Newspaper Page Text
The Bolshevist Interpretation of the 2nd Congress of the Communist
International: PetrMrad-Moscow 1920 THE WORK OF THE 2nd CONGRESS OF THE III INTERNATIONAL. (Petrograd Pravda, Aug. 13, 1920.) Report to the special session of the Petro grad Soviet: At a special session of the Petrograd So viet, held yesterday, Comrades Zinoviev and Bukharin reported on the work of the 2nd Congress of the III International, which has just closed. Zinoviev's Report. At the time when the World Congress of the III International held its sessions in Mos cow a congress of the II Yellow International was in session in Geneva. It is not known to a certainty what parties were represented at that Congress in Geneva, but if we deduct the parties which sent their representatives to the World Congress in Moscow what we shall get will be a quantity very close to zero. The German Social-Democracy is representeu there through the party of Noske and Schei demann. Hungary sent two representatives, one of whom was a provocatory agent under the bourgeois republic, while the other is now in the service of Gen. Horthy. We can see clearly that the Congress in Moscow repre sented the working class of the whole world, while the Congress of the Yellow Interna tional was a kingdom of phantoms and re presented the decayed Social-Democracy. There is as yet no complete information as to the decisions of the Congress of the Yel low International. It is only known that the Congress adopted a resolution, according to which the workmen may, in case of extreme necessity, make use of the general strike. By means of this resolution the Congress at tempts to lay a coat f gilding on the Black or the Yellow International. It offers the gen eral srike as a means of last resort. But the workmen, not only of Russia but also of the other countries, have already gone much further. Armed rebellions have already flared up more than once, and the workmen under stand that you can not go very far using only the strike. The remnants of the II Yellow In ternational strive to drag back the masses of the proletariat, to hamper the natural course of the world revolution. The III International leads the proletariat forward to its final libe ration from capital, to the triumph of the proletarian revolution. The parties which were represented at the Congress are not all uniform. FROM "THE SECOND CONGRESS OF THE COMMLWST INTERNATIONAL," PUBLISHED BY THE RUSSIAN DIVISION OF THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE. After four years of tempestuous and dif ficult times the working class of every coun try has undergone great changes. The work ing class had to find itself anew. It is natural that new moods and tendencies must have sprung up in the working class, and they were fully represented at the Congress. We had there representatives of Communistic tend encies and of tendencies that have not as yet assumed definite form, e. g., the Syndicalists, the Industrial Workers of the World, and others. They are not Communists, and sprang into being in the process of the World War. They are, strictly speaking, a huge fist raised over the perishing social order. We differ with them on many points of principle. And the question came up at the Congress as to whether or not we can admit them into the Communist International. In its time the II International had a negative attitude to all such new formations. The III International could not repeat these errors. We must under stand that if these new formations have not as yet reached the stage of maturity of the Communist International they constitue, nevertheless, a definite menace to imperial ism and a future support of the proletariat struggling against it. We and they follow the same road, and we openly extend our hand to them, inviting them into our ranks. We can not shut our doors in the face of the purely proletarian and revolutionary elements wrhich come to us. We must take in tow this formless mass and pour a definite meaning into it. After two weeks of work at the Congress we must recognize that we did exactly right in admitting these new forma tions into the midst of the European prole tariat. In this manner we have acquired hundreds of thousands and perhaps millions of fresh working units. We admitted them into the III International in order that, to gether with us, they would be able to give de cisive battle to the world imperialism. Characterizing another non-Communist group which was also represented at the Con gress, Comrade Zinoviev explained the tac tics which were adopted by the Congress with respect to the French Socialist Party. The French Socialist Party was represented at the Congress by r : rades;Caohin and Frossard. Of these two. the second was always opposed to war in a manner similar to that of Lon guet, while the firscwne to Russia during the Kerensky regime nao-anda for an of i Army. Now, this represt pentant sinners since order to conduct pro- sive by the Russian ;ive of a party of re- sly asks for forgiveness for himself and for his party. This party, which was opportunistic before the war, is now ready to join the! M International. How ever, the Congress has found it necessary to fortify in every way possible the entrance to the International whenever the opportunistic parties are concerned, jand therefore worked out 21 conditions for admission into the Com munist International. For the party of the opportunists to slip by these 21 "obstacles" will be just as easy as for a camel to squeeze through the hole of a needle. But, not satis fied with this, the Congress handed to the representatives of the French party an open letter to the French workmen, which they must publish in their newspapers and which must open the eyes of the French workers to the true nature of 'their leaders. In this manner the Congress hopes to break up the French Socialist Party into layers and give it an opportunity tO.cleanse its organization of the opportunists. A similar line of tactics was applied par tially to the delegates of the German Inde pendent Party. The Congress could not, of ccurse, fail to take into account the fact that in the ranks of this numerically powerful party there are many workers who are real militants for the revolution, and that even now 11,000 revolutionists are languishing in the German prisons. But the Congress sue. ceeded, nevertheless, in introducing some di vision in the midst of the representatives of the German Independent Party, two of whom have joined unreservedly in all the decisions of the Congress. But that is not the important thing. We are certain that this diyfrjgnlin the form of stra tification will reach the very depths of the German Party, and that eventually there will emerge from the Independent Party a mass Communist Party, which will have in its ranks not only the Spartacists but also the revolutionary elements of the Independent Party. The workmen of France, England, and America have had a bitter experience with their parties, which have betrayed their in terests. The workmen have lost faith in their parties ; they have ceased to believe that their parties will not betray them at the critical moment, that their parties in the persons of their parliamentary leaders will continue loyal to the proletariat to the very end. It is necessary to combat this lack of con fidence not by words but by deeds. It is ne cessary to prove that a party, as such, can be at the height of its calling and true to the interests of the working masses under any circumstances. At the Congress we point ed out the Russian, German, and Hungarian Communist Parties. Only such parties can direct the work of the organization of the new life. A corresponding resolution was adopted unanimously. All the groups voted for it. This is the most powerful blow for the bourgeois social order and for the II Inter national. The new grouping which seemed to be taking shape hazily should not and can not be brought into being. The possibility of such a grouping, which would have been a toy in the hands of the bourgeoisie, has now been definitely averted. , The Congress has also emphasized the need of a united Communist International organi zation and has worked out its statute, ac cording to which the executive committee of the III International is given very wide powers, including that of expelling from the International a whole party for violation of discipline. An international, general staff of the revolution is thus created, charged with the duty of maintaining international prole tarian discipline, since the experience of tha Russian revolution has shown that without firm party discipline Soviet Russia would not have been able to withstand the attacks of her numerous enemies, within and without. At the time when the members of theEn tente mistrust each other, make every effort to deecive each other, and play at war, the International Congress forges a unified pro gram and works out a unified line of action. It is felt that the fraternal unity of the world proletariat becomes ever stronger, while the bourgeoisie rushes about aimlessly, losing the last links of the chain which formerly bound it together. Comrade Zinoviev concludes his speech by expressing his conviction that the World Congress is the forerunner of an Internatio nal Soviet Republic. Bukharin's Report. Up to now the general directing line of ac tion of the Communist parties of western Europe has been against forcing the revolu tion. Ap examination of the tactics followed by these parties leads one to the conclusion that they were afraid of the revolution. They feared isolation in case of the movement of the working class in the given country. In Hungary the Soviet Republic fell, finding it self isolated. It was impossible to retreat at the necessary moment, as the territory was limited. The Italian Socialist (now Commun ist) Party feared similar isolation, facing the risk of losing imported coal. The same thing has been observed in the Communist parties of the other countries of the West. The Bohe mian comrades said about the same thing. The Austrian Communists were afraid to seize authority, fearing the cessation of the importation of raw materials. We stand on the threshold of two great epochs the dying imperialism and the re surgent proletariat. The workmen of all coun tries are passing from the tactics of defense to the tactics of offense. In all the countries there are mines ready to explode at any moment. The imperialistic press of Europe is full of cowardly shouts, "The Bolsheviki are at Europe's gates." Everywhere we can see the growing impotence of the bourgeoisie and the increasing strength of the prole tariat. This will determine the general line of tactics of the 2nd Congress. The time has arrived to speed up the revolutionary process and similar activities of the united prole tariat. We can see this in the boycott of White Poland and White Hungary. We shall do everything in our power to deepen and extend this struggle. This is one of the great est problems solved by the 2nd Congress. Our Red Army will march forward to new conquests, but the western proletariat will march together with' it, clearing its way ij the struggle with imperialism. The Duties of a Communist in Russia. (Continued from page 1.) a heavy cloud. Fear and disappoint ment prevailed everywhere. A middle aged womai1, a mother of three sons, of whom one was in the Red Army and the other two members of the Young Communist League, said one evening in a quiet, deep and slow voice, "If this be the end of the re volution, I don't want to live any more." Thus felt millions all over the wide and dreamy prairie3 of Russia. Even the Mensheviks issued a call to their members to join the Red Army But who really went? Who occupied the most dangerous positions? Who bared his breast to the enemy in the front lines? The Communists. "We, Communists of the committee of the Russian CommunV Partv of the Don region, have decide! in order to sup pj-. ti.: Hod Army, 4o nvtilizc five nionren of the comi.riuv on the Don, one member from each of the region oiv.nvUees, 400 'i.cnbrrs of the Ro stow Nachachiwer organization, und 10 per cent Communists of the Don district." "We, younger Communists of Zarizin, have decided, all of us, to go to tl e western front." "We form a sepaiui I volunteer division of ca valry and join the Red Army." "We, the committee of the Communist Per ty of the government of Tombsk, have decided to send 500 Communist to the Red Amy.' Communists Assume Life Risks. So in every city, in every locality. People went voluntarily I'om munist honor demand".!. Trey were obliged to go because the Central Com mittee ordered it. "Communists, save Russia!", the Central Committee wrote to the communists. And it was figured out how many communists each state had U supply. I read ilie figures: 70 Communists were to be sent to the front in May from Je katerinburg, but 2'J6 went instead. In June they were to supply r00, and filO were sent. In August they hoi to send 90 against Wrangel, 05 were sent. And in September they mobilized Again 400. In overy city the Commun ists got together and said, "Friends, we must go to the front to save tha revolution." And they went. Nobody wants to die. They all hate war. But if one is a Communist, one must gu. The situation demands !t. It would be shameful if friends should know they did not go. It is not nice to be coward. Therefore they must go. Even such Communists went who, at times, took a bigger ration for them selves than was coming to them, who seldom forgot their own little inter ests in favor of the interests of the Republic. They went, they fought, were wounded and died, because they were Communists and a part of a strong political machine. And when they arrived at the front they must be in the front lines, lead the others, strengthen the weak, en courage the despondent. And all the time they know that once in the hands of the enemy their lives are lost. A captured Communist is a dead man, no matter wheter he be in the hands of Wrangel, the Poles, Petlura or the Ukranian bands. You may ask, how is it learned that one is a communist. The answer is, there are spies every where. Sometimes the other captives betray. But the chief way of finding this out is to order the captives to join the army of their captors. A Com munist, therefore has every chance of being shot. Are "Jimmie Higginses" A Communist must not refuse phy sical work. About the Communist Saturdays. All Communists take part in that, with the exception of those who are sick and those who happen to have an important meeting at the tune. There is plenty of work for a Communist at other timee ae well. Whenever there is a crisis in a city, ti c Communists are the first ones to offer to help. When I was in Russia, mainly in the months of November and Decem ber, the condition of tho Red Army was rather deplorable. Then every body busied themselves to improve whatever could be improved. To start with, people prepared clothes for the soldiers. The women communists put patches on the soldiers' shirts, darned their socks, put sleeves into their heavy overcoats and washed their underwear. If there is n fuel crisis in a city all the Communists arc called out, in cluding the Young Communist League, and out to the woods they go, to chop and carry wood. A communist must help. Nay, a communist does the work with a will. He does not com plain. He does not sit and brood over his tot that he, one of the intelligent sia, should have to carry wood or dig with a spade. Nobody forces him to do that. If he does not wish to do so he can quietly leave the party and shake off all these heavy responsibili ties. What Communist Discipline is. A Communist must obey. He is under a discipline more severe than is the soldier in time of war. What the committee thinks ought to be done is done. The command of the Central Committee is law. I spent several weeks going around in different vil lages with a Communist, a peasant, who used to be an under-officer in the Red Army in Turkestan. We spoke together for many hours. With a pe culiar pride he repeated the words of one of his commanders. "A Commun ist," he quoted, "is nothing but an in strument in the band of the social re volution. A Communist is material for the future. The revolution will dry up marrow out of your bones, and then will throw you a way as an old rag. And you will have nothing to com plain about, because you but do what is you rduty. You are a communist." My peasant frietid repeated this teaching whenev er and wherever there was an opportunity, and believed in it wholeheartedly. Maybe some other leader, Lenin, for instance, has a much finer conception of the role of the individual Communist, but that is the general idea. A Gommunist must obey. Today he is in Baku. He has established him self, got acquainted with local condi tions and the people of the district and has made many friends. He feels quite at home. His work is satisfac tory, he is honored and appreciated. your flesh, drink your blood, suck the At last he has found his place. But l"ll"l,l"ll"il"ll,l"l,l"l,l"lal"ll"l"i"'l"l"l"l,l"ll,'ll"ll"ll"l:Mi "imiaiiiiiiiiiiinin;iiii ii n 3 :1 1 ii rtlfiiTilillliraTnliliiTllii Bin1:!! frii ilii !mIi'ii!oi riilililUwlslilwliilliil!iilli 1SUMMER REDUCTIONS! -ON- jjl BOOKS FOR TOILERS fj 10 TITLES FOR 75c. iji Ji Don't "lay off" on your self-education this dummef. We have set M prices no low on a number of the best educational pamphlets that tjj you will want to use ever) golden hour toMhe best advantage. Look over these titles, check the 10 titles vmi wiah onrlose list' 5js and 7"c in envelope and mail. Thev will reach von by return mail.: a STEDMAN'S RED RAID, Robert Minor 10c. 12 for S1.00J Ss ROLF OF LABOR UNIONS IS SOVIET RUSSIA, LotvBky, 1 .")C 20 for $1. z COMMUNIST MANIFESTO. Marx and Engels .... 25c. 5 for $1.11 mm i.u.ism MOHAN AM) SCIENTIFIC, Engels 25c, 5 for 1.00 ffl f THE CLASS STRUGGLE, Kautsky 25c. 5 for $1. BRIBING THE WAR PRESS fc, 20 for $1. NICOLAI LENIN, HIS LIFE and WORK. Zinovieff 15c, 8 for SI. COMMUNISM and CHRISTIANISM, Bishop Wm. M Brown 25c. 6 for $1. COMMUNISM and the FAMILY, Kollontay 10c, 12 for (1. INDUSTRIAL AUTOCRACY. Mary Marcy 10c. 20 for SI. DREAM OF DEBS, Jack London 10c, 12 for $1. INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL of TRADE and INDUSTRIAL UNIONS. Losovbky 10c. 12 for SI. DICTATORSHIP of the PROLETARIAT. Kamencv 10c, 12 for SI. CONSTITUTION of SOVIET RUSSIA 10c, 12 for $1. SOCIALISM and RELIGION, By B. S. P. of England1'' 10c. 12 for SI. H OPEN THE FACTORIES. Mary Merer 10c, 12 for 11. 3207 CLARK AVE. THE TOILER I 1 . V BLAND. OHIO just because he is known as an able man he receives a letter from the Central Committee requesting him to go. to Penza, where the party work is going on rather slowly. And he goes without question. He has no one to complain to. He may have to break the most cherished threads that bind him to other people; he may have to break up his family. He goes, for he is as an officer of the army in time of war. The work he has to do stands above everything. Hundreds and thousands of Com munists are being shifted every year from city to city, from village to vil lage, from one end of the country to the other. What is more, it is not proper that a Communist should begin to feel too comfortable in one place, should be well established and begin to feel himself one of the elite of the city. This weakens his courage, cools his revolutionary fire, and develops in him, as they say in Russia, a petty bourgeois psychology. This is the reason for the party's general rule continually to shift Communists from place to place. The eighth Congress of the Communist Party decided that all responsible, active Communists, those who used to be workers, or belonged to the intelligentsia, should from time to time go to the factories and remain there, working for several weeks as ordinary workers. This, it is said, would be an excellent remedy against breaking away from the people. This decision was not often applied, be cause the country was continually at war and the active Communists could not be spared. They arc, nevertheless, not given an opportunity to become well established in any place. Now that wnr is over they will be shifted from place to place more frequently. A Communist must obey. Every cap able Communist must register in the agitation division of the local Com munist committee, ana not less than once n week he must speak at a pub lic meeting. No use offering an ex cuse; it is not accepted. One wakes up in the morning and receives a mes sage which reads, "Comrade So-and-8o is going to speak at a meeting on such an such a subject. An automobile (or horse and buggy) will be sent for him in time." And one goes some times fifty vevsts from the pity, I e cause party discipline demands it. "In the name of party discipline the com mittee may demand from the nwmWrs everything. Here is n notice from the "Pravda": "At the party and the So viet schools of the Republic arc very much in need of simple Communist text-books, the Central Committee has decided to authorize several res ponsible writers in the party to com pile such text-books. They are there fore completely, or partly relieved from all other work and duties. In structions for such comrades follow: 1. Bubnoff. "History of the Com munist Party." Time, one month. He is being freed from all work in the Central Committee, but must eorrtfmie his work at the headquarters of the textile industry. 2. Steklow. "History of the Labor Movement in the West" and "The History of the Internationals." Time, two months. He is at the same time to nttend to his regular work at the "Izvestia". 8. Bukharin. (a) "Historic Material ism." (b) "Political Parties in Time of a Proletarian Revolution". Time for the first book, a month and a half. He is freed from party work but must attend to his duties at the office of the "Pravda". In the same manner eleven books were ordered written. In Russia even literature 'is being created "in the name of party discip line". A Communist must know. He must be thoroughly familiar with the ex ternal und internal situation of Rus sia, must be familiar with facts and figures about agriculture, industry, transportation and militnrv institu tions. He must be able to give a clear answer on all questions. It is not a pleasure to be a Com munist. To be a Communist means to have grave duties. From this it will be understood why people do not flock to the Communist Partv. although that party is in power. From this it will also be cleur why some Commun ists think of themselves as the elite and figure that they deserve more than other citizens. But some time we shall discuss such depraved Communists. A Patriotic Program By SAN I OKI) HAMILTON. A vote of thanks to Attorney General Daugherty! He explained in a few word's what's going on in the country when he said: "The country is settling down to a patriotic pro gram." Decoration Day, I had a glimpse at the parade in honor of those who never got back from the wars they had been driven to. I wondered, how' does the patriotic program work to ward those that came back crippled, who, m the words of Harold A. Little dale of the New York Evening Post, "are still waiting, exploited, neglected, forgotten." They are workers, all the "10,000 disabled veterans who are quartered in cellars, poor houses, and insane asylums." They are workers, all those who "as a rule are never visited by Federal officials to see whether they are properly cared for or whether the institutions in which they are con fined are even fire-proof or fit for human habitation." The workers, the "5,000 mentally disabled and 4,000 tubercular in urgent need of hospital treatment, and arc not able to get it because of the lack of hospital facilities." Now that "the country is settling down to a patriotic program," what is being done for those unfortunate workers? I went through some numb ers of the New York Times for in formation. Here are some interesting headlines: May 16. "Memorial Pogcant to Honor War r a I'e.i.i. American Lgion, other patrio tic societies. 4,000 school children to take part. (100 mothers are guests." Plenty of honors for the dead, not a damn thing for the living. Has something already been done for the living? Read this: May 18. Legion Says Government Rent Houses on Saranac Lake and Appoint Physicians. $7o,000 needed for ade quate housing of tubercular service men." You eee, nothing has been don and only 76.000 dollars are needed to do something. That the government is too poor to provide; but in the sam, issue of the Times wo read: $350,000, 000 For Array of 170.000 is approp. riatod." Millions for disabling workers, not Penny to provide for them when they arc disabled-that is tne patrio tic program. Harding Hero Weeps Over Soldier Dead Offers Plan For Funding Allied Debts." He weeps, he dries his tears, and talks of important tfcings. Who will second the motion of a rote of thanks to Mr Daugherty for telling us to what the country k) tettling down?