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CLEVELAND, OHIO, SAT UR&AY, JUNE, W, 1921.
PAGE 3. ONE YEAR f SIX MONTHS I FOREIGN I 2J0 1 tUDO I 1 y. I2-50 Address all mail and make all checks payable to THE TOILER 3207 CLARK AVENUE, CLEVELAND, OHIO. Entered as Second Class Matter, February 21, 1917, at the Post Office at Cleveland, Ohio, under the Act of March 3, 1879. BUNDLE ORDER PRICES Bundle orders in any quantity 3c. per copy. Bills upon bundle orders of 100 or more rendered monthly. Bills must be paid upon presentation. Order a bundle of Toilers weekly and tell them to yoar ghopmates. Published weekly by the TOILER PUBLISHING ASSOCIATION TELEPHONE: LINCOLN 3639. lIllllliillllllK EDITORIAL PAGE 0E THE TOILER D llllllllllllllliglgg1 IMBfll TOHIiiliraM The Socialist Party Convention. Delayed a month the Socialist Party will hold its national con vention in the city of Detroit on June 25. Seventy-five members will sit as delegates. We do not know by what happy coincidence Detroit happens to have this questionable honor. Whether the Socialist Party's at tempted steal of the House of the Masses from the Communists, which Bob Minor has so aptly characterized in his pamphlet as "Stedman's Red Raid", had any thing to do with its selection as the convention city or not we do not know. We feel justified in stating however, that such a manifestation of identity of interests of the Socialist Party with the bourgeoisie as was exemplified in that court procedure ought to be sufficient to gain the party a welcome with brass bands and other trimmings. As it is, the school board of Detroit has graciously tendered the party the use of one of the high schools for convention purposes. Please do not be suspicious. It is not likely that the delegates will do any thing there it o cause regret to the representatives of the school system of the bourgeoisie state for rendering this little token of regard. ffhe spectre of the Third (Communist) International will be present at the convention just as it has been present at every So cialist Party convention in every country held within the past year. The socialist press of Europe has been filled for months with dis cussions concerning it and its visits to various conventions in every country. It has haunted the Socialist party here for two years ; and now the two will meet face to face for what looks like a final count. But, there is this to be remembered however the count goes, the Third International will win. In stating that apperxances indicate a final count, we take our cue from the official socialist party press. Massachussetts has selected a solid delegation opposed to affiliation with the Third. Other states, if we recall correctly have done likewise. The question trty's' future relations with the Third is the over. shadowing question before the delegates. What will they do with the spectre? J. Louis Engdahl, of the present Left Wing in the S. P. will, lead the fight for unconditional affiliation. The following article taken. from the N. Y. Call gives Engdahl's views of the present situation and affords a sufficiently close-up for an understanding of what's on the screen. Much as we would like to think otherwise, there is but one issue before the Detroit national convention of the Socialist party to be held June 25. This issue is bound up in a resolution sponsored by the party's national i secretary, Otto Branstetter, which may be summarized as follows: "All members of the Socialist party supporting or indorsing the Third (Communist) International, or advocating affiliation therewith, shall be sub ject to expulsion. The national executive committee is instructed to enforce this decision." For two years now the party officialdom has been busy expelling and driving out of the party those Comrades who have taken a stand with the Third International. Yet the desire for affiliation with the International is still alive among what remains of the party's dwindling ranks. As one who supports, indorses and advocates affiliation with the Third In ternational, as a member of the Socialist party, I confidently assert that the party officialdom can no more crush the spirit of the world social revolution, born of the victory of our Russian Comrades over world imperialism, no more than the Wilson-Burleson regime could crush the spirit of American Socialism during the great war. The Detroit convention may, in a temporary fit of blindness, adopt the Branstetter proposition. The national executive committee may set out on a campaign of heresy -hunting unrivaled in American history, only to find that where vacant places have been left by Third Internationalists thrown out of the party, others are ready to take their places and carry on the struggle for true Socialism. , Does the membership of the Socialist party wish to have the party or ganization become the laughing stock of the working class organizations of the worH? If so they will favor the Branstetter resolution. They will urge their delegates to vote for it at Detroit. I would be very grateful to Branstetter if he would name one single politi cal party of labor in the world that has even considered such a proposition. Next to the American Farmer-Labor party, probably the most conservative party of labor in the world is the British Labor party that holds its congress this month. The British Labor party pretends to only a pale pink strain of Socialism. Yet branches of this very moderate party, that sent its spokesmen, Henderson, Clynes, Thomas, into the capitalists' war government, urge af filiation with the Third International and will have their proposals considered at the party's congress, without being subject to expulsion. And the American Farmer-Labor party in voting to send a delegation to Soviet Russia. The Branstetter proposition is the most insane reaction yet produced by the 21 conditions of affiliation announced by the second congress of the Third International. And every party member knows that there has been a regular tidal wave of hysteria, partly sincere, much of it very artificial. There is but one "International" in the world today. That is the Third In ternational. The so-called "Second International" professes now to be nothing more than a "reconstruction committee," with J. Ramsay Mac Dona Id as sec retary, paid by the British Labor Party. The 2' (Vienna) International also professes to he nothing more than a "reconstruction committee" under the high-sounding title of "International Working Union of Socialist Parties," the original purpose of which was to unite fragments of parties to secure more favorable terms of admission to the Third International. The Third (Communist) International is .tot only the one real interna timal. but it is also the only international of any kind that stands for true Socialism. Although the start of the world war crushed the frail organization of the "Second International," it could not root out the Socialist hope in the hesrta and in the minds of the world's work ing clash. True Socialism came to life during the war in international gatherings held at Zimmerwald and Kienthal, Switzerland, and at Stockholm. Sweden. At these gatherings the real Soclaliita of Europe pledged themselves against the world war, against international capitalism and imperialism. It was at the Stockholm conference that our European Comrades welcomed and applauded the St. Louis proclamation of the American Socialist party. Then came the Russian overthrow of the Cznrdom, the establishment of the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic, and the liquidation of the in ternational organization built at Zimmerwald, Kienthatfand Stockholm, into the Third International, organized at Moscow, the capital of the Workers' Republic, in March, 1918. In little more than two years the Third International has become the greatest power in all the world, not only because it lawn expression of the Russian revolution, and has behind it the prestige anil power of the first Socialist Soviet Republic, but because the numbers of itsjadherents among the workers in all the nations upon earth are growing wits increasing rapidity. While oppressed subject nations and nations of enslated workers look with hope to the International, born of the great war and the Russian revolution. the Branstetter resolution calmly asserts that the Socialist party should go on record as declaring that Comrades who serve the interests of the Third International serve the interests of. the American capitalists Perhans we ought to offer a prize for anyone abhf "How could a proposition like the Branstetter resoluji brain of anyone calling himself a Socialist?" This is the hysteria and the insanity that has helped one thing, to bring the party to its present deplorable evidence of something else? Are the real betrayers of Socialism in America on the verge of revealing themselves? to solve the puzzle on originate in the more than any other :ondition. Or is it an LOUIS ENGDAHl Chicago. working class of the world. The al leged position of Marxists has been so much condemned by syndicalists and others that is would do well to quote the resolution at length to iearn Marx's views. Unionism and Revolutionary Struggle. "Trade Unionism arose from the attempts of the workmen to resist the despotic behests of Capital and to prevent or at least to check the competition among the workers themselves, in order to obtain such conditions which would raise them above simple slavery. The immediate aims of trade unions is therefore confined to the daily struggle between capital and labor, or in short to wages and hours of labor. These activities are not only legitimate they are absolutely necessary they cannot be dispensed with as long as capitalism exists. More the support of the proletariat of other countries in a general rising. He tried to dissuade them from uselessly sacri ficing their lives. He, however, sup ported the Commune enegetically and after the defeat declared "The Paris of the workers with its Commune will be celebrated as the glorious herald of a new society." But with the bloody defeat, the English and French workers began to lose heart. The International, be cause of its connection with the Com mune, was placed under a ban throughout Europe. The differences in tactics which had long been kept under cover fully came to light again in the International. The sects began to flourish and the Utopian vagaries of Bakunin found fertile soil. The Decline. But the English trade unionists had become frightened by the ban that the States of Europe had declared against the International. They were Capitalist Owners Responsible for Industrial Losses. American Engineering Council says managements responsible for only 50 per cent production of capacity. By JOS. POORE. over they should be made gen-' dissatisfied with the part the Inter- The resolution to which Ungdahl takes exception reiips: "Whereas, the Communist International is attempting to disrupt and destroy the Socialist party of the United States, as etidenced by numerous declarations to that effect; and "Whereas, in their reply to the application of our party for affiliation, they make the following appeal to their sympathizers amor.;.' our membership: Workers: Leave the American Socialist party. It is your enemy and ours. Already in America there is u revolutionary party, the United Com munist party, the American section of the Communist International. These are our true Comrades. Thousands of them have suffered for the revolution. This is the party of the revolutionary working class. Join the United Communist party! And Whereas, those of our membership who are honestly in accord with the Communist International and who accept its conditions and dictation will, in response to the above appeal, either withdraw and join the United Com munist party or will remain in our party only for the purpose of creating dissension and attempting to destroy our organization. And Whereas, it is our duty to protect our party against such treachery on the part of the unprincipled and unscrupulous mem hers serving the in terests of either the Communist International or the Department of Justice, and in either case serving the interests of the American capitalists. Therefore, Be It 'Resolved, That until such time as the Communist Inter national has officially withdrawn the above appeal and others of a similar import, members of the Socialist party supporting or indorsing the Com munist International or advocating affiliation therewith, shall be subject to expulsion by their respective branches. And be it further Resolved, That the National Executive Committee be instructed to enforce this decision. The First International. By N. COLEMAN. The Communist Manifesto, written on the eve of the revolution of 1848, closed with the classic words "Work ers of the World, Unite!" This battle cry came too early to become a living reality at once. History had not yet prepared the ground for such a union. The revolution of '48 had failed. The counter-revolution and the great in dustrial development that was tlun taking place broke off the thread of the revolutionary movement. The ad vanced workers were to await the ef fect of the new industrial process upon the proletariat, conscious that it was to awaken l hem to a nw life. In the sixties, the effects were al ready evident. In England, a modern proletariat had been developed. Or ganized in strong trade unions, and led by progressive, farseeing men, it already had engaged in bitter strug gles with the master class. In Ger many, the factory system began to grow in the sixties and did away with the old system of handicraft, im poverishing the craftsmen, and driving them into the factories. In 1863, Fer dinand Lnsalle organized the first po litical labor union. In France, the old system of small-scale production i'll 1 1 v . 1 was stni prevalent. iNeverinetess, in spite of the dissuasions of Ptaedhon, who abhored the formation of work ers associations, more than .'1,00(1 workers had been sentenced for par ticipating in about 750 associations between the years 1853-1866. Toloun, the leader of the French workers, was agitating for freedom of the press and assemblage and for the repeal of the anti-association act. Everywhere the workers were astir. The condi tions were indeed favorable for an in ternational union of the workers; only the occasion to bring them together was required. The International Industrial Expo sition held at London, in 1862, to which a deputation of French workers headed by Toloun were sent, furnish ed the occasion. They were welcomed by the English, who expressed I de- sire of "finding some International means of connection that would form a new link of love which should unito the laborers of every country." The r reach proposed the establishment of committees of workmen for the ex cnange or correspondence upon tho questions of international indu.tr . Subsequent gatherings were held upon the occasion of the Polish Revolution. which led up to the great meeting of Sept. 28, 1H64, in Ixmdon. There. the initial organization for the for niation of an International Associa tion of workers was proposed. To Karl Marx, who was there represent ing the German worker, was entrust cd the colossal task of drawing up a program which would not shut the door to the English Trade Unionist.;, the French, Uelgian, Italian, and Spanish Proud honists, and the Ger man Lasalleai . This he accomplish ed in the Address, Preamble and Rules. He declared in the Preamble that the "emancipation of the work ers was to be accomplished by the working class itself "that v.he struggle for the emancipation of ihs working class ;neant the complete abolition of every kind of class domi nation.... that the economic eman cipation of the working class was the great aim to which every political movement mu?t be subordinated...' In the Address, he avoided touching upon theoret . al differences, but sought to indicato that the economic conditions of ipitalism called for the unity of the workers of various coun tries. He declared .the working class must acquire political power, the mastery of the State, and use that power to obi ;im possession of the means of production. To acquire this political power, they must first unite; they possessed one element of strength, that of numbers, but suc cess could be realized only through union, such as the International was set up to bring about. The Address was enthusiastically received. An International of Action. Marx was not satisfied with the In ternational be ming a correspondence bureau, but wished it to he a center of all endeavors pointing to the eman cipation of the workers, and ultimat ely to become the organ to lend the workers of Kuropt in a general ris ing. But to nccoMplish this, the uto pinn ideas nnd sectarian tendencies which were survivals of the period of Utopian Socialism and which flourish ed in those countries where the fac tory system was breaking up craft individualism, would have to be pushed into the backi round. The Cooperative enterprises under State support which Lasalle advocated and the Peo ple's Free t ie lit Bank which Proud hon proposed, though containing some proletarian qualities, were reaction ary, as then objects were to reestab lish the independent craftsman. Be tween the ears 1865-1807, Marx struggled against the Proudhnnisls and overcome them With Marx in the ascendancy, the International became a school for the propaganda of fundamental Marxian theories. At the Geneva Congress of 1866, where the Preamble and Rules were accepted, Marx drew up a reso lution on Trade Unionism which in dicated the uecsssity of making labor organtoat'ons eral through an alliance of the workers of all countries. "The Trade Unions form, how ever, on the other hand centres of organization for the wliole work ing class, just as the gui'ds and corporations formed in medieval times the centres of the rising middle class. If the trade unions in their former capacity ar': ab solutely necessary for the daily contests or guerillas between labor and capital, they are all the more important as organized bodies for the abolithn cl wage labor and of the domination of capital. They should act con sciously as the fqci of the organi zation of labor in the interest of their complete emancipation. They should support all social and po litical movements which tend in the same direction. They should act as champions and represen tatives of the whole working class so as to emancipate the down trodden millions." Marx called for the organization of political parties, and, furthermore, tried to harmonize the conduct of the working class in the field of world politics. Thruout the General Council of the International, he declared against the Muscovite danger to Eu rope nnd the necessity for the re establishment of a free and united Poland. Upon the re-election of Lin coln, Marx wrote in the name of the General Council, praising him for his struggle against the "oligarchy that had dared to inscribe slavery upon the banner of revolt.' In later years, he defined the position of the Interna tional toward the Franco-Prussian War and the Paris Commune. At the same time the International was in fluential in checking the importation of cheap labor from the continent into England to be used as a strikebreak er; it collected funds for the aid of strikers, in many cases the aid of the International contributing actively to the victory of the workers. The Inter national came to be blamed for any strike that broke out on the continent. national played in the Commune, and hastened to withdraw. The intriguing of Bakunin also weakened the move ment. In vain did Marx call for union at the Congress of 1872. "Solidarity!" he declared. "We shall attain the great end for which we stand only if we establish this life giving principle as the firm foundation for the work ers of all countries. The example of the Commune of Paris, which fell be cause a grant revolutionary movement did not break out in all the capitals of Europe, in Berlin, in Madrid, at the same time a movement which should have made common cause with the powerful rising of the proletariat of Paris should inspire all workers with the need of solidarity." But the appeal was in vain. The Marxists expelled the intriguing Bakunites and transferred the Gen eral Council to New York, in order to place it beyond the grasp of Baku nin. There it was formally dissolved in 1876. The International had outlived its usefulness. It had pointed out to the workers the need for political and trade union activity. It gave the pro letariat of the world a common philos ophy. It had become impossible to conduct the affairs of the proletariat from one center. Capitalism had not yet developed internationally, and the Consternation and pandemonium reigned in the ranks of the American Engineering Council, at St. Louis, Mo., on June 4 when a committee ap pointed by the Executive Board to investigate industrial stagnation, charged the employers and capitalists with wilful waste in the management of its industrial plants. The American Engineering Council was reorganized by Herbert Hoover, a member of Harding's cabinet, as a bulwark against the growing strength of the labor movement. Its program calls for unqualified support to caoital ism and voices vigorous opposition to organized labor.The report which holds the employers responsible for 50 per cent, waste in American- industries, has created a great stir and may lead to a split between the conservatives and liberals. The conservative members tried every trick to stifle the report and thus prevent its publication. Things looked rather ugly when a compromise was agreed upon, the conservatives consenting to the publication of the reports as the findings of a "com mittee." Million Always Idle. The report points out that the "margin of unemployment amounts to more than a million men." In plain English this means that a million men are compelled to be idle even in normal times in order to create a labor market for the employers. A largerlabor market means cheap la bor, low wages and a 10-11-12 hour work day. Furthermore "billions of dollars are tied up in idle equipment."' capital demands the same "rate i ism had not yet developed interna tionally, and the proletariat of each country was concerned with its na tional problems. As the General Council of New York in its final ad dress declared, "We have abandoned the organization of the International for reasons arising from the present situation of Europe. Let us give our fellow workers a little time to strengthen their national affairs and they will soon be in a position to re move the barriers between themselves and the workmen of other parts of the world." Growth of the International. By the year 1870, groups and as sociations of workers in England, France. Germany, Italy, Spain, Bel gium, Switzerland Hungary, Poland, as well as America, had become members of the International. The National Labor Union of America in convention held in Baltimore passed resolutions similar to those adopted at Geneva, and by 1870 Cameron an nounced the adherence of several hundred thousands of Americnn work- erg to the principles of the Interna tional. The latter became the fear of statesmen ns it became the hope of the class-conscious workers. But it was a fear inspired more by the vast possibilities of the movement than by the actual strength. At the opening of the year 1870, Europe was much disturbed by working class activities, and it nppenred that the gignntic pro gram of Marx for a general rising of the European proletariat at least :: the great centres might soon be realized under the guidance of the International. It was the only body that had either the information or the brains at its command to give the various movements in different coun tries n definite and, eventually, combined organization. The Franco Prussian War and the defeat of the Paris Commune were soon to destroy these hopes. But more than that, it wan to expose the real conditions, that action was still lacking. The occupation of Sedan ami Metz by the Germans arointed the national hatred of the French, and shattered the fraternal Hen between the French and German workers. Marx early saw the lack of cooperation between the workers for fundamental revolution ary action. When the Paris workers rose, he foresaw the movement doom- I throughout the ed to failure boeaut It could not win proletariat from one center. Capital- profits it made during the war and will not open its plants until it get it. Naturally this means that millions of workers must walk the streets to sa tisfy the inordinate greed of the em ployers. Another element contributing to waste "is the high labor turnover". This signifies that the bosses keep on hiring and firing in order to obtain the cheapest labor possible. From four to five million workers were idle during the first three months of this year, which means a loss in wages of a half a billion dollars. The report charges. "Maintainance of high prices", the report continues, "on the part of the owners influences the situ ation; collusion in building trades is a restriction; legitimate (?) restrictions are often practiced by owners of patented, or trade marked articles." Preventable Sickness Another Cause. Charging that the annual economic loss in the country through prevent able diseases and death amounts to $3,000,000,000, the report urges a more "general use of safety methods". The reports adds that "42,000,000 persons lose 350,000,000 days from Taking The Greatest Pleasure. By JOHN, WESLER. The capitalist olass has, of course, not accepted the whole of Marxism. But it has always been very adaptable in picking the best of every social theory. Seventy-three years ago, Marx wrote in his Communist Manifesto: "Our bourgeois not content with hav ing the wives and daughters of their proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common prostitutes, take the illness nnrl rlittAaen ,!' na. nanf ,.f fkn greatest pleasure in seducing each waste caugcd hy , hea,th .g prmnt. able; in 1917 there were 3,000,000 in- others' wives". The members of the capitalist class have always doggedly upheld this theory in practice in the face of harsh and bitter criticism. Today, however, one no longer meets this intemperate criticism at least among the more informed classes, like preachers, editors, corporation direc tors, etc. For example, take the Stillman af fair. The care is neither unusual nor uncommon. James Alexander Stillmnn, president of the powerful National City Bank and director in a score of corporations, states that his wife is the mother of a child of which he is not the father. She declares that he, under the alias of "Mr. Leeds", is the father of a child of which she is not the in other But our better class of preachers, editors and corporation directors know- better thrn to censure this affair. They arc too well practiced in the theories of "Marxian" sexiology, and economic determinism. Soberly speaking, one cannot help remarking that it is this putrid capitalist class of ours that spread the foulest lies about the heroic pro Ictariat of Russia. And it is these same hireling preachers and editors so silent concerning the orgies of their masters whose fertile brains devised that monstrosity, "Nationali zation of women in Soviet Russia.'' dustrial accidents resulting in an eco nomic loss to the country of nbout $853,000,000." Summing up, the report says that 50 per cent of the waste is directly traceable to the culpable neglect and indifference of the employers whose only motive is increased profits and dividends. In view of the fact that the Amcricaan Engineering ouncil is a hilghly reactionary body working hand in glove with the exploiters of labor, its accusations against the gi gantic greed of tho employers in keeping factories shut thereby ag gravating unemployment, are doubly significant. While the report does not suggest a replacement of the present capital istic system with communism, yet in tellingent workers must conclude that the only solution to the unemployment problem lies in tho control of the factories, mines and mills by the workmen and their operation for their own use. All the methods are more palliatives. THE IRISH PEOPLE For Workers of Irish Birth 1 year $2.50. M2 West 23 Street New Tort CKy i V 3