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CLEVELAND, OHIO, SATURDAY, AUGUST 27, 1921. THE TOILER PAGE S. ONE TEAR $2.00 SIX MONTHS tl.00 FOREIGN 1 year, J2.50 1! lii Address all mail and make all checks payable to THE TOILER 3207 CLARK AVENUE, CLEVELAND, OHIO. Entered as Second Class Matter, February 21, 1917, at the Post Office at Cleveland, Ohio, Under the Act of March 3, 1879. BUNDLE ORDER PRICES Bundle orders in any quantity 8Mic. per copy. Bills Upon bundle orders of 100 or more rendered monthly. Bills must be pid upon presentation. Order a bundle of Toilers weekly and sell them to your shopmates. Published weekly by the TOILER PUBLISHING ASSOCIATION TELEPHONE: LINCOLN 3639. H pgitEnianianisnignraiiian'aingiiraipam EDITORIAL PAGE OF THE TOILER THE COMMUNIST SOLUTION OF THE NATIONAL QUESTION. By Stalin in Russ ian Press Review. man power should be recognized as ! WH AT A FOOL LABOR HAS BEEN the rear or the reserves of imperial- mrm M-mMwm mm. m ism. To win a war it is necessary not I By DAVID CRATON, only to be victorious at the front, but! to revolutionize the rear of the enemy, his reserves. Therefore the victory of This is a very propituous time, with li nr f j tv!ij..j n i i- .iiiMahor crucified, disorganised, and all the World Proletarian Revolution will ! . , . . , . . , . . . I but annihilated at the hands of the be secure only after the proletariat ... ,, , ii i j,,v ui. ! capitalist offensive, to recall those will skillfully combine his own revo- r . liberating lttl'ciul uya , wnwi trie rnner- lean capitalists aeeiaren w.v on tne HELP SOVIET RUSSIA. Tito ..-.i!.,, 1 nf nniAfnanKiniv Vio Tin-! tiftinnnrv slftCAT . hp ronnHiat.Pil nrwl nAnA k fi, r!m ' onKotitnf hv f.T,nthP revni,,finn0rv; hrtionary struggle with the . .... ... . mnvpmpTit of all the nations and Mia munists, is fundamentally different! slogan which coum dispel the distrust imi,iim i capitalists of Germany. (Their Joans I ,1 . . i. i. i. i.1 XT' A i. The appeal of Soviet Russia to the world's proletariat for help in the present famine must be heeded by every worker. The interests of every worker of every country are indissolubly bound up with the Russian working class. The Russian working masses have well earned the name of "vanguard of the world's working class." It has established the first workers' government in the world. It has defended that government and the Soviet system with heroism and devotion. It Has given hundreds of thousands of lives in sacrifice that freedom of the world's workers might have a beginning there. In defending the Revolution in Russia, they have defended the workers' interests; here and everywhere. Europe's working classes, impoverished as they are by years of privation and suffering brought on by the capitalist world. war, are giving of their scanty store aid and relief to the drought stricken Russian comrades. American workers, infinitely better off even with this present unemployment, must also prove its worth to be called generous and conscious of its class interests by giving every possible measure of relief. Every worker's dollar given to Russian relief is a loan made to the Revolution. Russia mum not be allowed to fall a victim to scheming imperialists who seek to dethrone the Soviets with preffers of aid. Russia relies upon the workers in this emergency. She appeals to the workers, not to the capitalist governments. From the workers is due the succor needed. They must throw in their lot with the revolutionary workers who have won this out post from capitalism. They m3t strengthen the arms which hold it and guard it against all capitalistic aggressors. Workers of all the world must make its relief to Russia a means of closer unity with each other and with Russia. They must establish a unity of brotherhood and comradeship which no capitalist intrigue or war can break or weaken. Let American workers join hands with the world proletariat in giving giving until it hurts to the van guard of the Revolution the workers of Russia. DEBS AND PUBLIC OPINION. frnm thp mpthod nspd hv the leaders 1 of the working masses of the ODPres of the Second and Second and a Half! sed nations towsfr.is the proletariat of International, by all sorts of socialist, social-democratic, menshevik, S.-R. and other parties. It is most important to emphasize four fundamental points, as the most characteristic and dis tinctive features of the new formula tion of the national question, as they draw a sharp line of distinction be tween the old and new comprehension of the national question. the ruling natio is, and thereby pave the way for th s equality of nations and the unity f the workers of all nations. Such s the slogan of the Communists wh demand for the op pressed nations biai colonies the right of complete independence. The value of this sloganjlonsists in 1) It does way with the possibility of suspecting the workers of one na t J 5 .! i 11. The first point is the consideration wp aainsi ine of the national ouestion as a Dart of, workers of (mothir natlon- 1 e- jt Pre" the general question of the liberation Pares the ouml for mutual ust of the colonies In the enoeh of the am Ior vciunwry amalgamation; aeeond International, the national 2) !t ars off the mask from the ouestion was renerallv limited to a imperialists who hypocritically chat There is an ancient supposition that the newspapers express "public opinion". The newspapers may have done so when news papers served as an honest expression of the thinking portion of the people in the early days of newspaper enterprize. But since the oligarchy cf capital has assumed proprietorship of the world's daily press, it ha ceased to be any sort of expression of public opinion but instead is a tool used by capitalism to create public cpinion favorable to itself and its projects. Yet the ancient supposition, now become a myth, still persists. The newspapers perpetuate it for the glory of their masters. "The Desert News," of Salt Lake City, in an editorial of the issue of August 9, serving the interests of reaction, attempts to fasten upon "American pulblic opinion" the approval of, ,'f not the responsibility for, the continued imprisonment of Deis. "this without any special feeling of bitterness and in spite of the fact that the war-time statute which he violated has be come nugatory by the declaration of peace, also in spite of the natural repugnanlce against retaining in prison a "political of fender" sixty-six years of age." This ia merely a cowardly method of passing the buck on to the "public", Which has no voice to express its sentiments in the Desert News or any other capitalistic White Guard sheet. If American opinion had a chance to express itself as readily as have the reactionaries, there is no question as to what it would be upon the mutter of Debs' release, let the black prcs.s carp as it win " i , e !PM; DO YOU FEEL THIS WAY? and lenrn from. DEAR COMRADE: Times are hard but I would rather go hungry than not get The Toiler. Pete Breed. IF YOU DO, USE THE BLANK BELOW. SUBSCRIPTION BLANK ONE YEAR $2.00. HALF YEAR $1.00. Name ' Address City State Use this blank for renewals or new subscriptions. THE TOILER 8207 CLARK AVE. CLEVELAND. OIIIO narrow circle of problems which ex clusively related to "civilized nations." The Irish, Tchekhs, Poles, Finns, Serbians, Armenians, Jews, and a few other nationalities of Europe repre sented all the oppressed nationalities i ter about self-determination but who endeavor by every foul means to re tain t'ie oppressed nations in utter submission to their imperialist con trol, whereby they unwittingly inten sify the liberating struggle of th n n;.f.w;n P..1"11" investments to tne jcsuenie UiUl 1U1 111' I'll I I ' Ul WIG A IV- letariat. Precisely this "detail" was capitalists were being menaced by a overlooked by the leaders of the Sec- German victory). (No interests of ond and Second and a Half Interna-! the worker8 here)- And did not "Mo tional in their detaching the national j I-not-suggest" Wilson, as spokesman and colonial questions from the ques- for the capitalists, suggest to the tion of power in the epoch of the im- working masses of America to sink pending Proletarian Revolution in the; a11 diferences durinS this critica1 yest, j period? As a wily commander in chief of the American capitalists, whose forces he was leading, he suggested a truce between capital and labor. Truce Signed. Necessity of Aid. The Fourth Point is the introduction I into the national question of a new element, i. e. the element of actual (not mere'y juridical) equalization of nationalities (assisting the backward nation to rise to the cultural and economic level of the advanced na tionalities) as one of the pre-requisite conditions for the achievement of fraternal co-operation between the toiling masses of the different na tionalities. In the epoch of the Second International the demand was raised whose destines had any interest forj lown trodden peoples against the yoke, for the removal of "national disabili- It goes without saying that the workers of Russia would never have the second International. Tens and ; 01 'mPcna.ism. hundi-AU of million, nf thn Aslntip Example Set By Russia. and African peoples who are subject ed to national oDression in the most cruel and savage form, were entirely ! B,ned the WaVMty of the workers overlooked by the "socialists." Whites: of Wecrn Europe had they not im and Blacks, "uncultured" negros and : mediately upon ''""2 Pcr de- "rivilizen ' Irisbmrn "h.W.rH Hit,. I clnred the "ht of nations to com- doos, and "enlightened" Poles, were plete independeneo, and had they not not to be placed on an equal footing.' proven ,n alty their readiness It was implicitly understood that how-! t0 Dut thi "lanable right of the ever neoearv it i. to rn rm J oppressed nations into practise by re- -- - - " "r " - - gle for the liberation of the European oppressed nationalities, it is entirely dishonorable for "respectable" social ists to bother much about the, libera tion of the colonies which are "in dispensable" for the "preservation" of "civilization '. These so-called so cialists could not grasp that the elimi nation of national oppression in Eu rope is impossible without the libera tion of the peoples of Asia and Africa from the yoke of imperialism, as the nouncing their claims to Finland (1917), by recalling their troops from. Northern Persia, and renouncing all claims upon certain sections of Mon golia, China,, etc. It is equally certain that the ac cumulating failures of the imperialist powers in the East despite their claim to stand for therights of self deter mination of natiorts, are the result of the rapidly grjjjjyr. Jibetating move ment which has adopted as its slogan former isorganically connected with j the rif,t.of oppressed nations to the latter. The communists were the first to discover the connection of tro complete independence. This the heroes of the Second and Two and a Half In I l- i. 1- i i i a. i mi. national question with the colonial : ter,luuonals ao nm un(lerstan"- "cy 1" 1 . Jn.vMMAA IV J ,, , ,,,, nupst on Thev olnhorntprl thio nmv i"-'uu'J uc.,iu,h.; tne U..u ui, conception theoretically, and made it the basis of their revolutionary prac tise. They broke down the wall tha1; separated the Whites and Blacks, the "cultured" and "uncultured" slaves of imperialism. This circumstance 1 as considerably facilitated, the coordina tion of the struggle of the backward colonies with the struggle of the ad vanced proletariat against the com mon foe, against imperialism. Autonomy or Self Determination. The second point is the substitution cil of Action and Propaganda for some of its trifling mistakes, which must be fully excused by anybody who is sufficiently aquainted with the activi ties of the above mentioned "Council" for the whole year of its existence and with the trend of development of the liberating movement of the Asiatie ties' . But national equalization, how ever, is liable to remain an empty sound, if insufficient resources and possibilities are afforded for the util ization of this supremely important right. Doubtless the toiling masses of the backward nations are less able to make use of the rights of "national equality" than the toiling masses of the more advanced nations: the age long national inequality (cultural and economic) which cannot be obliterated in one or two years leaves its sharp imprint. Such a condition prevails most particularly in Russia where some nationalities, not yet having entered even the primary stage of capitalism, are almost without any proletariat and, although formally en joying all the rights of equality, have no practical possibility of achieving them, owing to their cultural and economic backwardness. Still more acutely will tHls inequality be felt on the "morrow of the victory" of the proletariat in the West. Then there will emerge upon the arena numerous colonies and semi-colonies which are passing through the most widely dif ferent stages of development. There- I fore it is imperative that the triumph ant proletariat of the advanced na tions shall come to the aid of the toil ing masses of the backward nations and help them raise themselves to a higher level of development and achieve real cultural and economic and African colonies for the last two (equality. Without this active and wil or three years. ling support it will be almost impos- Intertwined With Revolution. The Third Point is the development of an organic connection between the national-colonial question and the or tne nemnous slogan of the right i question of the power of capital, the of nations to self-determination for', overthrow of capitalism and the Dic- the clear revolutionary slogan of the right of every nation and colony to achieve complete political independ ence, to form their own independent States. In speaking of the right of self determination the leaders of the sec ond International never hinted at the tatorship of the Proletariat. In the epoch of the Second International the national question was deprived of all of its wider implications nnd was viewed and considered exclusively, as n sepftrate phenomenon, without any relation to the impending Revolution. it was taken tor granted that the na right of complete separation; the right tional question would be solved "nntur of self determination was interpreted I ally" prior to the Proletarian Revolu ns the right to autonomy. Such "spe-ii0n, hy means of reforms within the cialists" on the national question as (limits of capitalism and that, further Springer and Baum, went so far as 'more, the Proletarian Revolution can to convert the right of self-deternu- bp successfully aecomnlished without nation into the right of the opprossci nations of Europe to cultural auto- cardihally affecting the notional prob lems and, reversely, the natiminl nomy, i. e. the right of establishing question can be fully disposed of with thcir own cultural institutions, while out the overthrow of capitalism and leaving die entire political and econo- the victory of the Proletarian Revo.u mic power in the hands of the' tion. This basically imperialistic point dominant nationalities. In other words,1 of view runs like a thrend through the right of the oppressed nations to jail the works of Springer nnd Bauer, self-determination was converted into The events of the last ten years have ti e privilege of the dominant nations! completely oxposed the invalidity and to wield political power, whereupon! shallowness of this conception of the the question of political separation national question. The imperialist has sible to bring about the peaceful co habitation and fraternal co-operation of the toiling masses of the different nationalities in one unified vorld economic system, which are indispen sible for the final triumph of Com munism. Hence follows that we cannot limit ourselves to "national equality," but We must proceed from "national equa lity" to such measures of practical na tional equalization as will guarantee the actual realization of this princi ple. Theselrheasures are: 1) A study of the economic status, the mode of living nnd culture of the backward nations and peoples; 2) The development of their culture; 3) Their political enlightment; 4) Their gradual and normal intro duction to higher forms of economic organization; 6) The arrangement of economic co op-L.'on between the workers of the back-var' and advanced nationa i ties. Such ore the fundamental points which characterize the method ndopt ed by the Communists in solving the nationa! problems. And can American labor forget that the commander of the Workers Ar my, betrayer Gompers, and his ilk, officially signed this truce when hr pledged the aid of labor to win the war? The truce was signed the t. trayal completed. This is the story of the GREAT BETRAYAL Ly the Labor Army Com manders in America, and in all of the warring nations the history of the collapse of the Second Interna tional and Amsterdam International. The voice of the farsighted leaders, the true leaders of labor who sounder1 the warning, "DO NOT SIGN THE TRUCE, BUT NOW, WHEN THE CAPITALISTS ARE WARRiNG AGAINST EACH OTHER, IS THE OPPORTUNE TIME FOR THE WORKERS TO TURN AGAINST THE CAPITALISTS AT HOME." In the light of present dky realties, wage-reduction-drives, longer-hour-drives, open-shop-drives, then, in 1917, when American capitalists were men aced, was the most opportune time for the Labor Army to have launched an offensive, either by a general strike, or of mass action, and to se cure, for all time, the full fruits of such a victory. Not to sign an infamous truce for a few minor con cessions; (Now found to he merely temporary.) At the close of the armistice be tween the warring capitalists Amer ican labor still had its few concessions, the closed-shop, wages were seeming ly higher, and the American workers were bathed in a wave of prosperity. Capitalists Break Truce. With the security that they were no longer menaced by foreign capital- ( ism (for a time anyway), capitalism here now thought it safe to breaic the truce signed between capital and labor. "BACK TO NORMALCY" meant BREAK THE TRUCE BE TWEEN CAPITAL AND LABOR. And where was betrayer Gompers. Was he out on the battle-field leading the workers army to resist this treachery of the capitalists? Instead he divided his time prating about the origin of the war and foaming about the Soviets, to whom the American working masses are looking for leadership. Capitalism here broke the truce, and launched wage-reduction drives, open-shop-drives, etc.. offensive, re sulting in the complete victory over the independent craft unions (the re giments of the workers army). Labor for the most part did not resist, were caught in this surprise attack, where every regiment was being battered to slavery. When it was most imperative, for the craft unions to consolidate their positions (to form industrial unions) to withstand this treacherous blow of the capitalists (just as it is folly for single army regiments to fight the greater foe single-handed, but must unite into divisions, corps and full armies), again their leaders failed them. Reorganize The Army. Here, then, is the immediate aim for re-organizing the workers army, FROM CRAFT UNIONISM TO POWERFUL INDUSTRIAL UNIONS FROM SINGLE REGIMENTS TO COitPS AND FULL ARMIES to resist wage reductions, open shop drives, and for the final impending battle. This program must be carried out if vital victories are ever to be expected. Watch The Leaders. All hindrances in the path of this rp-nreanization must be absolutely stand 100 per cent for labor in words AND DEEDS, must be cast by the wayside. (There is a big job here). This must be the first aim of (hi labor army in order to pave the way to victory in the final battle. ANNOUNCEMENT. Beginning with next week's issue we will begin the serial publication of G. Zinoviev, "My Twelve Days in Germany." This pamphlet was written directly after Zinoviev's return to Russia in November, 1920 from an attendance at the congress of the Independent So cialist Party of Germany at Halle, at which time he delivered a momentous speech which resulted in the splitting of that party and the formation of the German Communist Party. The sketch of Zinoviev's experiences and the congress is written in splendid moving style; is replete with pen character sketches of the German party lenders and at times is highly amusing and witherinry scornful and satirical of personages and tactics with which Zino viev differed. It is a serial which every radical will be heartily glad to read shown and the revolutionary practiso has affirmed that: 1) The national and colonial ques tions are inseparable from the ques tion of the liberation from the rule was entirely excluded. The ideological head of the Second International, Kautsky, fundamentally agrees with this actually imperialistic interpreta tion of self-determination as formulat ed by Springer and Baum. It is not ' of capitalism; surprising therefore, that the im-( 2) Imperialism (the highest form perialists noticing this peculiarity of , of capitalism) cannot exist without the slogan of self-determination, have tho political and economic enslave, appropriated it and made it their own. mcnt of the smallor nations and colo The Imperialipt war. the real aim of nips; which was the enslavement of nations,! 3) The small nations and colonies was carried on under tho banner of j cannot be liberated without the over-self-determination. Thus the nebulous! throw of the power of capitalism; slogan of self-determination was con-l 4) The victory of tho proletariat verted from a weapon for the libera- cannot be secure without the cmanci tion of nations into a weapon for ro- petion of the small nations and colo taining the nations in object submia-' nieg from the ydke of imperialism. sion to imperialism, '.he course of If Europe and Vents In the entire woild for the lusti signnted ns the front and the arcs of few years, the logic of .'ie revolution ; the main battles in Europe, and finally the growth of, and ImperinliRni the libereting movements in the colo- and colonies witl nles, demand that this, at present re-food stuffs and America can be de- How German Com munists Work. Basing itself on the experience of the March insurrection which brought out certain inherent weaknesses in the organization of the German Party, the National Council has worked out a new scheme of organization for the party along the following lines: Tho Communist branches in the large towns break up into sections nnd groups containing about a dozen members, each of which elects a lead er. As soon as they have increased to the size of 20 members they must break up into two groups. Every group leader will have assigned to between Communism! the smell nations i their raw material,! remendous stores of I "From Rome To Wall Street" JAMES H. FISHER, moat popular labor speaker of the Pacific Coast will speak on the above subject at the points named below. Comrade Fisher's lecture deserves the atten tion of every thinking worker jn these cities. Come and bring j ur friends. His meetings are under the auspices of the National Defense Committee and the American Labor Alliance. OHIO: TOLEDO, August 27. at Labor Temple, Michigan nnd Jef ferson Sis., 8 V. M. CLEVELAND, August 28. nt Picnic at Lee Hd. Take Bn ad way -Cort left car to end of line. Transfer lo Dinkey or Bus, get off at Lee Rd. CANTON, August 30, at Canton Munic Hull, 8 P. M. YOUNG8TOWN, August 31, al Central Square. 8 P. iVf him a definite field of action a street block of houses etc. Every member of a group will be charged with serving one or more houses, according to the size of the field of action appointed. In these houses his work will be: To distribute leaflets. To secure subscriptions to the Communist press. To recruit new members. To work at election time. To stick up posters and propaganda sheets. To collect infor mation. The collection of information con sist of being acquainted with all the events of the houses: each member must know in the centre attributed to him how many independents, majori ty socialists, and non-political indi viduals there are. He must also know V.ow many counter-revolutionary ele ments there are, and amongst these how many are ready to enter into active operations against the Com munists. He must know if there are arms in these houses, and what quantity; whether there are members belonging to the "Orgesch" (white guards) or to the Self-Defense Organi zations, and whether counter revolu tionary meetings arc held theic. The members must maintain strict secrecy as to all the information they collect, and inform only their group leader. The latter, In his turn, after checking it, transmits It to the branch secretaries and federation secretaries, who will communicate it to the higher authorities of the party. , Thp groups unite In one or more branches, according to the ilsa of tha town, and elect their representatives to the local executive committee (Ortsvoritand).