El Paso herald., March 27, 1920, HOME EDITION, Page 4, Image 4

About El Paso herald. (El Paso, Tex.) 1901-1931

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EL PASO HKRAL1J
Week-End Edition, March 27-28, 1920.
U. S. CAN DICTATE FOR
BUT ILL LATER
I
If
E OPPOSED
(Ceatiased' 'rem race I)
1 rued States would patently be the i to the British acquisition of German
pir to ftbolMfe am econente chaos, j-Cflloniea and ships, we shall call upon
siting from the terms of peace, ! France to surrender, her acquisitions
.r l nv insuring the economic "e- j of the same character or abandon
1 ' -Lotion of Germany eliminate (measures taken In the same search
uI.ihfvist devil But obviously for security. We shall necessarily
-w "culd not ask any one nation to , have to make similar demands upon
..k- all the sacrifices. Italy, upon Japan and upon Poland.
1v by the drastic exercise of Suek n course, boitfTfr, leada
ur f nancial weapon, could we hope fnttantly to the caarpe that we
' British or the French, in matters
the ooloiiies or the union of
ius-ria with Germany. Only by the
J 1 -rate proffer of our own fi
al resfvurces could we persuade
' " French to resign their claims
norm any for indemnities, even
bare entered Into an -alliance
with the British to create an
Anglo-Saxon hegemony of the
world and it must rcanlt in the
clone MKoefatlon of continental
nations to resist Anclo-American
policies and vamoira.
We shall, by this course, avoid f
No Drinks in U. S.,
So They Go Back Home
pBNEVA, Switz.. March 27.
Thousands of Poles. Czecho
slovaks and J u go -Slavs, mostly of
the middle and working classes,
who have made small fortunes,
have arrived in Switzerland from
America recently, with thefr dol
lars, on- their way to their own
countries, where their income will
be increased 65 to S5 percent by
the exchange.
Some are returning from patrl
otie - motives or owing to home
sickness, others in hopes of gain;
but six out of ten because America
has gone dry, which they consider
"slavery." adding that after 10 to
12 hoars' work a workman should
be permitted to bey beer or
whttky.
In the meantime the Swiss cafe
proprietors- have made a vtle con
coction labeled whisky which they
are selling to these exiles at high
prices.
ib sum of those indemnities i forcing the British into line with
-p-'-d the economic ruin of Ger- tns continent In resisting our pro-
i posaia. ddi we snau intensity con-
But II we pursued anch a
coarse one of absolute im
partialitythen we should Incur
the hatred of all. and net Im
possibly all would In the end
be led to a common resUtanee
of oar eure-
KH agnizing the total failure of the
' -t r-ethod, as disclosed at Paris.
- ray pass to the second.
"He CooMnt Mske Good."
Here the question is simpler.
menca may place itself beside a
- ig-'e nation, let us say Great Bri
. n. and. accepting British claims,
ii the British in our campaign
o reduce the claims of all other na
tmns to such a dgree that Germany
r av still be economically re-
- .ibilitated and bolsheviam avoided
r antral Europe.
But this means that having agreed
tinental resistance and deprive our
undertaking of a very large part of
its moral authority.
Must Axrrre to Send 3Ien
Moreover, if we Join with the
British, and the same is true If our
partner were France or Italy, we
actually agree to a military alliance,
become Involved with that country
in all its other disputes, inherit its
enemies and make enemies of na
tions still our friends. This, again
Is a long way from accomplishing
our purpose or performing our duty
to the world.
But If we do neither the one
nor the other of these two things,
what Is there left for m to Cot
Bnterisg the league of nations
will chance nothing. It will
merely mean endeavoring to do
one -or the Either of these things
Inside the league Instead of out
of It.
The problems will be the same, onr
single weapon will remain our fi
nancial resources and any attempt to
employ this weapon will encounter
the same resistance, protest and de
nunciation which attended tpe presi
U. S, ISOLATION
TS PHQTEGTID
while the European nations continue
to ask for American participation
they are led by a total misapprehen
sion of what that participation
actually means.
All Want Our Aid.
Quite naturally the Englishman
believes that American participation
means American support of British
views of world order. The French
man must have the same belief.
But if it be made clear to Briton
and Frenchman alike, that America
in the nature of things can only In
tervene in world affairs to re
organize them. I am satisfied that
both Britain and France would with
draw their invitations.
If we are to be a receiver for
Europe, we mnst have a receiv
er's powers. But these arc powers
no nations will or can surrender
to ns. These are power which to
attempt to exercise la to Invite
International discord.
I know how the French felt In
Paris, when we opposed the Rhine
barrier; I know how the Italians
I- f . . ; Damer: i ano
Yri."" felt and acted over Flume: I
all of the same national policies and ;5?r the momentary wrath of the
considerations will appear at the ses- SrttiSfS!Sr
sions of the leaeue of nations which the German ah I ps se ited by the United
! were present at the Paris confer-
; ence. Nothing will be changed, save
, the scenery. If one may use that
all will be identical.
Thinking over these circum
stances during many months, I
have been led to the conclusion
that Isolation within certain
limits Is the only possible policy
for my country.
Moreover I am convinced that
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States would be keDt by us.
Justice In All Claim.
As an American I see the justice
oi uie Dritian view, roe irencn view,
the Polish view: I understand the
emotion of the Italian, hut it is not
less clear to me that there Is an
American view, that If America were
asked to remake the treaty in sock
fashion as to save Germany from
economic ruin, in the interest of
world stability, and. If America un
dertook the task, onr reDresenta.
tives woald have to demand equal
contributions from all. And it is
exactly this which the British do not
see, the French have only begun to
discover, and the Italian, having
found out. are protesting; against
wttn approximate violence.
One mlcht stlU feel that it was
American duty to Incur world
unpopularity, if In the end a
tolerable improvement weald be
made, but is there any such
hopef
We did not compel the French to
give up the Sarre or the Rhine
barrier; we only bought them off
with the promise of our military
aiuance. it was not territory tney
desired, but security, and indecouity:
we guaranted both and they agreed
to retire from the Khine and the
Sarre, if our guarantee proved suf
ficient. Jot bavins offered Italy
any aura pro Quo. the Italians nave
sot even promised to get out.
way ne com Do it.
Reluctantly, very reluctantly I
have reached the conclusion that the
United States cannot accept the re
sponsibility for world adjust mum:
that our country cannot safely for
itself or profitably for the world put
its momentary authority in the path
way of what other great nations re
gard as conditions essential to their
existence, to their security.
We cannot safely use our tem
porary financial strength to club
the leas fortunate into an ac
ceptance of a world order which
ire moat guarantee with ail of
our strength men and money
alike.
To attempt this is merely to under
take to do, for moral purposes, for
legitimate and unselfish ends, what
Germany sought to do. six Tears ago.
xrom ue basest ex motives, nameiy
to become the dominant world power.
Nor is there any nresent reason to
believe that, given the will to do only
good, we possess the prerequisite
grasp of European facta.
security in tne moutn or a rrencn
mu or an Italian to us has meant
Imperialism, yet from caesar to
kaiser the Rhine and the Alps have
been for Latin and Gallic peoples
the symbol of security, while Ameri
cans, like Englishmen, having been
blessed with security as a geog-
ranhical incident, nave Invariably
failed to recognise European desire
to acquire similar security as other
than evil passion.
Onr Limitations.
Isolated from European affairs we
can only be within limits, hence
forth.
The president has bees wMauy
criticised for refusing to accept the
reservations affecting article jl. out
it seems to me he was far more
lacrlcal than his osDonents. for he
had recognised, as most everyone in
Paris did. that on really Itfs grriLg
element la the league of nations was
the promise it contained of an
American return to Europe, with
nrmlM and with its financial re
sources. If any nation challenged the
principles embodied in the treaty and
expressed in terms of territorial ces
sions. Bat how can America safety un
dertake to guarantee any European
frontiers, some of which are just,
some palpably unjust? Guarantee
them, we must however, if we In
sist upon drawing them.
The difficulty with the league
of nations, na constructed at
Paris lies in the fact that Burope
saw lu It an old fashioned
alliance, which Included the
United States, and America saw
In It n voluntary association for
the Improvement of world eeadl-
. .Inns.
K Had the senate accepted the treaty
with its own reservations apveaaea.
vi should have been legally eaecapted
but morally and materially com
promised. Moreover, in adding the
Irish amendment, the senate gave
,clear evidence of exactly the sort
of controversy which may be expected
to follow closely upon the applica
tion of the treaty.
1 Certainly the TnKed State
'J has Just as much right to be
the Irish as, aay the Jens In
Itumanla, on behalf of whom ire
and the British demanded that
Ttumanla consent to drastle
limitations of her own national
i sovereignty. But actually this
t toneedes nn eunal right to the
British and to the Hnmsnlaas to
interfere on behalf of the Anteri
ran negro.
rhe simple truth semes to me to
be that In the matter of the league
of nations. Europe was talking and
thinking of one thing, the united
States of another and between the
two conceptions, there was a gulf
at least as wide ss the Atlantic
ocean.
Hurope Hope's to Wheedle Ua.
Pot. it Is maintained that Europe
Is willing to accept the treaty with
the senate's "reservations." The rea
son is, I think obvious. The success
European statesmen bad In wtsmiag
Mr. Wilson over to a considers bits
fraction of their views, has not un
naturally Inspired the hope that. In
practice, the same result weald fol
low all American participation In
European affairs. The resulting
situation would be that we should be
morally, not legally, committed, but
this would still be a long way from
absolute freedom of action.
In my judgment, if there !s to be
a league of nations, any form of as
sociation, we shall have to begin
over again and at the beginning, we
shall have to content ourselves with
a far more modest foundation and
proceed only so far as there is a com
mon agreement on both sides of the
Atlantic.
Had the league of nations come
into being now. with the United
States ns n partner, the result
would almost Inevitably have
been the formation of av rival
league of nations, with Germany
and Bnasla as the main factors,
with socialism in one form or
another as the basic principle
and events would have marched
swiftly toward another world
war between the two systems of
alliances. Copyrighted. 120. by
the McC.ure Newspaper Syndicate. ,
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