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THE TOILER SATURDAY, NOV. 0, 192. Soviet Russia and the World's Workers By P. J. Prokop. The most striking characteristic of Bolshevism s the panicky fear it produces among all the non assential proiessionals and nonproductive classes af people. As a contrast to this effect upon the aonesential and idle class of people stands the friendly support it receives among the bulk of es sential workers and wealth producers of all Na tions who, either by study of communist doctrine r by close contact with its principles at work, see in it the only means of solving the present chaotic wodition of anarchy in production, which is not aalculated for the benefit of the whole Nation, but simply for the profit of a few individuals, and irance leads to the destitution of a great majority f workers. That al! those who thus get acquainted with the bolshevik principles of soviets-at-work clamor for it is demonstrated by the examplary solidarity of Soviet Russia under bolshevik leadership, and its steadfast support by the workers of other coun tries. Thus we have to accept that from the stand point of the workers. The Soviet form is considered to be the best system of government ever devised and put into practical operation for, by, and through the. masses. Therefore the attempt of the nonessential professionals and nonproductive, wealthy classes to uppress this bolshevist movement of hundreds f millions of wealth-producing workers, by force f militarism, looks to be a tremendous task. What Successful Intervention Requires. It would require a permanent standing army com posed of black mercenaries, cossacks of old czarish ?ualityr ignorant Japanese and Turks. Disregard ing a few professional rowdies and hoodlums, the American, French and British workers would find it deep beneath their dignity to lend themselves as tools of the international capitalist clique for such a dirty job as enforcing wage-slavery upon the workers of Europe. American troops are chiefly composed of wagd tarners and small business men. Both of these classes, in times of peace, are exposed to the exploitation and oppression of the same big busin ess which now so ardently recommends the policing of Europe by the Allied troops ; the same big business, that through its press, incites the ignorant people against the Soviets. But the small American business men, whom only the dread of life-long wage-slavevy drove to business careers, realize that the nucleus of common evil resides in the power that the few- "nothing-doers" derive from the old and outlived conceptions of "right and order" which have now become intorable and which we, like our brothers in Europe, must change. Taken from this point of view, the result is that the American soldiers will favor and may support the emancipating movement of the European work ers. Would Mean Civil War At Home. But even if we could examine the future in the most unfavorable light, we can see that a success ful meddling into internal affairs of the Workers' Republics would require, first of all, the autocratic imposition of mass militarism of the blackest type, which is impossible without a serious opposition and contant clashes between the military and civi lian elements at home. This in turn would paralyze production and com merce so seriously that no sane man would find it profitable. Coupling this with the desperate op position the working class of Europe would put up in concert with Soviet Russia, the consequences look too horrible for any picturization. Only a madman can recommend intervention. But the bourgeois rulers of the world are indeed madmen and when they set out on this impossible undertak ing they only seal their own doom. More than 52 per cent of all the workers in the steel industry labor 12 HOURS A DAY. More than 26 per cent are SLAVES SEVEN DAYS A WEEK ! More than 66 per cent of all the employ ees of the steel and iron industry earn 5 to 25 per cent less than what the government stipulates as essential foi !'fe. These two industries afford the LARGEST RETURNS to AMERICAN CAPITALISTS!