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Pullman herald. [volume] (Pullman, W.T. [Wash.]) 1888-1989, August 15, 1896, Image 4

Image and text provided by Washington State Library; Olympia, WA

Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn88085488/1896-08-15/ed-1/seq-4/

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Published at Pullman, Washington,every
Saturday morning, and entered at tli<"
Pullman postoffice as §econd class mail
ALLEN KROS. - - - Publishers
Wir.Fonp Allen, Editor.
crriciAi. citt T'^.x Bs=.-rz.
One year, in advance. - - .f-.00
Six months " - - - 1.00
Three ll ;" • - ;'°
All advertisements will be continuecland
charged for till ordered out.
Pa tnptisni, Protection
and Prosperity.
For President of the United States,
of Ohio.
For Vice-President,
of New Jersey.
Mi{. \'ii,as, in his speech regard
ing the Chicago platform, Baid: "It
proposes plunder, and makes rob
bery by law a doctrine of the dem
ocratic party."
I). X Tin.i said of the Chicago
platform: 'it means the recon
struction of the United States su
preme court, as a means to enforce
an unconstitutional income tax,
and such a proposition of itself is a
revolutionary step."
Thosk who vote for Bryan must
vote for the whole Chicago plat
form, including free trade, the at
tack on the supreme court and the
denial of the right of the federal
government to protect federal prop
erty when threatened by riots.
"Equal rights to all and special
privileges to none." arc axiom of
fr^e government with which all are
familiar and in which all are con
cerned; but the height of unlimited
assurance is reached when Mr.
Bryan urges the intelligent voters
to vete for the free coinage of the
product of the silver mine owner?
into double its commercial value.
If fifty-three cents worth of the sil
ver miner's product shall by an net
of the government be made a dol
lar, is that not a "special privilege?"
What equal rights are proposed by
Mr. Bryan, or by the platform on
which he stands, to the product of
any other industry? Why not an
"equal privilege" to some other, or
any other industry—fanning for
example? Mr. Bryan's position
on the face of it bears the stamp of
cheek, hypocracy and fra ud, through
which the farmer and laboring man
will readily see.
W. J. Bkyan made speeches
throughout Nebraska and [owafour
years ago for Cleveland and free
trade. The people of those states
and the whole United States wen
never more prosperous than they
were in 1892. Notwithstanding,
true to his demogogical nature as
an agitator. Mr. Bryan insisted that
they were suffering from the exac
tions of a high protective tarifl
and the only cure for the hard
times was free trade. The people
have had an opportunity during
the past four years to test the re
liability of Mr. Bryan as a prophet
Now since his free trade policy has
brought ruin to business and bank
ruptcy to the nation, he again
comes before the people and tells
them that this unhappy condition
was brought about by a law that
was passed in 1873, and the only
tiling that will offer a panacea for
the hard times and place us back
! to as good a condition as weenjoved
in 1892, is to vote for his own fishy
pelf and free silver. Bul when the
election in November is past Mr.
Bryan will probably wake up to
find tint his predictions have been
disregarded, and that the Ameri
can people desire no more demo
cratic prosperity.
The silver advocates declare that
the preseni financial strinegncy,
and in fact, all the ills from winch
the people now suffer, are caused
by the so-called demonetization of
Mlver in ls7-'>. If our condition is
not as good now as it was in 1873,
land of course they do not take in
consideration the twenty years of
■ prosperity that has been enjoyed
since that time, if our condition is
worse now than it was 2.) years ago
they say it is because silver was
demonetized in l^T-'l. and as a rem
edy \\<r these ills they demand the
remonetization of silver, that is,
that we shall throw open our mints
to the free and unlimited coinage
of the world's silver at a ratio of
16 to 1.
Without discussing the truth or
falsity of these statements here, we
will refer to the remonetization of
silver at a ratio of 16 to 1. Re
monetization might be accora
plisKed without loss or serious de
rangement, if the same conditions
existed now that existed in 1873,
but the value, the production and
other conditions that governed th<
ratio of 16 to 1 have now changed
In 1873, and for 100 years prioi
to that time, the natural ratio, thai
is. the annual output of the world*
mines, showed an average ratio o
the production of gold to silver at
about 16 to 1. The commercial oi
market value of the two minerals
through all these years maintained
an average ratio something very
near to the natural ratio of 16 to 1
During the past twenty years tin
greatly increased production of sil
ver has been constantly changing
th<' natural ratio between silvei
and gold, until now the ratio is
abcut 30 to 1.
The com nercial ratio of the twe
metals set jus to have been gov
erned largely by their relative pro
ductions, and at the present tim<
also shows a ratio of about 30 to 1
Now the free silverites disregan
these new conditions, and the con
ditions that have always governe<
the ratio between silver and gold
and propose to legislate a value t<
silver, and make it worth just at
much as it was worth in 1873. T<
do this they propose to make 1<
ounces of silver equal in value to 1
ounce of gold, when in the market;
of the world if requires 30 ounce?
ilver to be equal in value to 1
ounce of gold. The fact re
mains to the thoughtful voter thai
something cannot be made fron
nothing, that values cannot be leg
islated, but are fixed by supply anc
demand in the markets of th<
world, and no matter what law i.<
I passed declaring that f>:! cent*
worth of silver must be north at
much as a gold dollar, the silvei
dollar will continue to circulate
under the proposed conditions only
at its bullion value.
Dr. Price's Cream Baking Powder
Awarded Gold Medal Midwinter Fair. San Francisco.
Our friend, Gen. T. R. Tannatt,
has taken occasion in an open let
ter published in the Review of
August 11, to scold the republican
committee of Whitman county for
prescribim: the qualificationi of
voters at the coming primaries, but
fails, even remotely, to state what
qualifications would have met hie
lie asks two questions. First,
! '-What is republicanism 9"' Second,
'Who arc republicans?" We don't
know that he asks these questions
with the expectation of receiving an
answer, or simply as a ligtire of
speech to emphasize the inference
that both can only now be found in
the rants of Bryan and Altgeld.
However, he can easily find an
answer to his questions by refer
ring to Webster's Unabridged,
which defines republicanism as fol
lows: Ist, —A republican form or
system of government; 2d —At-
tachment to, or political sympathy
for a republican form of govern
ment: 3d — Tthe principles of the
republican party. A more elab
orate answer would require a re
cital of the history of the party.
In the sixties it implied, under
Lincoln, the preservation of the
Union. In the later sixties and
'early seventies it meant recon
struction In the later seventies it
meant protection to American in
dustries, and resumption of specie
payments, and so on through the
I history of the party it has meant
I justice and progress. Republican
ism, while controling the destinies
of the people, has been the synonym
of equality before the law. protec
tion to each and every man. and to
(Mich and every interest. Ami so
from time to time as new questions
have arisen, so has the party from
time to time enunciated its prin
ciples coneei ninir the vexing ques
tions of the day. through the
national conventions of the party
at which all parts of our country
are fairly represented by chosen
And now to briefly answer the
second question — "To be attached
to, or in sympathy with the prin
ciples of the republican party to
day." Not in the matter of minute
detail, but as a whole: not as to
each separate plank, but as to the
plank as an entirety.
Stating negatively, republican
ism is not voting {or Bryan and
Sewall or for Bryan and \\ atson
electors; it is not being in sym
pathy with and supporting the ad
vocates of free trade,of repudiation,
of anarchy, of revolution or of dis
The sure freedom of choice, as to
which party a man will attach him
self to and be associated with, be
longs to each voter and of course to
Gen. Tannatt. and he has no right
to scold, evidently he has chosen.
Neither age, position or assumed
dignity exempt any man from pos
sible folly, nor does a change of
opinion set the seal of absolute in
fallibility to the new opinion. Ben
edict Arnold charged from a pa
triot to a something else. Horace
Greeley made a life-long light as
whig, freesoiler and as republican
against democracy, and embraced
democracy after all. Many of his
friends charitably excused this in
consistency in making the change
by attributing it to dotage—the
failure of his intellectual powers—
po let us be charitable to those who
like the Genera] have met with bur
dens too groat for the. infirmities of
accumulated years.
The General asks. "Why should
a nian like Henry M. Teller hati>
the republican party?" Men ug
al.v hate thoso whom they have
wronged, and especially when th<>
wrong is coupled with ingratitude l
as in the case of Henry M. Teller
and many of hi« friends and asso
ciates. The republican party is
not preserving the Union today; it
did that when under Lincoln it
conquered armed rebellion but all
along the years it has promised to
the people the beet conditions for
prosperity that human wisdom
could devise, and all its promises
have been sacredly and faithfully
Philip 1). Armour, the packer,
has had printed notices distributed
among his 5,000 employees an
nouncing that for an American sil
ver dollar he will give them 50
cents' worth of meat and a Mexican
silver dollar in change. He also
has prepared a circular showing
the rates of wages, in prices of goods
for the working classes in Mexico,
as compared to what is received in
this country. A ready-made cloth
ing merchant has also hung out a
placard paying he will give for an
American dollar 50 cents' worth of
goods and a Mexican silver dollar
for change.
Neill& Bull,
Office in Webb Block.
"in free db Com an,
OHioon:— Rooms 7, 8 and 9, Pioneer bl'k,
Telephone No! 20.
J. L. Powell, M. D.
I Special attention given to Diseases
of the Eye. Eyes tested and
fitted with glass.
Office on Main St., Pullman, Wash
the Burlington Route's
New Short I.iii*' to the
East and South was op
ened for businef-s.
Duriti" these 1 montjtf
thousands of travelers
have patronized it and by
.so doing have not only
saved ' much valuable
time but have gained
-—_____ new ideas of bow ara»"
HMnTniMii! road should he run.
iiUjiUJRHfR Thcv have learned
HS(#^ among other things thai
Burlington train}! areji
wuvs on time; that tw-
Burlington's track is >»'■
comparably superior "
any other in the weWi
that the phrase Comfort)
Speed and Safety meani
something on the l™r
linKton. r
Omaha, Kansas City,
St. Louis, Chicago.
Write for information
about rates and trains-
-Bpokart 6) Wash.

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