socialist
Party in purging itself of every sus
picion of revolutionary blood, wcro tho
fit actora in this patriotic tragic
comedy. To justify this wholesale arrest, and
to retain tho good will of the Chicago
Chamber of Commcrco he had tried so
hard to earn during his long, so-called
public service, Mr. Hoyne had a special
grand jury assembled for tho purpose
to return indictments against the
"reds." How much the $10,000 slush
fund, created by the Chicago Chamber
of Commoreo, assisted Mr. Hoyne in
this wo do not know, nor do wo care
to know ns we are porfectly sure thnt
Mr. Hoyne would have dono his duty
to hla capitalist masters even without
such a little inducement ns $40,000
slush fund. Well, the indictments were
duly returned ncalnst 41 members of
tho' Communist Labor Party, 35 mem
bers of the T. W. W. and against 85
members of tho Communist Party.
The first to go on trial wero tho 41
members of tho former Communist
Labor Pnrly. If wo say "former" we
mean It. Let ns pause here to shed
a few tears for the depnrted body
of thnt party. Mr. Palmer nnd Mr.
Hoyne seem to have suceeded. The
0, L P. ii no more. Its body dis
appeared. Rut for all those interested,
Including tho nndertnkera Mesrs. Pal
mer, Hoyne ct at, It may bo said hero
that Ha spirit acema to have survived
nnd is re incarnated in tho United
Communist Partv.
On May 10. before Judge Oscar nebel
the cue wu called: the people of tho
Superior Court of Cook County, III,
the case wa called: tho people of the
stnto of Illinois vs. Wm. Bross Lloyd
et al. If the capitalist state had enough
decency to throw aside its hypoeriey
and cease to speak in the name of the
people, tho case would properly be call
ed: tho capitalists of Illinois against
Indnctrr.ents were returned against
the following alleged members of the
Communist Labor Party: Samuel Ash,
Max Bedacht, Chas. Baker, Paul Bern
ford, Oscar .lease Brown, Jack Carnev,
Chas. Clarahan, M. J. Christensen, C.
A. Engelkcn, L. E. England, Mayer
Dobrovsky, Edwin Firth, Harry A.
Greenwood, Samuel F. Hankin Robert
Horsley, Helen Judd, L. E. Katterfield,
Chas. Katz., Niels Kjar, Chas. Krum
briii. J. Kunst, Wm. Bross Lloyd
Edward Lindgrcn, Ludwig Lore, James
A. Moisinger, John Nelson, Robert
Nnrburg, Edgar Owens Margaret
Provey, Arthur Proctor, John Reed,
Clara Roffsky, Karl F. Sandburg, Juck
Schiff, 1'erry Shipman, Alfred Shustor,
Morris Stollar, Albert B Stone, Join!
Vogel, A. Wagcnknecht and Walter
Tn court appeared on May 10. the
following: Samuel Ash. Max Bedacht,
O. J. Brown, Chas. Clarahan, Jack
Carney, M. J. Christensen, Meyer Do
browsky, C. A. Engolken. L. E. Eng
land, Edwin Firth, Samuel F. Hankin,
Robert Horsley, L. E. Katterfield, Niels
Kjar, Chas. Krumbein, Wm. " Bross
Lloyd, L. Lore, Jamos A. Meisinger,
John Nelson, Edgar Owens, Arthur
Proctor, Morris Stollar, Karl F. Sand
berg, Perry Shipman, ' Alfred Shustor
and John Vogel.
Chas. Clarahan and C. A. Engelkcn
were granted a separate trial. Margaret
Prcvcy, Helen Judd and Clara Roffsky
were not included in tho conspiracy
charge on trial, 12 of tho 31 originally
indicted havo not been apprehended as
yet. Of tho 24 remaining and put to
trinl on May 10. four wero released
in tho second wook of the trial on
motion of tho prosocntion. They wero:
Meyer Dobrowsky, Robert Horsley,
John Nelson and Alfred Shuster.
Mr. Frank Commorford is special
prosecutor of tho case by appointment.
This gentlemnn once attempted to win
fume as a labor lawyer. His ability did
not seem to bo quite sufficient for such
an aehiovement. So he became a hyper
patriotic authority on Bolshevism. Abil
ity is not required thcro. Waving the
flag and shouting about "our country"
do. In thin ho will bo assisted by
Mr. Barnhard and Mr. Il.-th, two
Assistant State Attorneys.
The defense is represented by Mr.
Wm. H. Format and Mr. Wm. Cun
hea for Wm. Bross Lloyd, and Mr.
Clarence Pnrrow for tho rest of the
Ki'.'ht full weeks wero consumod in th
selection of a jury. In the course of
the examination of tho talesmen it
developed thnt the prosecution works
npon tho theory that everything that
is not expressly sllowed ii forbtdden.
Thus any change of government must
lie mnrf hv ballnt Thnan trhnan in A
lellingence does not allow them to to L- - A- K- Martens and in the
(Editorial note: "The Toil
er" prints the following state
ment in regard to the charges
against, Louis (,'. Fraina, for
tiie information of its readers,
without expressing any opinion
as to his guilt or innocence).
The New York Call lias found a new
way to cover the renctionarv character
of the Socialist Party. The organiza
tion which it supports has become
so thoroughly discredited among the
workers of the country that it can no
longer expect support by presentation
of its principles. Jt has therefore
adopted the policy of trying to under
mine those organizations which really
represent working rlass principles.
Recently Attorney-General Palmer
mado a statement before the rul"s
committee of the Senate, defending his
department against the accusation that
it had planted spies in tho Communist
parties. In this statement ho took up
the charge that Louis C. Fraina was
an employe of tfcc Department of
Justice stating in answer tho facts ia
regard to an investigation of tho
charges against Fraina, which was
mado by representatives of the Soviot
Bureau and members of tho Contral
Executive Committee of the Communist
In answer to this a statement was
mado by Santeri Nuorteva, of tho
Soviet Bureau. A copy of Nuorteva 's
statement was furnished tho "Call"
with tho understanding that it would
print tho full statement in tho form if
a statement and not endeavor to make
a news story out of it. In place of
keeping tho promise tho "Call" pub
lished a garbled account of tho matter,
using such portion of tho statement
by Nuorteva as sailed its purpose, and
followed this up with an editorial try
ing to bolster up tho Socialist party,
by the iuggestion that tho wholo Com
munist movoment was infected by apics
and agent provocateurs. Tn nddition to
a number of insinuations not bns"d
upon facts this editorial contains some
outright lies.
Since tho investigation mado of the
charges against Fraina has been given
publicity there is no longer any renson
for not stating the facts, which aro as
An agent of tho Department of
Justieo named Peterson was assigned
tho job of spying on the Soviet Bureau.
This man endeavored to ingratiate him
.self with Santieri Nnortova, secretary
course of conversations with him made
the statement that Louis 0. Fraina was
employed by the Department of
When, early in December Fraina was
directed to leave for Europo by the
Central Executive Committee of the
Communist Party of America to estab
lish connections with the Communist
International, he requested the Soviot
Bureau to give him credentials whii-h
would enable him to enter Russia.
These credentials wero refused because
of the insinuations against Fraina
made by the man Peterson.
In order to clear up the matter re
presentatives of tho Soviet Bureau and
members of the Central Executivo Com
mittee made an investigation. A meet
ing was held at which Fraina was con
fronted with tho Department of Justice
agent Peterson. At this hearing Peter
son stated that he had seon Fraina in
the New York offices of the Depart
ment of Justice on three occasioas.
Two of these dates ho fixed definitely,
the other he was unable to fix. Tho
two dates so fixed and which ho in
sisted upon ns being the correct dates
when Fraina was at the Department
of Justice in New York, wero Septem
ber 7th nnd Novcbmer 15th.
Poterson also stated that he had seen
in the files of Department of Justice
reports supposedly mado by Fraina nnd
cancelled checks covering payment to
him. These checks ho statod wcro mado;
payable to Fraina and were endorsed
by him and the ehoekl, after passing
through the bank wero filed in the file
containing Fraina 's reports.
Peterson also gave a description ef
the man ho thought was Fraina. When
ho was brought into tho room in which
the hearing was held ho was asked to
state whether he could identify any of
the persons present as Fraina, but was
unable to do so. (It must be stated
here that Fraina 's appearanco had
changed somewhat). During the pro
gress of the investigation Fraina cross
examined Peterson, and after a ques
tion or two Peterson stated "You are
the man." It must bo said however,
that tho description giving by Poterson
of tho man he saw in tho Department
of Justieo offices wns not a descrip
tion by which those who have known
Fraina during his work in tho move
ment last fall would have recognized
During the cross examination of
Peterson by thoso present many dub
ious points as to his motives and as to
tho reliability of his story were
Whon the cross examination was over
Fraina made a statement in reply in
which ho brought out that Septem
ber 7th was the last day of the Com
munist Party Convention and that on
that date, as could be verified by a
scoro of people he had been in the
:W W m TOOT n n n v ;i v -1 v
- B
Mass - Meeting
at Clio sunt Qrove Park, Cleveland, O.
MONDAY, JULY 5th, 1920
Taiko W. 25th Stroot Car thronRh, change at tho cntl
of the lino for Kltito U. Cur to Ohostnut Grove Park
Tickets 30c. Every Worker Should bo There
Under auspices of the I. W. W.
rifle Wiifc"ufc ufiiir v

xml | txt